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1.8. Of the ancient religion vsed in Albion. Cap. 9.

Of the ancient religion vsed in Albion. Cap. 9.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 _IT is not to be doubted, but at the first, and so long as the poste|ritie of Iaphet onelie reigned in this Iland,Samothes. that the true know|ledge and forme of religion brought in by Samothes , and published with his lawes in the second of his arriuall, was ex|ercised among the Britans. And although peraduen|ture in proces of time, either through curiositie, or neg|ligence (the onelie corruptors of true pietie and godli|nesse) it might a little decaie, yet when it was at the woorst, it farre excéeded the best of that which afterward came in with Albion and his Chemminites, as may be gathered by view of the superstitious rites, which Cham and his successours did plant in other countries, yet to be found in authors.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 What other learning Magus the sonne of Samothes taught after his fathers death, when he also came to the kingdome, beside this which concerned the true hono|ring of God, I cannot easilie say, but that it should be naturall philosophie, and astrologie (whereby his disci|ples gathered a kind of foreknowledge of things to come) the verie vse of the word Magus (or Magusaeus) among the Persians dooth yéeld no vncerteine testi|monie.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 In like maner,Sarron. it should seeme that Sarron sonne vn|to the said Magus, diligentlie followed the steps of his father, and thereto beside his owne practise of teaching, opened schooles of learning in sundrie places, both a|mong the Celts and Britans, whereby such as were his auditors, grew to be called Sarronides, notwithstand|ing, that as well the Sarronides as the Magi, and Drui|ydes, were generallie called Samothei, or Semno|thei, of Samothes Samothei. Semnothei. still among the Grecians, as Aristo|tle in his De magia dooth confesse; and furthermore call|ing them Galles, he addeth therevnto, that they first brought the knowledge of letters and good learning vnto the Gréekes.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 Druiyus Druiyus. the son of Sarron (as a scholer of his fathers owne teaching) séemed to be exquisit in all things, that perteined vnto the diuine and humane knowledge: and therefore I may safelie pronounce, that he excelled not onlie in the skill of philosophie and the quadriuials, but also in the true Theologie, whereby the right seruice of God was kept and preserued in puritie. He wrote moreouer sundrie precepts and rules of religi|ous doctrine, which among the Celts were reserued ve|rie religiouslie, and had in great estimation of such as sought vnto them.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 How and in what order this prince left the state of re|ligion,Corruptors of religion. I meane touching publike orders in admini|stration of particular rites and ceremonies, as yet I doo not read: howbeit this is most certeine, that after he died, the puritie of his doctrine began somewhat to de|caie. For such is mans nature, that it will not suffer any good thing long to remaine as it is left, but (either by addition or subtraction of this or that, to or from the same) so to chop and change withall from time to time, that in the end there is nothing of more difficultie, for such as doo come after them, than to find out the puritie of the originall, and restore the same againe vnto the former perfection.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 In the beginning this Druiyus did preach vnto his hearers, Caesar. that the soule of man is immortall, that God is omnipotent, mercifull as a father in shewing fauor vnto the godlie, and iust as an vpright iudge in punish|ing the wicked; that the secrets of mans hart are not vnknowne, and onelie knowne to him; and that as EEBO page image 20 the world and all that is therein had their beginning by him, at his owne will, so shall all things likewise haue an end, Strabo. li. 4. Socion. lib. success. when he shall see his time. He taught them also with more facilitie, Cicero di|uinat. 1. how to obserue the courses of the heauens and motions of the planets by arithmeticall industrie, to find out the true quantities of the celestiall bodies by geometricall demonstration, and thereto the compasse of the earth, and hidden natures of things contained in the same by philosophicall contemplation. But alas, this integritte continued not long among his successors, for vnto the immortalitie of the soule, they added, that after death it went into another bodie, (of which translation Ouid saith;

Morte carent animae, sempérque priore relicta
Sede, nouis domibus viuunt habitántque receptae.)
The second or succedent, being alwaies either more noble, or more vile than the former, as the partie deser|ued by his merits, whilest he liued here vpon earth. And therefore it is said by Plato and other, that Orpheus after his death had his soule thrust into the bodie of a swanne, that of Agamemnon conueied into an egle, of Aiax into a lion, of Atlas into a certeine wrest|ler, of Thersites into an ape, of Deiphobus into Py|thagoras , and Empedocles dieng a child, after sundrie changes into a man, whereof he himselfe saith;
Ipse ego nám fui puer olim, deinde puella,
Arbustum & volucris, mutus quó in aequore piscis.
For said they (of whom Pythagoras also had, Plinius. lib. 16. cap. vlti|mo. and taught this errour) if the soule apperteined at the first to a king, and he in this estate did not leade his life worthie his calling,Metempsu|chôssis. it should after his decease be shut vp in the bo|die of a slaue, begger, cocke, owle, dog, ape, horsse, asse, worme, or monster, there to remaine as in a place of purgation and punishment, for a certeine period of time. Beside this, it should peraduenture susteine often translation from one bodie vnto another, according to the quantitie and qualitie of his dooings here on earth, till it should finallie be purified, and restored againe to an other humane bodie, wherein if it behaued it selfe more orderlie than at the first: after the next death, it should be preferred, either to the bodie of a king againe, or other great estate. And thus they made a perpetuall circulation or reuolution of our soules, much like vnto the continuall motion of the heauens, which neuer stand still, nor long yeeld one representation and figure. For this cause also, as Diodorus saith, they vsed to cast cer|teine letters into the fire, wherein the dead were bur|ned, to be deliuered vnto their deceased fréends, where|by they might vnderstand of the estate of such as tra|uelled here on earth in their purgations (as the Mos|couits doo write vnto S. Nicholas to be a speach-man for him that is buried, in whose hand they bind a letter, and send him with a new paire of shooes on his féet in|to the graue) and to the end that after their next death they should deale with them accordinglie, and as their merits required. They brought in also the worshipping of manie gods, and their seuerall sacrifices: they ho|noured likewise the oke,Oke hono|red whereon mistle did grow, and so doo our sor|cerers euen to this daie thinking some spirits to deale a|bout ye same, for hidden treasure, whereon the mistle groweth, and dailie deuised infinit other toies (for errour is ne|uer assured of hir owne dooings) whereof neither Sa|mothes, nor Sarron, Magus, nor Druiyus did leaue them anie prescription.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 These things are partlie touched by Cicero, Strabo, Plinie, Sotion, Laertius, Theophrast, Aristotle, and part|lie also by Caesar, Mela, Val. Max. lib. 2. and other authors of later time, who for the most part doo confesse, that the cheefe schoole of the Druiydes was holden here in Bri|taine, where that religion (saith Plinie) was so hotlie professed and followed, Vt dedisse Persis videri possit, lib. 30. cap. 1. and whither the Druiydes also themselues, that dwelt among the Galles, would often resort to come by the more skill, and sure vnderstanding of the myste|ries of that doctrine. And as the Galles receiued their religion from the Britons, so we likewise had from them some vse of Logike & Rhetorike,Logike and Rhetorike out of Gal|lia. such as it was which our lawiers practised in their plees and common causes. For although the Gréeks were not vnknowne vnto vs, nor we to them, euen from the verie com|ming of Brute, yet by reason of distance betwéene our countries, we had no great familiaritie and common accesse one vnto another, till the time of Gurguntius, after whose entrance manie of that nation trauelled hither in more securitie, as diuers of our countriemen did vnto them without all danger, to be offered vp in sacrifice to their gods. That we had the maner of our plees also out of France, Iuuenal is a witnesse, who saith;

Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos.
Howbeit as they taught vs Logike and Rhetorike, so we had also some Sophistrie from them; but in the worst sense: for from France is all kind of forgerie, corruption of maners, and craftie behauiour not so soone as often transported into England. And albeit the Druiydes were thus honored and of so great au|thoritie in Britaine, yet were there great numbers of them also in the Iles of Wight, Anglesey, and the Or|chades, in which they held open schooles of their professi|on, aloofe as it were from the resort of people, where|in they studied and learned their songs by heart. How|beit the cheefe college of all I say, remained still in Al|bion, whither the Druiydes of other nations also (beside the Galles) would of custome repaire, when soeuer any controuersie among them in matters of religion did happen to be mooued. At such times also the rest were called out of the former Ilands, whereby it appeareth that in such cases they had their synods and publike meetings, and therevnto it grew finallie into custome, and after that a prouerbe, euen in variances falling out among the princes, great men, and common sorts of people liuing in these weast parts of Europe, to yeeld to be tried by Britaine and hir thrée Ilands, bicause they honoured hir préests (the Druiydes) as the Athe|niens did their Areopagites.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 Furthermore,Estimation of the Dru|iydes or Druiysh preests. in Britaine, and among the Galles, and to say the truth, generallie in all places where the Druiysh religion was frequented, such was the estima|tion of the préests of this profession, that there was lit|tle or nothing doone without their skilfull aduise, no not in ciuill causes, perteining to the regiment of the com|mon-wealth and countrie. They had the charge also of all sacrifices, publike and priuate, they interpreted o|racles, preached of religion, and were neuer without great numbers of young men that heard them with diligence, as they taught from time to time.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 Touching their persons also, they were exempt from all temporall seruices,Immunitie of the clear|gie greater vnder ido|latrie than vnder the gospell. impositions, tributes, and exer|cises of the wars: which immunitie caused the greater companies of scholers to flocke vnto them from all places, & to learne their trades. Of these likewise, some remained with them seuen, eight, ten, or twelue years, still learning the secrets of those vnwritten mysteries by heart, which were to be had amongst them, and com|monlie pronounced in verse. And this policie, as I take it, they vsed onelie to preserue their religion from contempt, whereinto it might easilie haue fallen, if any books thereof had happened into the hands of the com|mon sort. It helped also not a little in the exercise of their memories, wherevnto bookes are vtter enimies, insomuch as he that was skilfull in the Druiysh religi|on, would not let readilie to rehearse manie hundreds of verses togither, and not to faile in one tittle, in the whole processe of this his laborious repetition. But as they dealt in this order for matters of their religion, so in ciuill affairs, historicall treatises, and setting downe of lawes, they vsed like order and letters almost with the Grecians. Whereby it is easie to be séene, that they reteined this kind of writing from Druiyus (the origi|nall founder of their religion) and that this Iland hath EEBO page image 21 not béene void of letters and learned men, euen sith it was first inhabited. I would ad some thing in parti|cular also of their apparell, but sith the dealing withall is nothing profitable to the reader, I passe it ouer, signi|fieng neuerthelesse, that it was distinguished by sun|drie dauises from that of the common sort, and of such estimation among the people, that whosoeuer ware the Druiysh weed, might walke where he would without any harme or annoiance. This honour was giuen also vnto the préests in Rome, insomuch that when Volusius was exiled by the Triumuirate, and saw himselfe in such danger, as that he could not escape the hardest, he gat the wéed of a preest vpon his backe, and begged his almes therein, euen in the high waies as he trauelled, and so escaped the danger and the furie of his aduersa|ries: but to proceed with other things.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 2 After the death of Druiyus,Bardus. Bardus his sonne, and fift king of the Celts, succéeded not onelie ouer the said kingdome, but also in his fathers vertues, whereby it is verie likelie, that the winding and wrapping vp of the said religion, after the afore remembred sort into verse, was first deuised by him, for he was an excellent poet, and no lesse indued with a singular skill in the practise and speculation of musicke, of which two many suppose him to be the verie author and beginner, although vn|iustlie, sith both poetrie and song were in vse before the flood,Gen. 4. 21. as was also the harpe and pipe, which Iubal in|uented, and could neuer be performed without great skill in musicke. But to procéed, as the cheefe estimation of the Druiydes remained in the end among the Bri|tons onelie, for their knowledge in religion, so did the fame of the Bardes (which were so called of this Bardus for their excellent skill in musicke, poetrie, and the he|roicall kind of song, which at the first conteined onelie the high mysteries and secret points of their religion. There was little difference also betwéene them and the Druiydes, The Bards degenerate. till they so farre degenerated from their first institution, that they became to be minstrels at feasts, droonken meetings, and abhominable sacrifices of the idols: where they sang most commonlie no diuinitie as before, but the puissant acts of valiant princes, and fabulous narrations of the adulteries of the gods. Certes in my time this fond vsage, and thereto the ve|rie name of the Bardes, are not yet extinguished a|mong the Britons of Wales, where they call their po|ets and Musicians Barthes, as they doo also in Ireland: which Sulpitius also writing to Lucane remembreth, where he saith that the word Bardus is meere Celtike, and signifieth a singer. Howbeit the Romans iudging all nations beside themselues to be but rude and bar|barous, and thereto misliking vtterlie the rough mu|sicke of the Bardes, entred so farre into the contemptu|ous mockage of their melodie, that they ascribed the word Bardus vnto their fooles and idiots, whereas con|trariwise the Scythians and such as dwell within the northweast part of Europe, did vse the same word in ve|rie honourable maner, calling their best poets and he|roicall singers, Singebardos; their couragious singers and capiteins that delited in musicke, Albardos, Da|gobardos, Rodtbardos, & one lame musician Lambard aboue all other, of whose skilfull ditties Germanie is not vnfurnished, as I heare vnto this daie. In Quiz|queia or new Spaine, an Iland of the Indies, they call such men Boitios, their rimes Arcitos, and in steed of harps they sing vnto timbrels made of shels such son|nets and ditties as either perteine vnto religion, pro|phane loue, commendation of ancestrie, and inflam|mation of the mind vnto Mars, whereby there appeareth to be small difference betwéene their Boitios and our Bardes. Finallie of our sort, Lucane in his first booke writeth thus, among other like saiengs well toward the latter end;

Vos quó qui fortes animas,Lucan. li. 1. bello peremptas
Laudibus in longum vates dimit titis auum,
Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi,
Et vos barbaricos ritus, morémque sinistrum
Sacrorum Druiydae, positis recepistis ab armis.
Solis nosse Deos, & coeli numina vobis,
Aut solis nescire datum: nemora alta remotis
Incolitis lucis. Vobis authoribus, vmbrae
Non tacitas Erebi sedes, Ditisque profundi
Pallida regna petunt, regit idem spiritus artus
Orbe alio Longae canitis si cognita, vitae
Morsmedia est, certe populi, quos despicit arctos,
Foelices errore suo, quos ille timorum
Maximus haud vrget leti metus: inde ruendi
In ferrum mens prona viris, animaeque capaces
