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Compare 1577 edition: 1 2 But the lord protector he said, the verie noble prince, the speciall paterne of knightlie prowesse, as well in all princelie behauior, as in the lineaments and fauour of his visage, represented the verie face of the noble duke his father. This is, quoth he, the fa|thers owne figure, this is his owne countenance, the verie print of his visage, the sure vndoubted image, the plaine expresse likenesse of that noble duke. Now was it before deuised,A maruelous deuise to mooue the assemblie. that in the speaking of these words, the protector should haue comen in a|mong the people to the sermon ward, to the end that those words méeting with his presence, might haue béen taken among the hearers, as though the Holie-ghost had put them in the preachers mouth, & should haue mooued the people euen there to crie; King Ri|chard, king Richard! that it might haue béene after said, that he was speciallie chosen by God, and in EEBO page image 728 maner by miracle. But this deuise quailed, either by the protectors negligence, or the preachers ouermuch diligence.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 For while the protector found by the waie tarieng least he should preuent those words, and the doctor fearing that he should come yer his sermon could come to these words, hasted his matter thereto, he was come to them and past them, and entred into o|ther matters yer the protector came. Whome when he beheld comming, he suddenlie left the matter with which he was in hand, and without anie deduction therevnto, out of all order and out of all frame, began to repeat those words againe:K. Richard commended by the prea|cher.

This is the verie no|ble prince, the speciall patrone of knightlie prowesse, which as well in all princelie behauior, as in the line|aments & fauor of his visage, representeth the verie face of the noble duke of Yorke his father: this is the fathers owne figure, this is his owne countenance, the verie print of his visage, the sure vndoubted i|mage, the plaine expresse likenesse of the noble duke, whose remembrance can neuer die while he liueth.

Compare 1577 edition: 1 2 While these words were in speaking, the protector accompanied with the duke of Buckingham, went through the people into the place where the doctors commonlie stand in the vpper storie, where he stood to hearken the sermon. But the people were so farre fro crieng; K. Richard, that they stood as they had béene turned into stones, for woonder of this shamefull ser|mon.Note ye course of Gods iudgement. After which once ended, the preacher gat him home, and neuer after durst looke out for shame, but kept him out of sight like an owle. And when he once asked one that had béene his old friend what the peo|ple talked of him, all were it that his owne consci|ence well shewed him that they talked no good; yet when the tother answered him, that there was in e|uerie mans mouth spoken of him much shame, it so strake him to the heart, that within few daies after he withered and consumed awaie [for verie thought and inward pine, procured by irrecouerable cares, whose nature is noted by obseruation of their effects:

Ouid. lib. 3. met.Attenuant vigiles corpus miserabile curae.]

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1.17. ¶The hiſtorie of king Edward the fifth, and king Richard the third vnfiniſhed, written by Maiſter Thomas Moore then one of the vnder She|riffes of London, about the yeare of our lorde .1513. according to a Copie of his owne hande: Printed among his other woorkes.

EEBO page image 1356

¶The hiſtorie of king Edward the fifth, and king Richard the third vnfiniſhed, written by Maiſter Thomas Moore then one of the vnder She|riffes of London, about the yeare of our lorde .1513. according to a Copie of his owne hande: Printed among his other woorkes.

[figure appears here on page 1356]

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Edward the .v._KIng Edward of that name the fourth, af|ter that hee had liued fiftie and three yeres,1483 ſe|uen monethes, and ſixe dayes, and therof rai|gned twoo and twentie years, one Monethe, and eyght dayes, died at Weſt|minſter the ninth day of Aprill, the yeare of our redemption, a thouſande foure hundreth foure ſcore and three, leauyng muche fayre iſſue, that is to witte, Edwarde the Prince, a thirteene yeare of age: Richarde Duke of Yorke, twoo yeare yonger: Elizabeth, whoſe fortune and grace was after to bee Queene, wyfe vnto Kyng Henry the ſeuenth, and mother vnto the eyght: Cicelie not ſo fortunate as faire: Bri|get, whyche repreſentyng the vertue of hyr, whoſe name ſhee bare, profeſſed and obſerued a religious life in Dertforde, an houſe of cloſe Nunnes: Anne, that was after honourablye married vnto Thomas, then Lorde Hawarde and after Earle of Surrey: And Katherine, which long time toſſed in either fortune, ſom|time in wealth, ofte in aduerſitie, at the laſte, if this be the laſte, for yet ſhee liuethe, is by the benignitye of hir Nephewe King Henry the eyghte, in very proſperous eſtate, and worthy hir birthe and vertue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 This noble Prince deceaſſed at his Palaice of Weſtminſter, and wyth greate funerall ho|nour and heauineſſe of his people from thence conueyed,The loue of the people. was enterred at Windſor. A King of ſuch gouernaunce and behauiour, in time of peace (for in warre eche parte muſte needes bee others enimye) that there was neuer any Prince of this lande, attainyng the Crowne by battaile ſo hartelye beeleued wyth the [...]|ſtaunce of the people: nor he hymſelfe ſo ſpeci|allye in anye parte of hys life, as at the time of hys deathe. Whiche fauour and affection, yet after hys deceaſſe by the crueltie, miſchiefe, and trouble of the tempeſtuous worlde that follo|wed, highelye towarde him more increaſed. At ſuche tyme as he died, the diſpleaſure of thoſe that bare hym grudge, for Kyng Henryes ſake the ſixte, whome he depoſed, was well [...]|ged, and in effect quenched, in that, that ma|ny of them were deade in more than twentye yeares of hys raigne, a greate parte of a long life: And many of them in the meane ſeaſon growen into his fauour, of whiche he was ne|uer ſtrange. He was a goodlye perſonage,Deſcription of Edvvarde the fourthe. and Princely to beholde, of harte couragious, pol|litique in counſell, in aduerſitie nothyng a|baſhed, in proſperitie rather ioyfull than proud, in peace iuſte and mercifull, in warre ſharpe and fierce, in the fielde bolde and hardye, and natheleſſe no further than wiſedome woulde aduenturous, whoſe warres who ſo wel conſi|der, hee ſhall no leſſe commende hys wiſedome where hee voyded, than his manhoode where he vanquiſhed. Hee was of viſage lonelye, of bo|dy mightye, ſtrong, and cleane made: How|beit in his latter dayes wyth ouer liberall dyer, ſomewhat corpulent and boorely, and [...]atheles not vncomely, hee was of youth greately gi|uen to fleſhely wantonneſſe: from which health of body in great proſperity and fortune, with|out a ſpeciall grace hardely refraineth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 Thys faulte not greately greeued the peo|ple: for neyther coulde anye one mans plea|ſure, ſtretche and extende to the diſpleaſure of verye manye, and was wythout violence, and ouer that in hys latter dayes leſſed and well lefte. In, whiche time of his latter dayes, this Realme was in quiet and proſperous eſtate, no feare of outwarde enemyes, no warre in hand, nor none towarde, but ſuche as no man looked for, the people towarde the Prince, not in a conſtrained feare, but in a willyng and lo|uyng obedience: among themſelues, the com|mons in good peace. The Lordes whome hee knewe at variaunce, hymſelfe in his deathe bed appeaſed: hee hadde lefte all gathering of mo|ney (whiche is the onely thing that withdraw|eth the hartes of Engliſhemen fro the Prince) nor any thing intended he to take in hande, by whyche hee ſhoulde bee driuen thereto, for hys tribute EEBO page image 1357 tribute, [...] out of Fraunce, he hadde before obyened. And the yeare foregoing his deathe, he hadde obteyned Barwicke. And albeit that all the time of his raigne hee was wyth his people, so benigne, courteous, and so familiar, that no part of his vertues was more estemed: yet yt condition, in the ende of his dayes (in whyche many Princes by a long continued soueraintie, decline into a proude porte from debonair behauiour of their beginnyng) meruellouslye in hym grewe and increased: so farre forth, that in Sommer the laste that euer hee sawe, hys highnesse being at Windsor in hunting, sente for the Maior and Aldermen of London to hym for none other errande, but to haue them hunt and bee merye with hym, where hee made them not so stately, but so friendely and so familiar cheare, and sente venson from thence freely into the Citie, that no one thyng in many dayes before, gate hym eyther mo heartes or more heartye fauour amongest the common people, whiche oftentimes more esteeme and take for greater kindnes, a little courtesie, than a great benefite. So deceassed (as I haue sayde) this noble King, in that time, in whiche his life was moste desired. Whose loue of hys people, and their entier affection towarde him, hadde bene to hys noble children (hauyng in themselues also as manye gifts of nature, as many Princely vertues, asmuche goodlye towardnesse as their age could receyue) a maruellouse fortresse and sure armour, if diuision & dissention of their friendes had not vnarmed them, and left them destitute, and the execrable desire of souerainty, prouoked hym to their destruction, whiche if eyther kinde or kindnesse hadde houlden place, muste needes haue bene their chiefe defence. For Richarde the Duke of Gloucester, by nature their vncle, by office their protectour, to their father behoulden, to themselfe by othe and allegiaunce bounden, all the bandes broken that binden man and man togyther, wythout anye respecte of God or the worlde, vnnaturally contriued to bereue them, not only their dignitie, but also their liues.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But for aſmuche as this Dukes demeanor miniſtreth in effect all the whole matter where|of this booke ſhall intreate, it is therefore con|uenient, ſomewhat to ſhewe you ere wee far|ther goe, what manner of man thys was, that coulde finde in his harte ſo muche miſchiefe to conceiue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Richarde Duke of Yorke.Richarde duke of Yorke, a noble man and a mightie, beganne not by warre, but by lawe, to chalendge the Crowne, puttyng hys claime into the Parliament, where his cauſe was ey|ther for righte or fauour ſo farre forthe auaun|ced, that King Henry his bloude (albeit he has a goodly Prince) vtterly reiected, the Crowne was by aucthoritie of parliament entailed vn|to the Duke of Yorke and his iſſue male in re|mainder, immediatly after the deathe of Kyng Henry. But the Duke not induryng ſo long to carry but entendyng vnder pretexte of diſ|ſention and debate ariſing in the Realme to preuent his time, and to take vppon hym the rule in Kyng Henry his life, was with many nobles of the Realme at Wakefielde ſlaine, leauing three ſonnes, Edwarde, George and Richard, All three as they were greate ſtates of birth, ſo were they great and ſtately of ſtomack, greedy and ambitious of auctoritie,Edvvarde. and impa|tient of partners. Edwarde reuenging his fa|thers deathe, depriued Kyng Henry,George Duke of Clarence. and attai|ned the Crowne. George Duke of Clarence was a goodly noble prince & at all points for|tunate, if either his owne ambition had not let him againſte hys brother or the enuy of his e|nimies his brother againſte hym. For were it by the Queene and lordes of hir bloude whiche highly maligned the kings ki [...]red (as women commonly not of malice, but of nature hate them whom their huſbands loue, (or were it a proude appetite of the duke hymſelf, intending to be king at the leaſt wiſe heinous treſon was there layde to his charge, and finally were hee faultie, were he faultleſſe, [...]taynted was he by Parlyamente, and iudged to the deathe, and there vpon haſhly drowned in a hutte of Mal|meſey, whoſe death kyng Ewarde (albeit hee commaunded it) when he wyſt it was done pi|teouſly bewayled, and ſorowfully repented.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Richarde the thirde ſonne,The diſcription Richard the thirde. of whome wee nowe intreate, was in witte and courage [...]|gall with either of them, in bodie and prowes farre vnder them both, little of ſtature, yll fea|tured of limmes, crooke backed, his left ſhoulder muche hygher than hys ryght, harde fauoured of viſage, and ſuche as is in ſtates called war|lye, in other men otherwyſe, he was malicious, wrathfull, enuious, and from afore his byrth e|uer frowards. It is for truth reported, that the Ducheſſe his mother hadde ſo much adoe in hir trauaile, that ſhe could not be deliuered of hym vncut, and that he cam into the world with the feete forward, as mẽ be borne outward, and (as the fame runneth) alſo not vntoothed, whether men of hatred report aboue the truth, or elſe that nature chaunged hir courſe in his beginning, which in the courſe of his life many things vn|naturally committed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 None euill captain was he in the warre, as to which his diſpoſition was more metely than for peace. Sundry victories had he, and ſom|times ouerthrewes, but neuer in default as for his owne perſon, eyther of hardineſſe or politike EEBO page image 1358 order, free was he called of diſpence: and ſome|what aboue hys power liberall, wyth lardge giftes hee gate hym vnſtedfaſte friendeſhippe, for whiche he was faine to pill and ſpoile in o|ther places, and gette hym ſtedfaſte hatred. Hee was cloſe and ſecrete, a deepe diſſimuler, lowly of countenaunce, arrogant of harte, out|wardelye coumpinable w [...]ere hee inwardelye hated, not lettyng to kiſſe whome hee thought to kill: diſpitions and cruell, not for euill will alwaye, but offer for ambition, and eyther for the ſurety or increaſe of hys eſtate. Frend and foe was muche what indifferent, where his ad|vauntage grewe, hee ſpared no mans deathe, whoſe life wythſtoode his purpoſe. Hee flewe wyth his owne handes Kyng Henry the ſixte,The deathe of Kyng Henry the ſixte. being priſoner in the Tower, as men conſtant|ly ſaide, and that wythout commaundement or knowledge of the Kyng, which woulde vn|doubtedlye, if hee hadde intended that thyng, haue appointed that butcherly office to ſome o|ther, than his owne borne brother.