Mortis: & ignauum est rediturae parcere vitae.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 2 Thus we sée as in a glasse the state of religion, for a time, after the first inhabitation of this Iland: but how long it continued in such soundnese, as the originall authors left it, in good sooth I cannot say, yet this is most certeine, that after a time, when Albion arriued here, the religion earst imbraced fell into great decaie. For whereas Iaphet & Samothes with their children taught nothing else than such doctrine as they had learned of Noah: Cham the great grandfather of this our Albion, and his disciples vtterlie renouncing to follow their steps, gaue their minds wholie to seduce and lead their hearers headlong vnto all error. Whereby his posteri|tie not onelie corrupted this our Iland, with most fil|thie trades and practises; but also all mankind, general|lie where they became, with vicious life, and most vn|godlie conuersation.What doc|trine Cham and his dis|ciples taught. For from Cham and his succes|sours procéeded at the first all sorcerie, witchcraft, and the execution of vnlawfull lust, without respect of sex, age, consanguinitie, or kind: as branches from an odi|ous and abhominable root, or streames deriued from a most filthie and horrible stinking puddle. Howbeit, & notwithstanding all these his manifold lewdnesses, such was the follie of his Aegyptians (where he first reig|ned and taught) that whilest he liued they alone had him in great estimation (whereas other nations contem|ned and abhorred him for his wickednesse, calling him Chemesenua, Cheme|senua. Chem Min. Cham made a god. that is, the impudent, infamous and wic|ked Cham) and not onelie builded a citie vnto him which they called Chem Min, but also after his death re|puted him for a god, calling the highest of the seuen planets after his name, as they did the next beneath it after Osyris his sonne, whom they likewise honored vn|der the name of Iupiter.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 Certes it was a custome begonne in Aegypt of old time,Translation of mortall men into heauen how it be|gan. and generallie in vse almost in euerie place in processe of time (when any of their famous worthie princes died) to ascribe some forme or other of the stars vnto his person, to the end his name might neuer weare out of memorie. And this they called their trans|lation in heauen, so that he which had any starres or forme of starres dedicated vnto him, was properlie said to haue a seat among the gods. A toie much like to the catalog of Romish saints, (although the one was written in the celestiall or immateriall orbes, the other in sheeps skins, and verie brickle paper) but yet so estée|med, that euerie prince would oft hazard and attempt the vttermost aduentures, thereby to win such fame in his life, that after his death he might by merit haue such place in heauen, among the shining starres. Howbeit, euerie of those that were called gods, could not obteine that benefit, for then should there not haue béene stars enow in heauen to haue serued all their turnes, wher|fore another place was in time imagined, Cyril. aduer|sus Iul. lib. 6. sect. 8 . where they reigned that were of a second calling, as the Semones who were gods by grace and fauour of the people. Semo|nes dici voluerunt (saith Fulgentius In vocibus antiquis ) quos coelo nec dignos ascriberent, ob meriti paupertatem; sicut Priapus Hyppo. Vortumnus, &c. nec terrenos eos deputare vellent per gratiae venerationem, as also a third place that is to say an earth, where those gods dwelled which were noble men, EEBO page image 22 officers, good gouernours and lawgiuers to the people, and yet not thought worthie to be of the second or first companie, which was a iollie diuision.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 2 3 Thus we sée in generall maner, how idolatrie, ho|noring of the starres, and brood of inferiour gods were hatched at the first, which follies in processe of time came also into Britaine, as did the names of Saturne & Iupiter, &c: as shall appeare hereafter. And here sith I haue alreadie somewhat digressed from my matter, I will go yet a little farder, and shew foorth the originall vse of the word Saturne, Iupiter, Hercules, &c: whereby your Honor shall sée a little more into the errours of the Gentils, and not onelie that, but one point also of the root of all the confusion that is to be found among the ancient histories.Which were pro|perlie cal|led, Saturni, Ioues, Iuno|nes, and Her|cules. Certes it was vsed for a few yéeres after the partition of the earth (which was made by Noah, in the 133. yeere after the floud) that the beginners of such kingdoms as were then erected should be called Saturni , whereby it came to passe that Nimbrote was the Saturne of Babylon: Cham of Aegypt: and so foorth other of sundrie other countries. Their eldest sonnes also that succeeded them, were cal|led Ioues; and their nephewes or sonnes sonnes, which reigned in the third place Hercules, by which meanes it followed that euerie kingdome had a Saturne, Iupiter and Hercules of hir owne, and not from anie other.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 In like sort they had such another order among their daughters, whom they married as yet commonlie vnto their brethren (God himselfe permitting the same vnto them for a time) as before the floud, to the end the earth might be thoroughlie replenished, and the sooner furni|shed with inhabitants in euerie part thereof. The sister therefore and wife of euerie Saturne was called Rhea, but of Iupiter, Iuno, Isis, or Io. Isis, Io, and Iuno all one. Beyond these also there was no latter Harold that would indeuour to deriue the petigree of any prince, or potentate, but supposed his dutie to be sufficientlie performed, when he had brought it orderlie vnto some Saturne or other, wherat he might cease, and shut vp all his trauell. They had likewise this opinion grounded amongst them, that heauen & earth were onlie parents vnto Saturne and Rhea, not know|ing out of doubt, what they themselues did meane,Coelum or Coelus. sith these denominations, Heauen, Ogyges,Ogyges. the Sunne,Sol. Pa|terPater deo|rum. Deorum, and such like, were onelie ascribed vnto Noah: asTydea. Terra,Terra. (the Earth) Vesta,Vesta. Aretia,Aretia. the Moone, Luna. Mater deorum, Deorum mater. and other the like were vnto Tydea his wife. So that hereby we sée, how Saturne is reputed in euerie nation for their oldest god, or first prince, Iupiter for the next, and Hercules for the third. And therfore sith these names were dispersed in the beginning ouer all, it is no maruell that there is such confusion in ancient histories, and the dooings of one of them so mixed with those of another, that it is now impossible to distinguish them in sunder. This haue I spoken, to the end that all men may see what gods the Pagans honored, & thereby what religion the posteritie of Cham did bring ouer in|to Britaine. For vntill their comming, it is not likelie that anie grosse idolatrie or superstition did enter in among vs, as deifieng of mortall men, honoring of the starres, and erection of huge images, beside sorce|rie, witchcraft, and such like, whereof the Chemminites are worthilie called the autors. Neither were these er|rors anie thing amended,Frõ whence Brute did learne his religion. by the comming in of Brute, who no doubt added such deuises vnto the same, as he and his companie had learned before in Graecia, from whence also he brought Helenus the sonne of Priamus, (a man of excéeding age) & made him his préest and bi|shop thorough out the new conquest, that he had atchie|ued in Britaine.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 After Brute, idolatrie and superstition still increa|sed more and more among vs, insomuch that beside the Druiysh and Bardike ceremonies, and those also that came in with Albion and Brute himselfe: our countrie|men either brought hither from abroad, or dailie inuen|ted at home new religion and rites, whereby it came to passe that in the stead of the onelie and immortall God (of whome Samothes and his posteritie did preach in times past) Dis or Samo|thes made a god. now they honored the said Samothes him|selfe vnder the name of Dis and Saturne: also Iupiter, Mars, Minerua, Mercurie, Apollo, Diana; and finallie Hercules, vnto whome they dedicated the gates and porches of their temples, entrances into their regi|ons, cities, townes and houses, with their limits and bounds (as the papists did the gates of their cities and ports vnto Botulph & Giles ) bicause fortitude and wise|dome are the cheefe vpholders and bearers vp of com|mon-wealths and kingdoms, both which they ascribed to Hercules (forgetting God) and diuers other idols whose names I now remember not. Mela. In lieu more|ouer of sheepe and oxen, Diodorus . they offred mankind also vnto some of them, Strab. 4 . killing their offendors, Plin. prisoners, and oft such strangers as came from farre vnto them, Caesar. 5. by shut|ting vp great numbers of them togither in huge ima|ges made of wicker, réed, haie, or other light matter: and then setting all on fire togither, they not onelie con|sumed the miserable creatures of ashes (sometimes adding other beasts vnto them) but also reputed it to be the most acceptable sacrifice that could be made vnto their idols. From whence they had this horrible custome, trulie I cannot tell, but that it was common to most nations, not onlie to consume their strangers, captiues, &c; but also their owne children with fire, in such maner of sacrifice: beside the text of the Bible, the prophane histories doo generallie leaue it euident, as a thing either of custome or of particular necessitie, of which later Virgil saith;