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 Some wiſe men alſo weene that his drifte couertly conueyed, lacked not in helpyng forth his brother of Clarence to his deathe: whiche hee reſiſted openly, howdeit ſomewhat (as men deemed) more faintly than hee that were harte|lye minded to hys wealthe. And they that thus deeme, thinke that hee long time in King Ed|wards life, foreſt ought to be King in caſe that the King his brother (whoſe life hee looked that euill diet ſhoulde ſhorten) ſhoulde happen to deceaſſe (as in deede hee did) while his children were yong. And they deeme, that for this in|tent hee was gladde of his brothers deathe the duke of Clarence, whoſe life muſt needes haue hindered hym ſo intending, wheather the ſame Duke of Clarence hadde kepte hym true to his Nephewe the yong Kyng, or enterpriſed to be King himſelfe. But of all this pointe, is there no certaintie, and who ſo deuineth vppon con|iectures, may aſwell ſhoote to farre as to ſhorte. Howebeit this haue I by credible enformation learned, that the ſelfe nyght, in whyche Kyng Edward dyed, one Miſtlebrooke long ere mor|ning, came in greate haſte to the houſe of one Pottier dwellyng in Redecroſſtreete wythout Creeplegate: and when hee was wyth haſtye rappyng quicklye letten in, hee ſhewed vnto Pottier that King Edwarde was departed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 By my truth man quod Pottier, then will my Maiſter the Duke of Glouceſter bee King. What cauſe hee had ſo to thinke harde it is to ſaye, whether hee beeing towarde hym, anye thyng knewe that hee ſuche thing purpoſed, or otherwiſe hadde any inkeling thereof: for he was not likelye to ſpeake it of nought.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But nowe to retourne to the course of this hystorye, were it that the Duke of Gloucester hadde of olde foreminded this conclusion, or was nowe at erste therevnto moued, and putte in hope by the occasion of the tender age of the yong Princes, his Nephewes (as oportunitie and likelyhoode of speede putteth a man in courage of that hee neuer intended) certaine is it that hee contriued their destruction, wyth the vsusrpation of the regall dignitie vpon himself. And forasmuche as he well wiste and holpe to maintaine, a long continued grudge and harte brenning beetweene the Queenes kinred and the Kings bloud, eyther partie enuying others authoritie, hee nowe thoughte that their deuision shoulde bee (as it was indeede) a furtherly beginnyng to the pursuite of hys intent, and a sure grounde, for the foundation of all hys buildyng, if hee might firste vnder the pretexte of revenging of an olde displeasure, abuse the anger and ignorance of the tone partie, to the destruction of the tother: and then winne to his purpose as many as he could, & those that could not bee wonne, myght bee loste ere they looked therefore: For of one thyng was hee certayne, that if hys intent were perceyued he shoulde soone haue made peace betwene the bothe parties with hys owne bloude.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 Kyng Edwarde in hys life, alheit that this diſſention betweene his friendes ſomewhat in| [...]d hym: yet in his good healthe he ſomewhat the leſſe regarded it, bycauſe hee thought what|ſoeuer buſines ſhould a fall betwene the [...], him|ſelfe ſhoulde always bee able to [...]ule [...]othe the parties. But in his laſt ſicknes, when hee per|ceyued his naturall ſtrengthe ſo ſore enfeebled, that hee diſpaired all recouerie, then hee conſi|deryng the youth of his children, alheit he po|thyng leſſe miſtruſted than that that happened, yet well foreſeeing that many harmes myghte growe by their debate, while the youthe of hys children ſhoulde lacke diſcretion of them ſelfe, and good counſaile of their friendes, of whiche eyther partie ſhoulde counſaile for their owne commoditie and rather by pleaſaunt aduiſe to wynne themſelfe fauoure, than by profitable aduertiſement to doo the children good hee cal|led ſome of them before hym that were at vani|aunce, and in eſpeciall the Lorde Marques Dorſet the Queenes ſonne by his firſte huſ|band, and William the Lord Haſtings a noble man then Lorde Chamberlaine, againe whom the Queene ſpecially grudged, for ye great fa|uour the King bare hym: [...] and alſo for that ſhe thought hym ſecretely familiar with the Kyng in wanton company. Hir kinred alſo bare him ſore, aſwell for that the Kyng hadde made hym Capytayne of Caleys, whyche Office the Lorde Riuers brother to the Queene claymed EEBO page image 1359 of the kings former, promiſſe, no for di [...] other great gifts which he receiued yt they looked for. When theſe Lorden wyth diuers other of ho [...]the the parties were come [...] fences, the Kyngs lifting vp himſelfe and vnderſet to [...] as it is [...]porte [...] and his wife ſaide vnto them My Lordes,The Oration of the King in to death bed. my deare kin [...] and [...], in what plight I lye you ſee, and I [...]erle By which the leſſe while I [...]ooke to liue wyth y [...] the more deepely am I [...] care in what caſe Alcou [...] you for ſuche [...] you ſuch hee my children like to [...]. Which [...] they ſhoulde, what God [...] finde you at [...] might ba [...] to felth [...]ſe was at warre, [...]re their diſcretion woulde ſerue to ſet you at peace, yee [...]et their youth, of whyche I recken the only ſuretye to reſte in your concorde. For it ſuffiſeth not that all you loue them, if eche of you bare other if they were men your faithful|neſſe happily woulde ſuffi [...]. But childehoode muſte be maintained by mens aucthoritie, and ſlipper youthe vnder [...]ped with elder coun|ſell, whiche neyther they can haue, but yee giue it, nor yee giue it, if yee gree not. For what a eche laboureth to breake that the other maketh and for hatred of eche of others perſon, im [...]|neth eche others counſaile, there muſte at [...]edes bee long e [...]a [...]ye good concluſion go forward: And alſo while eyther partye laboure [...] to bee chiefe [...]ttene ſhal haue more place than plaine and faythfull aduiſe, of whiche mu [...]e needes inſue the euill bringing vp of the Prince, whoſe minde it tender youthe infecte, ſhall redily fall to miſchiefe and riot, and drawe downe wyth his noble Realme to ruine, but if grace [...]urne hym ſo wiſedome: whyche if god ſende, then they that by euill meanes before pleaſed hym beſte, ſhall after fall fartheſt out of fauoure, ſo that euer at length euill drifts draw to nought, and good plaine wayes proſper. Greate vari|aunce hathe there long bene betweene you, not alwaye for greate cauſes. Sometime a thyng right well intended, our miſconſtruction tour|neth vnto worſe, or a ſmall diſpleaſure done vs, eyther our owne affection or euill tonges aga [...]|neth. But this woe I well yee neuer hadde ſo greate cauſe of hatred, as ye haue of loue. That wee bee all men, that wee bee Chriſtenmen, this ſhall I leaue for preachers to tell you (and yet I wol [...]are whether any preachers words ought more to moue you, thã his that is by and by going to the place that they all preache of).

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But this ſhall I deſire you to remember, that the one parte of you is of my bloude, the other of mine alies, and eche of you wyth o|ther eyther of kinred affinitie, whyche ſpi|rituall kinred of affinitie, if the Sacramentes of Chriſtes Churche, hears that weyght wyth vs, that woulde God they didde, ſhoulde no leſſe moue vs to Charitie, than the reſpecte of fleſhely conſanguinitye. Our Lorde forbidde, that you loue togyther the worſe for the ſelfe cauſe yt you ought to loue the better. And yet that happeneth, and no where find we ſo dead|ly debate [...]oad, among them, whyche by nature and, [...]owe [...]ſt ought to agree togither. Suche a peſtian Serpent is ambition,Ambition. and deſire of vaine glorie and ſoue [...]intie, whiche among ſtates where hee once entreth, creepeth forth ſo farre, till with diuiſion and variaunce he tur|neth all to miſchiefe. Firſt longyng to banext the heſte afterwarde [...]all wyth the beſte, and at laſte [...]fe and aboue the beſte. Of whiche immoderate appetite of worſhippe and thereby of debate and diſſention, what loſſe, what ſor|rowe, what trouble hathe within theſe fewe yeares growne in this Realme, I pray God aſwell forget as wee well remember.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 Which things if I could aſwell haue fore|ſeene [...] I haue with my more paine then plea|ſure proued, by Goddes bleſſed Ladye (that was [...]er his othe). I woulde neuer haue won the [...]ſ [...]e of mens knees, wyth the loſſe of ſo many heades. But ſithen thinges paſſed cannot hee gayne called, muche oughte wee the more beware, by what occaſion we haue taken ſo greate hurte afore, that we eftſoones fall not in that occaſion agayne. Now hee thoſe griefs paſſed, and all is (God be thanked quiet) and likely, right well to proſper in wealthfull peace vnder your couſins my children, if God ſende them life and you loue. Of whiche two things, the leſſe loſſe were they by whome, thoughe God did his pleaſure, yet ſhoulde the Realme alway finde Kings, and peraduenture as good Kings. But if you among your ſelfe in a childs raigne fall at debate, many a good man ſhall periſhe and haplye hee to, and yee to, ere this lande, finde peace againe. Wherefore in theſe laſte wordes that euer I looke to ſpeake wyth you. I exhorte you and require you all, for the loue that you haue euer borne to mee: for the loue that I haue euer borne vnto you: for the loue that our Lord beareth to vs all, from this time forwarde all griefs forgotten eche of you loue other. Whiche I verely [...]ruſte you will, if yee any thing earthly regarde, eyther God or your King, affinitie or kinred, this realme, your owne counter, or your own fuertie: And therewithall the King [...]o longer induryng to ſ [...]tte vp, laid him downe on his righte ſide, hys face towarde them: and none was there pre|ſent that coulde refraine from weepyng. But the Lordes recomfortyng him wyth as good wordes as they coulde, and aunſweryng for the time as they thought [...] ſtand [...] with hys EEBO page image 1360 pleaſure, there in hys preſence, as by theyr wordes appeared, eche forgaue other, and ioy|ned theyr handes togyther, when (as it after appeared by theyr deedes) their hartes, were farre aſunder. As ſoone as the King was de|parted, the noble Prynce his ſonne drewe to|warde London, whiche at the time of hys de|ceaſſe, kepte hys houſholde at Ludlowe in Wales, whiche countrey beeing farre [...]rom the lawe and recourſe to Iuſtice, was begon to be far out of good wil, and waxen wyld rob|bers & reuers, walkyng at libertie vncorrected.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And for thys ench [...]on the Prince was in the life of hys father ſente thither, to the ende that the aucthoritie of his preſence, ſhoulde re|fraine euill diſpoſed perſons fro the boldeneſſe of their former outrages. To the gouernaunce and orderyng of this yong Prince at hys ſen|dyng thither, was there appoynted Sir An|thony Wooduile lord Riuers, and brother vn|to the Queene,Lorde Riuers. a right honourable man, as va| [...]ant of hand as politike in counſel. Adioyned wer there vnto him other of ye ſame partie, & in effect euery one as he was nereſt of [...]n vnto the Quene, ſo was planted next about ye Prince.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 That drifte by the Queene not vnwiſely deuiſed, whereby hir bloude mighte of yo [...]he bee rooted in the Princes fauoure, the Duke of Glouceſter tourned vnto their deſtruction, and vppon that grounde ſette the foundation of all his vnhappye buildyng. For whomſoeuer he perceyued, eyther at variaunce wyth them, or bearing hymſelfe theyr fauoure, hee brake vnto them, ſome by mouthe, ſome by writyng and ſecret meſſengers, that it neyther was reaſon nor in any wiſe to bee ſuffered, that the yong Kyng their Maiſter and kinſman, ſhoulde bee in the handes and cuſtodye of his mothers kin|red, ſequeſtred in manner from their company and attendaunce, of whiche euery one oughte hym as faithfull ſeruice as they, and manye of them farre more honourable parte of kinne than his mothers ſide. Whoſe bloude (quod hee) ſa|uing the Kings pleaſure, was full vnmeetelye to bee matched wyth his: whiche nowe to bee as who ſaye remoued from the Kyng and the leſſe noble to bee left aboute hym, is (quod he) neyther honourable to his Maieſtie nor vnto vs, and alſo to his grace no ſuretie to haue the mightleſt of his friendes from hym, and vnto vs no little ieoperdye, to ſuffer our well pro| [...]ed euill willers to growe in ouer great aucto|ritie with the prince in youth, namely whiche is lighte of beleefe and ſoone perſwaded. Yee remember I trowe King Edwarde hymselfe, albeit he was a man of age and of discretion, yet was he in many things ruled by the bende, more than stoode either with his honour, or our profit, or wt the com(m)oditie of any ma(n) els except only the immoderate aduancement of the(m)selfe. Which whether they sorer thirsted after their own weale, or our wo, it were hard I wene to gesse. And if some folkes friendshippe had not houlden better place wyth the Kyng, than any respect of kinred, they myght peraduenture easilye haue betrapped and broughte to confusion some of vs ere this. Why not as easilye as they haue done some other already, as neere