Sanguine placastis ventos & virgine caesa, &c.
As Silius dooth of the first, where he telleth of the vsuall maner of the Carthaginenses, saieng after this maner;
Vrna reducebat miserandos annua casus, &c.
But to procéed with our owne gods and idols, more pertinent to my purpose than the rehersall of forreine demeanours: I find that huge temples in like sort were builded vnto them, so that in the time of Lucius, when the light of saluation began stronglie to shine in Britaine, thorough the preaching of the gospell, the chri|stians discouered 25. Ptol. Lu|censis. Flamines or idol-churches, beside three Archflamines, whose préests were then as our Archbishops are now, in that they had superior charge of all the rest, the other being reputed as inferiours, and subiect to their iurisdiction in cases of religion, and superstitious ceremonies.

Of the quantities of their idols I speake not,Monstrous proportions of idols. sith it is inough to saie, that they were monstrous, and that each nation contended which should honour the greater blocks, and yet all pretending to haue the iust height of the god or goddesse whom they did represent. Apollo Capitolinus that stood at Rome, was thirtie cubits high at the least; Tarentinus Iupiter of 40.; the idoll of the sonne in the Rhodes, of 70. (whose toe few men could fadam;) Tuscanus Apollo that stood in the librarie of the temple of Augustus, of 50. foot; another made vnder Nero of 110. foot; but one in France passed all, which Zenoduris made vnto Mercurie at Ar|uernum in ten years space, of 400. foot Wherby it appea|reth, that as they were void of moderation in number of gods, so without measure were they also in their pro|portions, and happie was he which might haue the grea|test idoll, and lay most cost thereon.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 Hitherto yee haue heard of the time,Theodoret. Sophroni|us. wherein idola|trie reigned and blinded the harts of such as dwelled in this Iland. Now let vs sée the successe of the gospell, af|ter the death and passion of Iesus Christ our sauiour. And euen here would I begin with an allegation of Theodoret , wherevpon some repose great assurance (conceiuing yet more hope therein by the words of So|phronius ) that Paule the Apostle should preach the word of saluation here, after his deliuerie out of capti|uitie, EEBO page image 23 which fell as I doo read in the 57. of Christ. But sith I cannot verifie the same by the words of Theodo|ret, to be spoken more of Paule than Peter, or the rest, I will passe ouer this coniecture (so far as it is grounded vpon Theodoret) and deale with other authorities, whereof we haue more certeintie. First of all therfore let vs see what Fortunatus hath written of Pauls com|ming into Britaine, and afterward what is to be found of other by-writers in other points of more assurance. Certes for the presence of Paule I read thus much:

Quid sacer ille simul Paulus tuba gentibus ampla,
Per mare per terras Christi praeconia fundens,
Europam & Asiam, Lybiam, sale dogmata complens,
Arctos, meridies, hic plenus vesper & ortus,
Transit & Oceanum, vel qua facit insula portum,
Quás Britannus habet terras atque vltima Thule, &c.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 That one Iosephus preached here in England, in the time of the Apostles, his sepulchre yet in Aualon, now called Glessenburg or Glastenburie,Iosephus. an epitaph affix|ed therevnto is proofe sufficient. Howbeit, sith these things are not of competent force to persuade all men, I will ad in few, what I haue read elsewhere of his arri|uall here. First of all therefore you shall note that he came ouer into Britaine, about the 64. after Christ, when the persecution began vnder Nero, at which time Philip and diuers of the godlie being in France (whe|ther he came with other christians, after they had sow|ed the word of God in Scythia, by the space of 9. yeares) seuered themselues in sunder, to make the better shift for their owne safegard, and yet not otherwise than by their flight, the gospell might haue due furtherance. Hereby then it came to passe, Philip. Freculphus To. 2. lib. 2. cap. 4. Nennius . Nicepho|rus lib. 2. cap. 40 . that the said Philip vpon good deliberation did send Iosephus ouer, and with him Simon Zelotes to preach vnto the Britons, and mini|ster the sacraments there according to the rites of the churches of Asia and Greece, from whence they came not long before vnto the countrie of the Galles. Which was saith Malmesburie 103. before Faganus and Di|naw did set foorth the gospell amongst them. Isidorus lib. de vita & obit. dict. patrum . W. Malmes. de antiq. Glasconici monast. Of the cõ|ming of Zelotes you may read more in the second booke of Niceph. Cal. where he writeth thereof in this maner: Operae pretium etiam fuerit Simonem Cana Galileae or|tum, qui propter flagrantem in magistrum suum ardorem, sum|mám euangelicae rei per omnia curam Zelotes cognominatus est hîc referre, accepit enim is coelitùs adueniente spiritu sancto, Ae|gyptium Cyrenem & Africam, deinde Mauritaniam & Ly|biam omnem euangelium depraedicans percurrit, eandémque do|ctrinam etiam ad occidentalem Oceanum insulásque Britanni|cas perfert. And this is the effect in a litle roome, of that which I haue read at large in sundrie writers, beside these two here alledged, although it may well be gathe|red that diuers Britains were conuerted to the faith, before this sixtie foure of Christ. Howbeit, whereas some write that they liued, and dwelled in Britaine, it cannot as yet take any absolute hold in my iudge|ment, but rather that they were baptised and remai|ned, either in Rome, or else-where. And of this sort I suppose Claudia Rufina the wife of Pudens to be one, Claudia Ru|fina a Bri|tish ladie. who was a British ladie indeed, and not onelie excel|lentlie séene in the Gréeke and Latine toongs, but also with hir husband highlie commended by S. Paule, as one hauing had conuersation and conference with them at Rome,2. Tim. 4. from whence he did write his second epistle vnto Timothie, as I read. Of this ladie moreo|uer Martial speaketh, in reioising that his poesies were read also in Britaine, and onelie by hir meanes, who vsed to cull out the finest & honestest of his epigrams and send them to hir fréends for tokens, saieng after this maner, as himselfe dooth set it downe:

Dicitur & nostros cantare Britannia versus .
Furthermore making mention of hir and hir issue, he addeth these words:
Claudia coeruleis cùm sit Rufina Britannis
Edita, cur Latiae pectora plebis habet?Li. 11. Epig. 54.
Quale decus formae? Romanam credere matres
Italides possunt, Atthides esse suam.
Dij bene, quod sancto peperit faecunda marito,
Quot sperat, generos, quótque puella nurus.
Sic placeat superis, vt coniuge gaudeat vno,
Et semper natis gaudeat illa tribus.
The names of hir thrée children were Pudentiana, Praxedes, both virgins, and Nouatus, who after the death of Pudens their father (which befell him in Cap|padocia) dwelled with their mother in Vmbria, where they ceased not from time to time to minister vnto the saints. But to leaue this impertinent discourse, and proceed with my purpose.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 I find in the Chronicles of Burton (vnder the yeare of Grace 141. and time of Hadrian the emperour) that nine scholers or clerkes of Grantha or Granta (now Cambridge) were baptised in Britaine, and became preachers of the gospell there, but whether Taurinus bi|shop or elder ouer the congregation at Yorke (who as Vincentius saith, was executed about this tune for his faith) were one of them or not,Lib. 10. cap. 17. Taurinus. as yet I do not certeinlie find; but rather the contrarie, which is that he was no Britaine at all, but Episcopus Ebroicensis, for which such as perceiue not the easie corruption of the word, may soone write Eboracensis, as certeinlie mine author out of whom I alledge this authoritie hath done before me. For Vincentius saith flat otherwise, and therefore the Chronologie if it speake of anie Taurinus bishop of Yorke is to be reformed in that behalfe. Diuers other also imbraced the religion of Christ verie zealouslie before these men. Howbeit, all this notwithstand|ing, the glad tidings of the gospell had neuer free and open passage here, vntill the time of Lucius, in which the verie enimies of the word became the appa|rent meanes (contrarie to their owne minds) to haue it set foorth amongst vs. For when Antoninus the empe|rour had giuen out a decrée, that the Druiysh religion should euerie where be abolished, Lucius the king (whose surname is now perished) tooke aduise of his councell what was best to be doone, & wrote in this behalfe. And this did Lucius, bicause he knew itThis is contrarie to the common talke of our Atheists who say, Let vs liue here in wealth, credit and authoritie vpon earth, and let God take heauen and his reli|gion to him|selfe to doo withall what he listeth. impossible for man to liue long without any religion at all: finallie finding his Nobilitie & subiects vtter enimies to the Romane deuotiõ (for that they made so many gods as they listed, & some to haue the regiment euen of their dirt & dung) and thervnto being pricked forwards by such christians as were conuersant about him, to choose the seruice of the true God that liueth for euer, rather than the slauish seruitude of any pagan idoll: he fullie resolued with himselfe in the end, to receiue and imbrace the gospell of Christ. He sent also two of his best learned and grea|test philosophers to Rome, vnto Eleutherus then bishop there in the 177. of Christ, Lucius ope|neth his ears to good counsell, as one desirous to serue God & not prefer the world. not to promise any subiecti|on to his sea, which then was not required, but to say with such as were pricked in mind, Acts. 2. verse. 37. Quid faciemus viri fratres? I meane that they were sent to be perfectlie instructed, and with farther commission, to make earnest request vnto him and the congregation there, that a competent number of preachers might be sent ouer from thence, by whose diligent aduise and tra|uell, the foundation of the gospell might surelie be laid ouer all the portion of the Ile, which conteined his king|dome, according to his mind.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 When Eleutherus vnderstood these things,The pur|pose of Luci|us opened vnto the con|gregation at Rome by E|leutherus. he reioiced not a little for the great goodnesse, which the Lord had shewed vpon this our Ile and countrie. Afterwards calling the brethren togither, they agréed to ordeine, euen those two for bishops, whom Lucius as you haue heard, had directed ouer vnto them. Finallie after they had thoroughlie catechized them, making generall praier vnto God and earnest supplication for the good successe of these men, they sent them home againe with no small charge, that they should be diligent in their function, and carefull ouer the flocke committed to their EEBO page image 24 custodie.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 The first of these was called Eluanus Aualonius , a man borne in the Ile of Aualon, and brought vp there vnder those godlie pastours and their disciples, whom Philip sent ouer at the first for the conuersion of the Britons. The other hight Medguinus, and was there|to surnamed Belga, bicause he was of the towne of Welles, which then was called Belga. This man was trained vp also in one schoole with Eluanus, both of them being ornaments to their horie ages, and men of such grauitie and godlinesse, that Eleutherus supposed none more worthie to support this charge, than they: after whose comming home also, it was not long yer Lucius and all his houshold with diuers of the Nobilitie were baptised,A zealous prince ma|keth feruent subiects. beside infinit numbers of the common people, which dailie resorted vnto them, and voluntarilie re|nounced all their idolatrie and paganisme.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 In the meane time, Eleutherus vnderstanding the successe of these learned doctours, and supposing with himselfe, that they two onlie could not suffice to support so great a charge as should concerne the conuersion of the whole Iland; he directed ouer vnto them in the yeare insuing Faganus, Faganus. Dinaw (or Dinauus)Dinauus. Aaron, Aaron. and diuerse other godlie preachers, as fellow-labourers to trauell with them in the vineyard of the Lord. These men therefore after their comming hither, Radulphus de la noir alias Niger. consulted with the other, and foorthwith wholie consented to make a diuision of this Iland amongst themselues, appoin|ting what parcell each preacher should take,3. Cheefe Bishops in Britaine. that with the more profit and eass of the people, and somewhat lesse trauell also for themselues, the doctrine of the Gospell might be preached and receiued. In this distri|bution, they ordeined that there should be one congre|gation at London,Theonus. Theodosius London. Yorke. Caerlheon. where they placed Theonus as chéefe elder and bishop, for that present time, worthi|lie called Theonus. 1. for there was another of that name who fled into Wales with Thadiocus of Yorke, at the first comming of the Saxons; and also Guthel|mus, who went (as I read) into Armorica, there to craue aid against the Scots and Uandals that plagued this Ile, from the Twede vnto the Humber. After this Theonus also Eluanus succéeded, who conuerted manie of the Druiydes, and builded the first librarie neere vnto the bishops palace. The said Lucius also placed an|other at Yorke, whither they appointed Theodosius: and the third at Caerlheon vpon the riuer Uske, builded sometimes by Belinus , and called Glamorgan|tia, but now Chester (in which three cities there had be|fore time beene thrée Archflamines erected vnto Apol|lo, Mars, and Minerua, but now raced to the ground, and three other churches builded in their steeds by Lucius) to the end that the countries round about might haue indifferent accesse vnto those places, and therewithall vnderstand for certeintie, whither to resort for resoluti|on, if after their conuersion they should happen to doubt of any thing. In like sort also the rest of the idoll-tem|ples standing in other places were either ouerthrowne, or conuerted into churches for christian congregati|ons to assemble in, as our writers doo remember. In the report whereof giue me leaue gentle reader, of London my natiue citie to speake a little: for al|though it may and dooth seeme impertinent to my purpose, yet it shall not be much, and therefore I will soone make an end. There is a controuersie moued a|mong our historiographers, whether the church that Lu|cius builded at London stood at Westminster, or in Cornehill . For there is some cause, why the metropoli|tane church should be thought to stand where S. Pe|ters now doth, by the space of 400. & yéeres before it was remoued to Canturburie by Austine the monke, if a man should leane to one side without anie confe|rence of the asseuerations of the other. But herin (as I take it) there lurketh some scruple, for beside that S. Peters church stood in the east end of the citie, and that of Apollo in the west, the word Cornehill (a denomina|tion giuen of late to speake of to one street) may easi|lie be mistaken for Thorney. For as the word Thorney proceedeth from the Saxons, who called the west end of the citie by that name, where Westminster now stan|deth, bicause of the wildnesse and bushinesse of the soile; so I doo not read of anie stréete in London called Cornehill before the conquest of the Normans. Wher|fore I hold with them, which make Westminster to be the place where Lucius builded his church vpon the ruines of that Flamine 264. yeeres, as Malmesburie saith, before the comming of the Saxons, and 411. be|fore the arriuall of Augustine. Read also his appendix in lib. 4. Pontif. where he noteth the time of the Saxons, in the 449. of Grace, and of Augustine in the 596. of Christ; which is a manifest accompt, though some copies haue 499. for the one, but not without manifest cor|ruption and error.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 Thus became Britaine the first prouince that ge|nerallie receiued the faith,Britaine the first pro|uince that receiued the Gospell ge|nerallie. and where the gospell was freelie preached without inhibition of hir prince. How|beit, although that Lucius and his princes and great numbers of his people imbraced the word with gréedi|nesse, yet was not the successe thereof either so vniuer|sall, that all men beleeued at the first; the securitie so great, as that no persecution was to be feared from the Romane empire after his decease; or the procéeding of the king so seuere, as that he inforced any man by publike authoritie to forsake and relinquish his paga|nisme: but onelie this fréedome was enioied, that who so would become a christian in his time, might without feare of his lawes professe the Gospell, in whose testi|monie, if néed had béene, I doubt not to affirme, but that he would haue shed also his bloud, as did his neece Emerita , Emerita neece vnto Lucius. who being constant aboue the common sort of women, refused not after his decease by fire, to yeeld hir selfe to death, as a swéet smelling sacrifice in the nostrels of the Lord, beyond the sea in France.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 The faith of Christ being thus planted in this Iland in the 177. Lucius sen|deth againe to Rome. after Christ, and Faganus and Dinaw with the rest sent ouer from Rome, in the 178. as you haue heard: it came to passe in the third yeare of the Gospell receiued, that Lucius did send againe to Eleutherus the bishop, requiring that he might haue some breefe epi|tome of the order of discipline then vsed in the church. For he well considered, that as it auaileth litle to plant a costlie vineyard, except it afterward be cherished, kept in good order, and such things as annoie, dailie re|mooued from the same: so after baptisme and entrance into religion, it profiteth little to beare the name of christians, except we doo walke in the spirit, and haue such things as offend apparentlie, corrected by seuere discipline. Ro. 8. ver. 1 For otherwise it will come to passe, that the wéedes of vice, and vicious liuing, will so quicklie a|bound in vs, that they will in the end choke vp the good séed sowne in our minds, and either inforce vs to re|turne vnto our former wickednesse with déeper securi|tie than before, or else to become meere Atheists, which is a great deale woorse.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 For this cause therefore did Lucius send to Rome, the second time, for a copie of such politike orders as were then vsed there, in their regiment of the church. But Eleutherus considering with himselfe,The wise|dome of Eleutherus. how that all nations are not of like condition, and therefore those constitutions that are beneficiall to one, may now and then be preiudiciall to another: and séeing also that be|side the word no rites and orders can long continue, or be so perfect in all points, but that as time serueth, they will require alteration: he thought it best not to laie any more vpon the necks of the new conuerts of Bri|taine as yet, than Christ and his apostles had alreadie set downe vnto all men. In returning therefore his messengers, he sent letters by them vnto Lucius and his Nobilitie, dated in the consulships of Commodus EEBO page image 25 and Vespronius, wherein he told them that Christ had left sufficient order in the scriptures for the gouern|ment of his church alreadie in his word, and not for that onlie, but also for the regiment of his whole [...]hough most princes cannot heare [...] that side. king|dome, if he would submit himselfe, to yéeld and follow that rule. The epistle it selfe is partlie extant, and partlie perished, yet such as it is, and as I haue faith|fullie translated it out of sundrie verie ancient copies, I doo deliuer it here, to the end I will not defraud the reader of anie thing that may turne to the glorie of God, and his commoditie, in the historie of our nation.