of his royall bloude as wee? But our Lorde hathe wroughte his will, and thanke bee to his grace that perill is paste. Howebeit as greate is growing, if we suffer this yong king in our enimies hande, whiche wythout his wittyng myght abuse the name of hys commaundement, to any of our vndooyng, whiche thyng God and good prouision forbidde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Of whiche good prouision none of vs hath any thing the lesse neede, for the late made atonement, in which the kings plesure had more place than the parties willes. Nor none of vs, I beleeue is so vnwise, ouersoone to truste a newe friende made of an olde foe, or to thinke that an hourely kindenesse, sodainely contracte in one houre, continued yet scante a fortnyght, shoulde bee deeper settled in their stomackes: than a long accustomed malice many yeres rooted. Wyth these wordes and writyngs and suche other, the Duke of Gloucester soone set a fire, them that wer of themself ethe to kindle, & in especiall twayn, Edward duke of Buckingham, & William Lord Hastyngs & Chamberlain, both men of honour and of great power.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The tone by long ſucceſſion from his aun|ceſtrie: the tother by his office, and the Kyngs fauoure. Theſe twoo not bearing ethe to other ſo muche loue as hatred bothe vnto the Quenes part: in this poynt accorded togyther wyth the Duke of Glouceſter, that they woulde vtterly amoue from the kings companye, all hys mo|thers frends, vnder the name of theyr enemies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Vppon this concluded, the Duke of Glou|ceſter vnderſtandyng that the Lordes whiche at that time were aboute the King, entended to bring him vp to his coronation accompanied with ſuche power of their friends, that it ſhuld bee harde for hym to bring his purpoſe to paſſe, without the gathering & great aſſẽble of people & in maner of open warre, wherof ye [...]nd he wiſt was doubtfull, & in which the K. being on their ſide, his parte ſhuld haue the face and name of a rebellion: he ſecretly therfore, by diuers meanes cauſed the Queene to bee perſwaded & brought in the minde, that it neyther were neede, & [...]ſo ſhoulde bee ieopardous, the Kyng to co [...]p ſtrong. For whereas nowe euerye Lorde lo|ued other, and none other thyng [...] vpon EEBO page image 1361 but about the Coronation and honour of the King: if ye Lordes of hir kindred ſhould aſſemble in the Kings name muche people, they ſhoulde g [...]e the Lordes atwixte whome and them had [...]in ſometime debate, to feare and ſuſpect, leaſte they ſhould gather thys people, not for ye Kings ſafegard, whome no man impugned, but for theyr deſtruction, hauing more regarde to theyr olde variance, than theyr new attonement. For whiche cauſe they ſhoulde aſſemble on the other partie muche people agayne for theyr defence, whoſe power the wiſt well farre ſtretched. And thus ſhould all the Realme fall on a core. And of all the hurt that thereof ſhould enſue, which was likely not to bee little, and the moſt harme there like to fall where ſhe leaſt would, all the worlde would put hir and hir kindred in the wight, and ſay that they hadde vnwiſely and vntruely alſo broken the amitie and peace, that the Kyng hir huſband ſo prudently made, betweene his kinne and hirs in his deathe bed, and whiche the other partie faithfully obſerued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Queene beeing in this wiſe perſwaded, ſuch word ſent vnto hir ſonne, and vnto hir bro|ther beeing about the King, and ouer that the Duke of Glouceſter himſelfe and other Lordes the chiefe of his bende, wrote vnto the King ſo reuerently, and to the Queenes friendes there ſo louingly, that they nothing earthly miſtru|ſting brought the King vp in great haſt, not in good ſpeede, with a ſober companye. Now was the King in his way to London gone frõ Nor|thampton, when theſe Dukes of Glouceſter and Buckingham came thither, where remayned behinde the Lord Riuers the Kings Vncle, in|tending on the morrowe to followe the Kyng, [...]he with him at Stome Stratford, myles thence earely or he departed. So was there made that night muche friendly cheere betweene theſe Dukes and the Lorde Riuers a greate whyle. But incontinente, after that they were openly with great curteſie departed, and the Lorde Ri|uers lodged, the Dukes ſecretely with a fewe of [...] moſt priuie friends, ſet them downe in coũ|ſayle, wherein they ſpente a greate parte of the [...]ight. And at their riſing in the dawning of the day, they ſente about priuily to their ſe [...]untes in their Innes and lodgings about, giuing them commandement, to make themſelfe ſhortly rea|die, for their Lordes were to horſebacke warde. Vppon whiche meſſages, manye of theyr folke were attendaunce, when many of the Lord Ri|uers ſeruauntis were vnready. Nowe had theſe Dukes taken alſo into their cuſtodie the keyes of the Inne, that none ſhoulde paſſe foorth with|out the [...] licence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 And ouer this, in the high way toward Sto|nie Stratford, where the King lay, they had be|ſtowed certaine of their folke, that ſhoulde ſende backe agayne, and compell to returne, any man that were goten out of Northampton; towarde Stonie Strafforde, till they ſhoulde giue other licence. For as much as the Dukes themſelfe intended for the ſhewe of theyr diligence, to bee the firſte that ſhoulde that daye attende vpon the Kings highneſſe out of that Towne: thus bare they folke in hand. But when the Lorde Riuers vnderſtoode the gates cloſed, and the wayes on euery ſide beſet, neyther his ſeruauntes nor hym|ſelfe ſuffered to gone out, perceyuing well ſo great a thing without his knowledge not begun for naughte, comparing this manner preſente, with this laſt nightes cheere, in ſo fewe houres ſo great a change, maruellouſly miſliked. How|beit, ſith he could not get away, and keepe hym|ſelfe cloſe he woulde not, leaſt hee ſhoulde ſeeme to hyde hymſelfe for ſome ſecrete feare of hys owne faulte, whereof hee ſawe no ſuche cauſe in himſelfe. He determined vpon the ſuretie of hys owne conſcience, to goe boldly to them, and in|quire what this matter myghte meant, whome [...] as they ſawe, they began to quarrel with him and ſay, that he intended to ſet diſtaunce be|tweene the King and them, and to bring them to re [...]