Compare 1577 edition: 1

You require of vs the Romane ordinances,Epistle of Eleutherus vnto Lucius. and thereto the statutes of the emperours to be sent ouer vnto you, and which you desire to practise and put in vre within your realme and kingdome. The Romane lawes and those of emperours we may eft soones re|prooue, but those of God can neuer be found fault with|all. You haue receiued of late through Gods mercie in the realme of Britaine the law and faith of Christ, you haue with you both volumes of the scriptures: out of them therefore by Gods grace, and the councell of your realme take you a law, and by that law through Gods sufferance rule your kingdome, for you are Gods vi|car in your owne realme,Psal. 24. as the roiall prophet saith; The earth is the Lords and all that is therein, the com|passe of the world, and they that dwell therein. Againe, Thou hast loued truth and hated iniquitie, wherefore God,Psal. 45. euen thy God hath annointed thée with oile of gladnesse aboue thy fellowes. And againe, according to the saieng of the same prophet; Oh God giue thy iudgement vnto the king, &Psal. 71. thy iustice vnto the kings sonne. The kings sons are the christian people & flocke of the realme, which are vnder your gouernance, and liue & continue in peace within your kingdome.Here wa [...]teth. * The gospell saith; As the hen gathereth hir chickens vnder hir wings, so dooth the king his people. Such as dwell in the kingdome of Britaine are yours, whom if they be diuided, you ought to gather into concord and vnitie, to call them to the faith and law of Christ, and to his sa|cred church: to chearish and mainteine, to rule also and gouerne them, defending each of them from such as would doo them wrong, and keeping them from the ma|lice of such as be their enimies. * Wo vnto the nation whose king is a child, and whose princes rise vp earlie to banket and féed, which is spoken not of a prince that is within age, but of a prince that is become a child, through follie, sinne & vnstedfastnesse, of whom the pro|phet saith; The bloudthirstie and deceitfull men shall not liue foorth halfe their daies.Psal. 55. * By féeding I vnderstand gluttonie; by gluttonie, lust; & by lust all wickednesse & sinne, according to the saieng of Salomon the king; Wisedome entreth not into a wicked mind, nor dwel|leth with a man that is subiect vnto sinne. A king hath his name of ruling, and not of the possession of his realme. You shalbe a king whilest you rule well, but if you doo otherwise, the name of a king shall not remaine with you, but you shall vtterlie forgo [...]it, which God for|bid. The almightie God grant you so to rule the king|dome of Britaine, that you may reigne with him for euer, whose vicar (or vicegerent) you are within your aforesaid kingdome. Who with the Sonne and the Ho|lie-ghost, &c.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 2 Hitherto out of the epistle that Eleutherus sent vnto Lucius, wherein manie pretie obseruations are to be collected, if time and place would [...]erue to stand vpon them. After these daies also the number of such as were ordeined to saluation, increased dailie more and more, whereby (as in other places of the world) the word of God had good successe in Britaine, in time of peace; and in heat of persecution, there were no small number of martyrs that suffered for the same, of which Albane,Albane. Amphiba| [...]s. Iulius. Aaron. Amphibalus, Iulius and Aaron, are reputed to be the chiefe, bicause of their noble parentage, which is a great matter in the sight of worldlie men.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 There are which affirme our Lucius to renounce his kingdome, and afterward to become first a bishop, then a preacher of the gospell, and afterward a pope: but to the end such as hold this opinion may once vnderstand the botome of their errors, I will set downe the mat|ter at large, whereby they shall sée (if they list to looke) how far they haue béene deceiued.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 I find that Chlorus had issue by his second wife, Chlorus had three sons, & a daughter by Helena. two sonnes, Dalmatius (who had a sonne called also Dal|matius and slaine by the souldiors) Constantius fa|ther to Gallus, and Iulian the apostata; besides foure o|ther whose names as yet I find not. But being at the first matched with Helena, and before she was put from him by the roiall power of Dioclesian, he had by hir three sonnes (beside one daughter named Emerita) of which the name of the first is perished, the second was called Lucius, & the third Constantine, that afterward was emperour of Rome, by election of the armies in Britaine. Now it happened that Lucius, whome the French call Lucion, by mean [...]s of a quarell growne be|twéene him and his elder brother, did kill his said bro|ther, either by a sraie or by some other meanes, where|vpon his father exiled him out of Britaine, and appoin|ted him from thencefoorth to remaine in Aquitane in France. This Lucion brought thus into worldlie so|row, had now good leasure to meditate vpon heauen, who before in his prosperitie had peraduenture neuer regard of hell. Finallie he fell so far into the conside|ration of his estate, Lucion be|commeth a christian. that at the last he renounced his paganisme, and first became a christian, then an elder, and last of all a bishop in the church of Christ. He erected also a place of praier wherein to serue the li|uing God, Lucion a bishop. which after sundrie alterations came in pro|cesse of time to be an Abbaie, and is still called euen to our time after Lucion or Lucius: the first founder ther|of, and the originall beginner of anie such house in those parts.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 2 In this also he and diuers other of his freends conti|nued their times, in great contemplation and praier, and from hence were translated as occasion serued, vnto sundrie ecclesiasticall promotions in the time of Constant. his brother. So that euen by this short nar|ration it is now easie to sée, that Lucius the king, and Lucius or Lucion the sonne of Chlorus, were [...] persons. Herevnto Hermannus Hermannus Schedelius Schedelius. addeth also how he went into Rhetia with Emerita his sister, and néere vnto the citie Augusta conuerted the Curienfes vnto the faith of Christ, Bruschius cap. 3 . and there likewise (being put to death in Castro Martis) lieth buried in the saile towne, where his feast is holden vpon the third daie of December, as may readilie be confirmed, whereas the bones of our Lucius were to be séene at Glocester. That Schedelius erreth not herein also, the ancient m [...]|nunients of the said Abbaie, whereof he was the origi|nall beginner, as I said, doo yeeld sufficient testimonie, beside an hymne made in his commendation, intitu|led Gaude Lucionum, &c. Festum Lu|cionis. Iohn Bou|chet. But for more of this you may resort vnto Bouchet in his first booke, and fift chapter of the Annales of Aquitane, who neuertheles maketh the king of Britaine grandfather to this Lucion. The said Schedelius furthermore setteth downe, that his sister was martyred in Trinecastell, néere vnto the place where the said Lucion dwelled, Emerita martyred in Rh [...]ia. whereby it appéereth in like sort, that she was not sister to Lucius king of Bri|taine, of which prince Alexander Neccham in his most excellent treatise De sapientia diuina, setteth downe this Distichon:

Prima Britannorum fidei lux Lucius esse
Fortur, qui rexit moenie Brute tua.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 Neither could Lucion or Lucius be fellow and of kinred vnto Paule the apostle, as Auentine inferreth, except he meane it of some other Lucius, as of one whome he nameth Cyrinensis. But then will not the hi|storie agree with the conuersion of the Rhetians and EEBO page image 26 Vindelicians, whereof Schedelius and other doo make mention. But as each riuer the farder it runneth from the head, the more it is increased by small riuelets, and corrupted with filthie puddels, and stinking gutters, that descend into the same: so the puritie of the gospell,Heresie and monastical life brought into Bri|taine at one time by Pe|lagius. preached here in Britaine, in processe of time became first of all to be corrupted with a new order of religion, and most execrable heresie, both of them being brought in at once by Pelagius, of Wales, who hauing trauel|led through France, Italie, Aegypt, Syria, & the easter|lie regions of the world, was there at the last made an elder or bishop, by some of the monkes, vnto whose profession he had not long before wholie addicted him|selfe. Finallie returning home againe with an aug|mentation of fame and countenance of greater holi|nesse than he bare out of the land with him, he did not onelie erect an house of his owne order at Bangor inBangor. Wales, vpon the riuer Dee, but also sowed the pestife|rous féed of his hereticall prauities ouer all this Iland, whereby he seduced great numbers of Britons, teach|ing them to preferre their owne merits, before the free mercie of God, in Iesus Christ his sonne. By this means therefore he brought assurance of saluation in|to question, and taught all such as had a diligent respect vnto their workes to be doubtfull of the same, whereas to such as regard this latter, there can be no quietnesse of mind, but alwaies an vnstedfast opinion of them|selues, whereby they cannot discerne, neither by pro|speritie nor aduersitie of this life, whether they be wor|thie loue or hatred. Neuertheles it behooueth the godlie to repose their hope in that grace which is freelie gran|ted through Iesu Christ, and to flee vnto the mercies of God which are offered vnto vs in with and by his son, to the end that we may at the last find the testimonie of his spirit working with ours, that we are his chosen children, whereby commeth peace of conscience to such as doo beléeue.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 Thus we sée how new deuises or orders of religion and heresie came in together. I could shew also what Comets, and strange signes appeared in Britaine, much about the same time, the like of which with diuers other haue beene perceiued also from time to time, si|thence the death of Pelagius, at the entrance of anie new kind of religion into this Ile of Britaine. But I passe them ouer, onelie for that I would not seeme in my tractation of antiquities, to trouble my reader with the rehersall of anie new inconueniences.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 To procéed therefore with my purpose, after these, there followed in like sort sundrie other kinds of mo|nasticall life, as Anachorites, Anacho|rites. Heremits,Heremites. Cyrilline Cyrillines. and Benedictine Benedicti|nes. monkes, albeit that the heremeticall profession was onelie allowed of in Britaine, vntill the comming of Augustine the monke, who brought in the Benedictine sect, framed after the order of the house which Benedict surnamed Nursinus did first erect in Monte Cassino, about the 524. of Christ, & was finallie so well liked of all men, that we had few or (as I suppose) no blacke monkes in England that were not of his order. In processe of time how Benedict Biscop also our countrieman restored the said Benedictine profes|sion greatlie decaied in England, our histories are ve|rie plentifull, which Biscop went oft into Italie, and at one time for a speciall confirmation of his two mona|steries which he had builded at other mens costs vnto Paule and Peter vpon the bankes of the Were, as Beda dooth remember. So fast also did these and other like humane deuises prosper after his time, that at their suppression in England and Wales onelie,Monkes and Here|mites onelie allowed of in Britaine. there were found 440 . religious houses at the least, of which 373. might dispend 200. li. by the yéere at the least, as appea|reth by the record of their suppression, which also noteth the totall summe of their reuenues to amount vnto 32000. pounds, their moueables 100000. li. and the number of religious men conteined in the same, to be 10000. which would make a pretie armie, where vnto if you adde those 45.The num|ber of reli|gious hou|ses in En|gland at their disso|lution. of late standing in Scotland, you shall soone see what numbers of these dens of spiri|tuall robbers were mainteined here in Britaine. What number of saincts also haue béene hatched in them I could easilie remember, and beside those 160. which Capgraue setteth down, & other likewise remem|bred in the golden Legend , and Legendarie of Exce|ster, I might bring a rable out of Scotland able to fur|nish vp a calendar, though the yere were twise as long.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 As touching Pelagius the first heretike that euer was bred in this realme (notablie knowne) and parent of Monachisme, it is certeine, that before his corrupti|on and fall, he was taken for a man of singular lear|ning, deepe iudgement, and such a one, as vpon whome for his great gifts in teaching and strictnesse of life, no small péece of the hope and expectation of the people did depend. But what is wisedome of the flesh, without the feare and true knowledge of God? and what is lear|ning except it be handmaid to veritie and sound iudge|ment? Wherefore euen of this man, we may see it veri|fied, that one Roger Bakon pronounced long after of the corruption of his time,Roger Ba|kon his sai|eng of the preachers of his time who were the best law|yers and the worst Di|uines. when all things were measu|red by wit and worldlie policie, rather than by the scri|ptures or guidance of the spirit; Better it is saith he, to heare a rude and simple idiot preach the truth, without apparance of skill and learned eloquence, than a pro|found clearke to set foorth error, with great shew of learning, and boast of filed vtterance. Gerson in like sort hath said fullie asmuch. These follies of Pelagius were blased abroad about the 400. of Christ, and from thencefoorth how his number of monkes increased on the one side, and his doctrine on the other, there is al|most no reader that is vnskilfull and ignorant.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 This also is certeine, that within the space of 200. yeares and odde,More than 2100. mon|kes in the College or Abbaie of Bangor in whose terri|tories the parish of O|uerto [...] stan|deth. there were manie more than 2100. monkes gathered togither in his house, whose trades notwithstanding the errors of their founder, (who taught such an estimation of merits and bodilie exer|cise (as Paule calleth it) that therby he sought not onlie to impugne, but also preuent grace, which was in deed the originall occasion of the erection of his house) were yet farre better and more godlie than all those religi|ous orders, that were inuented of later time, wherein the professours liued to themselues, their wombs and the licentious fruition of those parts, that are beneath the bellie. For these laboured continuallie for their owne liuings, at vacant times from praier (as did Se|rapions monkes, Niceph. lib. 11. cap. 34. which were 10000. ouer whome he himselfe was Abbat) and likewise for the better main|tenance of such learned men as were their appointed preachers. Their liues also were correspondent to their doctrine, so that herein onelie they seemed intollerable, in that they had confidence in their déeds, and no war|rant out of the word for their succor & defense, but were such a plant as the heauenlie father had not planted, and therefore no maruell, though afterward they were raised by the roots.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 But as Pelagius and his adherents had a time to infect the church of Christ in Britaine, so the liuing God hath had a season also to purge and cleanse the same, though not by a full reformation of doctrine, sith Germanu [...], Lupus , Palladius, Patricius, Germanus, Lupus, Pal|ladius, Pa|tricius. and such like leaning for the most part vnto the monasticall trades, did not so much condemne the generall errors of Pe|lagius one waie, as mainteine the same, or as euill opi|nions another. For as Patricke séemed to like well of the honoring of the dead, so Germanus being in Bri|taine repaired an old chapell to s. Albane, wherein Lupus also praied, as Palladius vph [...]ld the strictnesse of life, in monasticall profession to the vttermost of his power. Se [...] Sul|piti [...]s in vi|ta Patrick . Wherfore God wrought this purgation of his house at the first, rather by taking awaie the wicked and pompous schoolemaisters of errour out of this life: EEBO page image 27 hoping that by such meanes, his people would haue gi|uen eare to the godlie that remained. But in processe of time, when this his mercifull dealing was forgotten and our countriemen returned to their former disor|ders, he brought in the Saxons, who left no idoll vnho|nored, no not their filthie Priapus, vnto whom the wo|men builded temples, and made a beastlie image (Cum pene intenso, and as if he had beene circumcised) whome they called Ithypallus, Verpus, and as Goropius At|vatic. pag. 26. addeth, Ters: calling vpon him in ma|ner at euerie word, yea at the verie fall of a knife out of their hands, and not counted anie shame vnto the most ancient and sober matrone of them all. Howbeit when this procéeding of the Lord could also take no place, and the shéepe of his pasture would receiue no wholesome fodder, it pleased his maiestie, to let them run on headlong from one iniquitie to another, in so|much that after the doctrine of Pelagius, it receiued that of Rome also, Augustine the monke. brought in by Augustine and his monkes, whereby it was to be seene, how they fell from the truth into heresie, and from one heresie still into an|other, till at the last they were drowned altogither in the pits of error digged vp by Antichrist, wels in deed that hold no water, which notwithstanding to their fol|lowers séemed to be most sound doctrine, and cisterns of liuing water to such as imbraced the same.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 This Augustine, Augustine. after his arriuall, conuerted the Saxons in déed from paganisme, but as the prouerbe saith, bringing them out of Gods blessing into the warme sunne, he also imbued them with no lesse hurt|full superstition, than they did know before: for beside the onelie name of Christ, and externall contempt of their pristinate idolatrie, he taught them nothing at all, but rather (I saie) made an exchange from grosse to subtill treacherie, from open to secret idolatrie, & from the name of pagans, to the bare title of christians, thinking this sufficient for their soules health, and the stablishment of his monachisme, of which kind of pro|fession, the holie scriptures of God can in no wise like or allow. But what cared he? sith he got the great fish for which he did cast his hooke, and so great was the fish that he caught in déed, that within the space of 1000. yeares, and lesse, it deuoured the fourth part & more of the best soile of the Iland, which was wholie bestowed vpon his monkes, & other religious broodes that were hatched since his time, as may hereafter appéere in the booke following, where I intreate of cities, townes, &c. In the meane season what successe his monkes had at Canturburie,Monks of Canturbu|rie plagued. how oft they were spoiled by enimies, their houses burned by casualtie, and brethren consu|med with pestilence, I refer me to Gotcellius , Houe|den , Geruase, and the rest of their owne historiogra|phers. And so sore did the pestilence rage among them in the time of Celnothus (in whose daics the preests, clerks and monkes sang their seruice togither in the quire, that (of I wote not how manie) there remained onelie fiue aliue, which was a notable token of the fu|rie and wrath of God conceiued and executed against that malignant generation. It came also to passe at the last, that men vsed to praie for helpe at the said Au|gustines tumble (although afterward Thomas Becket a newer saint did not a little deface his glorie) among which king Athelstane was one, whome Elnothus the abbat staied so long in the place, when he came thither to praie, that his soldiours waiting for his comming, and supposing the monkes to haue murdered him, be|gan to giue an assault and set fire vpon the house.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 Whilest these things were thus in hand, in the south part of Albion, the Meates,Meates. Picts, Pictes. and Caledoniens, Caledo|niens. which lie beyond the Scotish sea, receiued also the faith, by preaching of such christian elders as aduentured thither dailie, who trauelled not without great successe and increase of perfect godlines in that part of the Ile. Certes this prosperous attempt passed all mens expe|ctation, for that these nations were in those daies re|puted wild, sauage, and more vnfaithfull and craftie than well-minded people (as the wild Irish are in my time) and such were they (to saie the truth) in déed, as nei|ther the sugred courtesie, nor sharpe swords of the Ro|mans could mollifie or restraine from their naturall furie, or bring to anie good order. For this cause also in the end, the Romane emperours did vtterlie cast them off as an vnprofitable, brutish, & vntameable nation, and by an huge wall herafter to be described, separated that rude companie from the more mild and ciuill portion.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 This conuersion of the north parts fell out in the sixt yeare before the warres that Seuerus had in those quarters,Scotland conuerted to the faith of Christ. and 170. after the death of our sauiour Iesus Christ . From thenceforth also the christian religion con|tinued still among them, by the diligent care of their pastors and bishops (after the vse of the churches of the south part of this Iland) till the Romane shéepheard sought them out, and found the meanes to pull them vn|to him in like sort with his long staffe as he had done our countriemen, whereby in the end he abolished the rites of the churches of Asia there also, as Augustine had done alreadie in England: and in stéed of the same did furnish it vp with those of his pontificall see, al|though there was great contention, and no lesse blood|shed made amongst them, before it could be brought to passe, as by the histories of both nations yet extant may be séene.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 In the time of Coelestine bishop of Rome ,Paladius. who sa [...]e in the 423. of Christ, one Paladius a Grecian borne (to whome Cyrill wrote his dialog De adoratione in spiritu ) and sometime disciple to Iohn 24.The first at|tempt of the bishop of Rome to bring Scot|land vnder his obedi|ence. bishop of Ierusalem, came ouer from Rome into Britaine, there to suppresse the Pelagian heresie, which not a little molested the or|thodoxes of that Iland. And hauing doone much good in the extinguishing of the aforsaid opinion there, he went at the last also into Scotland, supposing no lesse, but af|ter he had trauelled somwhat in confutation of the Pe|lagians in those parts, he should easilie persuade that crooked nation to admit and receiue the rites of the church of Rome, as he would faine haue doone before|hand in the south. But as Fastidius Priscus archbishop of London, Fastidius bi|shop of Lon|don. and his Suffragans resisted him here; so did the Scotish prelates withstand him there also in this behalfe: howbeit, bicause of the authoritie of his commission, grauitie of personage, and the great gift which he had in the veine of pleasant persuasion (where|by he drew the people after him, as Orpheus did the stones with his harpe, and Hercules such as heard him by his toong) they had him not onelie then in great ad|miration, but their successors also from time to time, and euen now are contented (and the rather also for that he came from Rome) to take him for their chéefe apostle, reckoning from his comming as from the faith receiued, Paladius ac|compted for the apostle of the Scots which was in the 431. yeare of Christ, as the truth of their historie dooth verie well confirme.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 Thus we see what religion hath from time to time beene receiued in this Iland, & how and when the faith of Christ came first into our countrie. Howbeit as in processe of time it was ouershadowed, and corrupted with the dreames and fantasticall imaginations of man, so it dailie waxed woorse & woorse, till that it plea|sed God to restore the preaching of his gospell in our daies, whereby the man of sinne is now openlie reuea|led, and the puritie of the word once againe brought to light, to the finall ouerthrow of the Romish sathan, and his popish adherents that honour him daie and night to the vttermost of their power, yeelding vp their harts as temples for him to dwell in, which rather ought to be the temples of God and habitations of the Holy-ghost, But such is their peruerse ignorance (notwithstanding that Paule hath giuen warning of him alreadie 2. Thes. 2. calling him (as I said) the man of sinne, and saieng that he sitteth as God in the temple of God, shewing EEBO page image 28 himselfe in his chalenge of power, as if he were God, vnder pretense of zeale vnto true religion) that they will not giue eare vnto the truth, but rather shut their eares and their eies from hearing and reading of the scriptures, bicause they will not be drawne out of his snares and bondage.