ſion, but it ſhould not lie in his power. And when he began (as he was a very well ſpo|ken in all) in goodly wiſe to excuſe himſelfe, they tarried not the ende of his aunſwere,The Lorde Riuers put in warde. but ſhortly tooke hym, and put him in ward, and that done, forthwith wente to Horſebacke, and tooke the way to Stony Stratforde, where they founde the King with hys companie, readie to leape on Horſebacke, and departe forwarde to leaue that lodging for them, bycauſe it was to ſtraight for both companyes. And aſſoone as they came in his preſence, they lighte adowne with all theyr companie about them. To whome the Duke of Buckingham ſayde, goe afore Gentlemen, and yeomen keepe your twines.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And thus in a goodly aray, they came to the King, and on their knees in very humble will, ſalued his grace, whiche receyued them in verye ioyous and amiable manner, nothing earthly knowing nor miſtruſting as yet. But euen by and by in his preſence, they piked a quarrell to the Lorde Richarde Grey,The Lorde Grey. the Kings other bro|ther by his mother, ſaying, that he with ye Lorde Marques his brother, and the Lord Riuers hys Vncle, had compaſſed to [...] the King and the Realme, and to ſet variance among the ſtates and to ſubdue and deſtroy the noble proud of the Realme. Towarde the accompliſhing where|of they ſayd that the Lord Marques had entred into the Tower of London, and thence taken out the Kings treaſure, and ſente menne to the Sea.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 EEBO page image 1362All which things theſe Dukes wiſt wel were done for good purpoſes & neceſſarie by the whole counſayle at London, ſauing that ſomewhat they muſt ſay. Vnto whiche wordes the Kyng aunſwered. What my brother Marques hathe done I cannot ſay: But in good faithe I dare well aunſwere for mine vncle Riuers and my brother heere, that they be innocent of anye ſuch matter. Yea my liege quoth the Duke of Buc|kingham, they haue kept theyr dealing in theſe matters farre fro the knowledge of youre good grace. And forthwith they areſted the Lord Ri|chard and Sir Thomas Vaughan Knighte, in the Kings preſence, and brought the King and all backe vnto Northampton, where they tooke againe further Counſell. And there they ſente away from the Kyng, whome it pleaſed them, and ſet new ſeruauntes about hym, ſuche as ly|ked better them than him. At whiche dealing hee wepte, and was nothing contente, but it booted not. And at dinner, the Duke of Glouceſter ſent a diſh from his owne table to the Lord Riuers, praying him to bee of good cheere, all ſhoulde bee well ynough. And hee thanked the Du e, and prayed the meſſenger to beare it to his nephewe the Lord Richard with the ſame meſſage for his comfort, who bee thoughte hadde more neede of comforte, as one to whome ſuch aduerſitie was ſtrange. But hymſelfe hadde bin all hys dayes in vre therewith, and therefore could beare it the better. But for all thys comfortable curteſie of the Duke of Glouceſter, hee ſente the Lorde Riuers,The death of the L. Riuers and other. and the Lorde Richarde, with ſir Tho|mas Vaughan into the North Countrey, into dyuers places to priſon, and afterwarde all to Pomfraite, where they were in concluſion beheaded.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In this wiſe, the Duke of Glouceſter tooke vpon hymſelfe the order and gouernaunce of the yong Kyng, whome with much honor & hum|ble reuerence, hee conueyed vpwarde towarde the Citie. But anone, the tidyngs of thys matter came haſtily to the Queene a little before the midnighte following, and that in ye ſoreſt wiſe, that the King hir ſonne was taken, hir brother, hir ſonne, and hir other friendes arreſted, and ſent no man wiſt whither, to bee done with GOD wot what. With whyche tydyngs, the Queene in greate flighte and heauineſſe, bewayling hyr childes raigne, hir friendes miſchance, and hyr owne infortune, damning the tyme that euer ſhe diſſwaded the gathering of power about the King, gate hir ſelfe in all the haſt poſſible with hir yonger ſonne and hir daughters, out of the palace of Weſtminſter, in which ſhe then lay, into the Sanctuarie,The Q taketh Sanctuary. lodging hir ſelfe and hir cõ|panie there in the Abbots place.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Nowe came there one in likewiſe not long after midnight fro the Lord Chamberlayne, [...] to the Archbyſhoppe of Yorke, then Chancellor of England, to his place not farre from Weſt|minſter. And for that hee ſhewed his ſeruauntes that he hadde tidings of ſo greate importaunce, that his maiſter gaue him in charge, not to for|beare his reſt, they letted not to wake hym, nor hee to admitte this meſſenger into his beds [...] Of whome hee hearde that theſe Dukes were gone backe with the Kings grace from Stonie Stratford vnto Northampton. Notwithſtan|ding Sir (quoth hee) my Lorde ſendeth youre Lordſhippe worde, that there is no feare: for [...]ee aſſureth you that all ſhall bee well. I aſſure him quoth the Archebyſhoppe, be it as well as it vpõ it will neuer be ſo well as we haue ſeene it. And therevpon, by and by after, the meſſenger depar|ted, he cauſed in all the haſt all his ſeruauntes to bee called vp, and ſo with hys owne houſeho [...] a|bout hym, and euerye man weaponed, he tooke the greate ſeale with hym, and came yet before day vnto the Queene. About whome he founde muche heauineſſe, rumble, haſt and buſineſſe, ca|riage and conueyance of hir ſtuffe into San|ctuarie, cheſtes, coffers, packes, fardels, truſſed all on mens backes, no man vnoccupyed, ſome la|ding, ſome going, ſome diſcharging, ſome com|ming for more, ſome breaking downe the walles to bring in the nexte way, and ſome yet d [...] to them that holp to carrrie a wrong way.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Queene hir ſelfe ſate alone [...] on the ruſhes all deſolate and diſmayde, whome the Archbyſhop comforted in the beſt manner hee coulde, ſhewyng hir that hee truſted, the matter was nothyng ſo ſore as ſhe tooke it for. And that hee was putte in good hope and out of feare by the meſſage ſent hym from the Lord Cham|berlayne. Ah wo worth him (quoth ſhe) for he is one of them that laboureth to deſtroy [...] my bloud.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 Madame (quoth he) be yee of good cheers, for I aſſure you, if they Crowne anye other [...] than youre ſonne, whome they nowe [...] with them, wee ſhall on the morrowe Crowne hys brother, whome you haue heere with [...]. And heere is the greate ſcale, whiche in lykewiſe as that noble Prince youre huſband deliuered it vnto me, ſo heere I deliuer, it vnto you, to ye vſe and behoofe of your ſonne, and therewith hee be|tooke hir ye greate ſeale, & departed home againe, yet in ye dawning of the day. By which tyme [...] might in his chamber window, ſee al ye [...] full of boates of the D. of Glo [...]eſters ſeru [...], watching that no man ſhould goe to Sanctua|rie, nor none could paſſe vnſearched. Then was there great commotion and murmure, as well EEBO page image 1363 in other places about, as ſpecially in the Citie, the people diuerſly diuining vpon thys dealing. And ſome Lordes, Knyghtes, and Gentlemen, eyther for fauoure of the Queene, or for feare of themſelues, aſſembled in ſundrye companyes, and wente flockemele in harneys and many al|ſo, for that they reckoned this demeanoure attẽp|ted, not ſo ſpecially againſte the other Lordes, as againſt the King hymſelfe in the diſturbance of his Coronation. But then by and by ye Lords aſſembled togither at [...] Towarde whyche meeting, the Archebyſhoppe of Yorke fearing that it woulde bee aſcribed (as it was in|deede) to hys ouermuche lightneſſe, that hee ſo ſuddaynely hadde yeelded vp the greate ſeale to the Queene, to whome the cuſtodie thereof no|thing perteyned, without eſpeciall commaunde|ment of the Kyng, ſecretely ſent for the ſeale a|gayne, and brought it with him after the cuſto|mable manner. And at thys meetyng the Lorde Haſting, whoſe trouth toward the king, no man doubted nor needed to doubte, perſwaded the Lordes to beleeue, that the Duke of Glouceſter was ſure and faſtly faythfull to his Prince, and that the Lorde Riuers and Lord Richard with the other Knightes were for matters attempted by them againſte the Dukes of Glouceſter and Buckingham, put vnder areſt for their ſuretie, not for the Kings ieoperdie: and that they were alſo in ſafegarde, and there no longer ſhoulde re|mayne, than til the matter were, not by ye Dukes only, but alſo by al the other Lordes of the kings counſayle indifferently examined, and by other diſcretions ordered and eyther iudged or appea|ſed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But one thing he aduiſed them beware, that they iudged not the matter too farre foorthe, ere they knewe the trueth, nor turning theyr priuate grudges into the common hurte, yrriting and prouokyng men vnto anger, and diſturbing the Kings Coronation, towarde whych the Dukes were commyng vp, that they myght peraduen|ture bryng the matter ſo farre out of ioyne, that it ſhoulde neuer bee broughte in frame agayne. Which ſtrife if it ſhould happe, as it were likely to come to a fielde though both parties were in all other things egall, yet ſhoulde the authoritie be on that ſyde where the King is himſelfe, with theſe perſwaſions of the Lorde Haſtings, wher|of parte hymſelfe beleeued, of parte hee wiſt the contrarie, theſe commotions were ſomewhat appeaſed. But ſpeciallie by that that the Dukes of Glouceſter and Buckingham were ſo neere and came ſo ſhortly on with the Kyng, in none other manner, with none other voyce or ſem|blaunce than to hys coronation, cauſing the fame to be blowen about, that theſe Lordes and Knyghtes which were taken, had contriued the deſtruction of the Dukes of Glouceſter and Buckyngham, and of other the noble bloud of the Realme, to the ende that themſelfe woulde alone, demeane and gouerne the Kyng at theyr pleaſure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And for the coulourable proofe thereof, ſuche of the Dukes ſeruauntes as rode with the cartes of theyr ſtuffe that were taken (among whyche ſtuffe, no maruell though ſome were harneys, whyche at the breaking vppe of that houſholde, muſt needes eyther bee broughte away, or caſt away) they ſhewed vnto the people al the wayes as they wente: loe heere bee the barrels of har|neys that theſe Traytors hadde priuily con|ueyde in theyr carriage to deſtroye the noble Lordes withall.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thys deuiſe albeit that it made the matter to wiſe menne more vnlykely, well perceyuing that the intendours of ſuche a purpoſe woulde rather haue hadde theyr harneys on theyr backes than to haue bounde them vppe in barrels, yet muche parte of the common people were there|with verye well ſatiſfyed, and ſayde it were al|moyſe to hang them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the King approched neere to the Ci|tie, Edmonde Shaa goldeſmith, then Maior, with William White, and Iohn Mathewe Sheriffes, and all the other Aldermen in Scar|lette, with fyue hundred Horſe of the Citizens in violet receyued hym reuerently at Harneſey: and riding from thence accompanyed hym in|to the Citie,The Kings comming to London. whyche hee entred the fourth daye of Maye, the fyrſte and laſte yeare of hys raigne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But the Duke of Glouceſter bare hym in open ſyght ſo reuerently to the Prince, with all ſemblaunce of lowlyneſſe, that from the greate obloquie in whych he was ſo late before, he was ſuddaynely fallen in ſo greate truſt, that at the Counſayle nexte aſſembled, hee was made the onely man choſe and thought moſt meete,The protec|tour made. to be Protector of the King and hys Realme, ſo (that were it deſtenie or were it follie) the lambe was betaken to the wolfe to keepe. At whych Coun|ſayle alſo, the Archebyſhoppe of Yorke Chaun|cellour of Englande whyche hadde deliuered by the greate ſeale to the Queene, was thereof greately reprooued, and the Seale taken from hym, and deliuered to Doctor Ruſſell By|ſhoppe of Lincolne, a wiſe men and a good,The Biſhop of Lincolne made Lorde Chancellour. and of muche experience, and one of the beſte learned menne vndoubtedly that England had in hys tyme. Diuers Lordes and Knyghtes were appoynted vnto diuers roomes. The Lord Chamberlayne and ſome other kepte ſtill theyr offices that they had before.