1.8.1. Of the manifold conuersions and alterations of the estate of the common-wealth of Britaine, sithens the time of Samothes.
Of the manifold conuersions and alterations of the estate of the common-wealth of Britaine, sithens the time of Samothes.

THere is a certeine period of kingdomes, of 430. yeares, in which commonlie they suffer some notable alteration. And as in the afore|said season there is set a time of increase and decaie, so we find that before the execution of Gods pur|pose dooth come to passe, in changing the estate of things, sundrie tokens are sent, whereby warning is giuen, that without repentance he will come and visit our offenses. This is partlie verified by Ioachimus Camerarius, who in his first booke De ostentis intreating of the same argument, telleth of a strange earthquake felt in Delus, which was neuer touched with any such plague before or after the ouerthrow of the Persians, giuen vnto them by the Grecians; also of the beard that suddenlie grew out of the face of the Pedacien prophe|tesse, so often as the citie was to be touched with any alteration and change. Nam (saith he) descriptas esse diuini|tùs aetates quibus idem humanarum rerum status duraret, qui|bus finitis, praedici prius quàm existeret nouationem in deterius euenturam rerum, quaeque indies minùs ac minùs numini cordi essent. Emittuntur igitur cometae diuinitus, & reuocantur dum supra nos conspecti quamdiu placuit Deo inferuntur, &c. Plato referreth such changes as happen in common-wealths to a certeine diuine force that resteth hidden in sundrie od numbers, whereof their periods do consist. True it is that God created all things in number, weight & mea|sure, & that after an incomprehensible maner vnto our fraile & humane capacitie. Neuerthelesse, he appointed not these three to haue the rule of his works, wherefore we must not ascribe these changes to the force of num|ber with Plato, much lesse then vnto destinie with the Peripatetiks, but vnto the diuine prouidence and ap|pointment of God, which onelie may be called de stinie as S. Augustine saith, for of other destim [...] it is impietie to dreame. Aristotle ascribing all euents vnto manifest causes precedent, dooth scoffe at Plato and his numbers in his booke of common-wealths, and bringeth in sun|drie causes of the alteration of the state of things, which we may referre vnto principals, as iniurie, oppression, ambition, treason, rebellion, contempt of religion and Iewes, and therevnto abundance of wealth in few, and great necessitie and miserie in manie. But what soeuer Aristotle gesseth at these things by humane reason as at the first causes, yet we acknowledge other beyond them, as sinne, which being suffered and come to the full, is cut downe by the iustice of the high God, the cheefe cause of all, who foreseeing the wickednesse of such as dwell on earth, dooth constitute such a reuoluti|on of things in their beginnings, as best standeth with the execution of his purpose, and correction of our er|rors. The causes therefore that Aristotle dooth deliuer, are nothing else but the meanes which God vseth to bring his purposes to passe; and yet they deserue the name of causes, in that they preceed those effects which follow them immediatlie. But in truth other than se|condarie or third causes no man can iustlie call them. Bodinus in his historicall method, cap. 6 . making a large discourse of the conuersions of commonwealths, dooth séeme at the first to denie the force of number, but after a while he maruelleth that no Grecian or Latine Academike, hath hitherto made any discourse of the ex|cellencie of such numbers as apperteine to the estate of empires and kingdomes by exemplification in any one citie or other. Hereby he sheweth himselfe vpon the sudden to alter his iudgement, so that he setteth downe certeine numbers as fatall; [...] to wit, sixe vnto women, and seauen and nine vnto men, which (saith he) haue Magnam in tota rerum natura potestatem, meaning as well in common-wealths and kingdomes from their first erections, as in particular ages of bodies, for sicke|nesse, health, change of habitation, wealth, and losse, &c: and for the confirmation of the same, he setteth downe sundrie examples of apparant likelihood, either by mul|tiplication of one by the other, or diuision of greater numbers by either of them, or their concurrence one with another, calling the aforesaid three his criticall or iudiciall numbers, whereby he bringeth or rather resto|reth an old kind of arithmancie (fathered on Pythago|ras, yet neuer inuented by him) againe into the world. But we christians, in respecting of causes, haue to looke vnto the originall and great cause of all, and therefore we haue not to leane vnto these points in any wise as causes: for we know and confesse that all things de|pend vpon his prouidence, who humbleth and exalteth whom it pleaseth him. Neuerthelesse, I hope we may without offense examine how these assertions hold, so long as we vse them rather as Indices than Causas muta|tionum. And therefore haue I attempted to practise at this present the example of Bodinus, first in the altera|tions of our ciuill estate passed; and secondlie, of the like in cases of religion; from the flood generallie, and then after the first comming in of Samothes into our Ile, thereby somewhat to satisfie my selfe, and recreate the readers; but still protesting in the meane season that I vtterlie denie them to be any causes, or of themselues to worke any effect at all in these things, as Bodinus would seeme to vphold. As for those of other countries, I referre you to Aristotles politikes, and the eight of the common-wealth which Plato hath left vnto vs, ther|by to be farther resolued, if you be desirous to looke on them. In beginning therefore with my purpose; First bicause the flood of Noah was generall, and therefore appertinent vnto all, it shall not be amisse to begin with that, which was in the yeare 1656. after the creation of Adam, so that if you diuide the same by nine, you shall find the quotient to fall out exactlie with the 184. reuo|lution of the same number. Secondlie, for so much as the confusion of toongs was the originall cause of the dispersion of the people ouer the face of the whole earth, it shall not be amisse also to examine the same. Certes it fell out in the 133. after the flood: if we diuide there|fore the said 133. by seauen, you shall find the quotient 19. without any ods remaining. From hence also vnto the comming of Samothes into Britaine, or ra|ther his lawes giuen vnto the Celts, and with them vn|to the Britons, in the second of his arriuall in this land, we find by exact supputation 126. yeares, which be|ing parted by nine or seauen sheweth such a conclusion as maketh much for this purpose. Doubtlesse I am the more willing to touch the time of his lawes than his entrance, sith alteration of ordinances is the cheefe and principall token of change in rule and regiment; although at this present the circumstances hold not, sith he dispossessed none, neither incroched vpon any. From Samothes vnto the tyrannie of Al|bion, are 335. yeares complet, so that he arriued here in the 335. or 48. septenarie, which also concurreth with the 590. after the flood. In like sort the regiment of Albion continued but seauen yeares, and then was the souereingtie of this Ile restored againe by Hercules vnto the Celts. The next alteration of our estate open|lie knowne, happened by Brute, betweene whose time and death of Albion there passed full 601. yeares (for he spent much time after his departure out of Grecia, be|fore he came into Albion) so that if you accompt him to come hither in the 602. you shall haue 86. septena|ries exactlie. From Brute to the extinction of his poste|ritie in Ferrex and Porrex , and pentarchie of Bri|taine, EEBO page image 29 are 630. yeares, or 70. nouenaries, than the which where shall a man find a more precise period after this method or prescription, for manie and diuers considera|tions. The time of the pentarchie indured likewise 49. yeares, or seauen septenaries, which being expired Dunwallo brought all the princes vnder his subiecti|on, and ruled ouer them as monarch of this Ile. After the pentarchie ended, we find againe that in the 98. yeare, Brennus rebelled against Beline his brother, wherevpon insued cruell bloodshed betwéene them. So that here you haue 14. septenaries, as you haue from those warres ended, which indured a full yeare & more before Brennus was reconciled to his brother, to the comming of Caesar into this Iland (whereat our serui|tude and miserable thraldome to the Romans may worthilie take his entrance) 48. or 336. yeares, than the which concurrences I know not how a man should imagine a more exact.

After the comming of Caesar we haue 54. or sixe no|uenaries to Christ, whose death and passion redoundeth generallie to all that by firme and sure faith take hold of the same, and applie it vnto their comfort. From the birth of Christ to our countrie deliuered from the Ro|mane yoke, are 446. yeares, at which time the Bri|tains chose them a king, and betooke themselues to his obedience. But neither they nor their king being then able to hold out the Scots and Picts, which dailie made hauocke of their countrie; the said Vortiger in the third yeares of his reigne (which was the 63. septenarie after Christ) did send for the Saxons, who arriued here in the 449. and 450. yeares of Grace, in great compa|nies, for our aid and succour, although that in the end their entrances turned to our vtter decaie and ruine, in that they made a conquest of the whole Ile, and draue vs out of our liuings. Hereby we sée therefore how the preparatiue began in the 449. but how it was finished in the tenth nouenarie, the sequele is too too plaine. In like sort in the 43. nouenarie or 387. after the com|ming of the Saxons, the Danes entred, who miserablie afflicted this Ile by the space of 182. yeares or 46. sep|tenaries, which being expired, they established them|selues in the kingdome by Canutus. But their time la|sting not long, the Normans followed in the end of the 49. yeare, and thus you sée how these numbers do hold exactlie vnto the conquest. The like also we find of the continuance of the Normans or succession of the Con|querour, which indured but 89. yeares, being extingui|shed in Stephen, and that of the Saxons restored in Henrie the second, although it lacke one whole yeare of ten nouenaries, which is a small thing, sith vpon diuers occasions the time of the execution of any accident may be preuented or proroged, as in direction and pro|gression astronomicall is often times perceiued. From hence to the infamous excommunication of England in king Iohns daies, wherevpon insued the resignati|on of his crownes and dominions to the pope, are eight septenaries or 56. yeares. Thence againe to the deposi|tion of Richard. 2. and vsurpation of Henrie 4. are 77. yeares or 11. septenaries. From hence to the conspira|cie made against Edward. 2. after which he was deposed & murdered are 117. yeares, or 13. nouenaries. From hence to the beginning of the quarell betwéene the houses of Yorke and Lancaster (wherein foure score and od persons of the blood roiall were slaine and made awaie first and last, and which warres begunne in the 1448. and the yeare after the death of the Duke of Glocester, whose murther séemed to make frée passage to the said broile) are 72. yeares or eight nouenaries. From hence to the translation of the crowne from the house of Lancaster to that of Yorke, in Edward the 4 are 14. yeares or two septenaries, and last of all to the vnion of the said houses in Henrie the eight, is an exact quadrat of seuen multiplied in it selfe, or 49. yeares, whereof I hope this may in part suffice.

Now as concerning religion, we haue from Christ to the faith first preached in Britaine (by Iosephus ab A|ramathia, and Simon Zelotes) as some write 70. yeares or 10. septenaries. Thence also to the baptisme of Luci|us, and his nobilitie in the yeare after their conuersion, 12. nouenaries or 108. yeares. After these the Saxons entred and changed the state of religion for the most part into paganisme, in the yeare 449. 39. nouenarie, and 273. yeare after Lucius had beene baptised, which is 39. septenaries, if I be not deceiued. In the 147. or 21. septenarie, Augustine came, who brought in po|perie, which increased and continued till Wicklif with more boldnesse than anie other began to preach the gospell, which was Anno. 1361. or 765. yeares after the comming of Augustine, and yeeld 85. nouenaries exact|lie. From hence againe to the expulsion of the pope 175 yeares,Henrie. 8. or 25. septenaries, thence to the receiuing of the pope and popish doctrine 21.Marie. yeares or 3. septenaries, wherevnto I would ad the time of restoring the gospell by Quéene Elizabeth, were it not that it wanteth one full yeare of 7. Whereby we may well gather, that if there be anie hidden mysterie or thing conteined in these numbers, yet the same extendeth not vnto the di|uine disposition of things, touching the gift of grace and frée mercie vnto the penitent, vnto which neither number weight nor measure shall be able to aspire.

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