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 EEBO page image 1364Now all were it ſo that the Protector ſo ſore thirſted for the furniſhing of that hee hadde be|gunne, that thoughte euerye daye a yeare, till it were atchieued, yet durſt he no further attempte, as long as hee hadde but halfe his pray in hys hande: well witting, that if he depoſed the one brother, all the Realme woulde fall to the to|ther, if hee eyther remayned in Sanctuarie, or ſhoulde happely bee ſhortlye conueyd to hys fa|thers libertie. Wherefore incontinent at the next meeting of the Lordes at the Counſaile, he pro|poſed vnto them, that it was a haynous deede of the Queene,The protec|tors orations. and proceeding of great malice towarde the Kings Counſailers, that ſhe ſhould keepe in Sanctuarie the kings brother frõ hym, whoſe ſpeciall pleaſure and comforte were to haue his brother with him. And that by hir done to none other intente, but to bring all the Lords in obloquie, and murmure of the people. As though they were not to be truſted with ye kings brother, that by the aſſente of the Nobles of the land, were appoynted as the kings neereſt friẽds, to the tuition of his owne royall perſon. The proſperitie whereof ſtandeth (quoth he) not all in keeping from enimies, or ill vyande, but partlye alſo in recreation, and moderate pleaſure: which hee cannot in this tender youth, take in the com|panie of auncient perſons, but in the familiar cõ|uerſacion of thoſe that be neyther farre vnder, nor farre aboue his age. And naytheleſſe of eſtate cõ|uenient to accompanie his noble maieſtie, wher|fore with whome rather, than with hys owne brother? And if any man thinke this conſidera|tion (whiche I thinke no man thinketh that lo|ueth the King) let him conſider, that ſometyme without ſmall thinges, greater cannot ſtande. And verily, it redoundeth greately to the diſho|nor both of the Kinges highneſſe, and of all vs that bene about his grace, to haue it runne in e|uery mans mouth, not in this Realme only, but alſo in other lands (as euill wordes walke farre) that the kings brother ſhoulde bee fayne to keepe Sanctuarie. For euery man will weene, that no man will ſo do for naught. And ſuch euil opini|on once faſtned in mens heartes, harde it is to wraſt out, and may growe to more griefe than any man can heere deuine. Wherefore me thyn|keth it were not worſt to ſende vnto ye Queene, for the redreſſe of this matter, ſome honorable truſtie man, ſuche as both tendereth the Kynges wealt, and the honour of his counſayle, and is alſo in fauoure and credence with hir. For all whiche conſiderations, none ſeemeth mee more meetely, than our reuerende father heere preſent, my Lorde Cardinall, who maye in this matter doe moſt good of any man, if it pleaſe him to take the payne, whiche I doubte not of hys goodneſſe he will not refuſe for the Kyngs ſake and ours, and wealth of the yong Duke himſelf, the kings moſt honorable brother, and after my ſouerai [...] Lorde hymſelfe, my moſte deere nephewe, con|ſidered that thereby ſhall be ceaſſed the ſlaunde|rous rumor and obloquie nowe goyng, and the hurtes auoyded that thereof myghte enſue, and muche reſt and quiete growe to all the Realme. And if ſhe bee percaſe ſo obſtinate, and ſo preciſelie ſette vppon hir owne will, that ney|ther hys wiſe and faythfull aduertiſemente, can+not moue hir, nor anye mans reaſon contente hir: then ſhall we by myne aduice, by the kyngs authoritie, fetche hym out of that priſon, and bryng him to his noble preſence, in whoſe con|tinuall companie, hee ſhall be ſo well cheriſhed and ſo honorablie intreated, that all the worlde ſhall to our honor and hir reproche perceyue, that it was only malice, frowardneſſe, or follie, that cauſed hir to keepe him there: this is my mynde in this matter for this time, except any of youre Lordſhippes any thing perceyue to the contraiſe, for neuer ſhall I by Goddes grace ſo wedde my ſelfe to myne owne will, but that I ſhall be rea|die to change it vpon your better aduiſes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 When the Protector hadde ſayde, all the Counſayle affirmed, that the motion was good and reaſonable, and to the King and the Duke his brother, honorable, and a thing that ſhoulde ceaſſe great murmure in the Realme, if ye mo|ther mighte be by good meanes enduced to dely|uer him. Which thing the Archbiſhop of Yorke, whome they all agreed alſo to bee thereto moſt conueniente, tooke vppon hym to moue hir, and therein to doe his vttermoſt deuoire. Howbeit, if ſhe could be in no wiſe intreated with hir good will to deliuer him, then thought he, and ſuch o|ther as were of the Spiritualtie preſente, that it were not in anye wiſe to bee attempted to take him out againſt hir wil. For it would be a thing that ſhould turne to the great grudge of all men,Sanctuary. and high diſpleaſure of God, if the priuiledge of that holy place ſhoulde nowe be broken, whyche had ſo manie yeares be kept, whiche both Kings and Popes ſo good had graunted, ſo many hadde confirmed, and whiche holy grounde was more than fyue hundred yeares agoe by S. Peter in his owne perſon in ſpirite accompanyed, with great multitude of Angels by nighte, ſo ſpecial|ly halowed, and dedicate to God (for the pri [...]t whereof, they haue yet in the Abbey Saynt Pe|ters Cope to ſhew) that from that time hy [...]|ward, was there neuer ſo vndeuout a King, that durſt that ſacred place violate, or ſo holy a By|ſhop, that durſt it preſume to conſecrate. And therefore (quoth the Archebyſhop of Yorke) God forbid that any man ſhuld for any thing earth|ly enterpriſe to breake the immunitie and libertie of ye ſacred Sanctuarie, that hath bin ye ſafegard EEBO page image 1365 of ſo many a good mans life and I will (quoth hee) with Goddes grace, wee ſhall not neede it. But for any manner neede, I would not we ſhoulde doe it. I truſt that ſhee ſhall bee with reaſon contented, and all thynges in good ma|ner obteyned. And if it happen that I bryng it not ſo to paſſe, yet ſhall I towarde it ſo farre|foorth doe my beſt, that yee ſhall all well per|ceyue, that no lacke of my deuoire, but the mo|thers dread and womaniſhe feare, ſhall bee the lette. Womaniſhe feare, naye womaniſhe fro|wardeneſſe (quoth the Duke of Buckyngham) For I dare take it vpon my ſoule, ſhe well kno|weth ſhee needeth no ſuche thyng to feare, ey|ther for hir ſonne or for hir ſelfe. For as for hir, heere is no man that will be at warre with wo|men. Woulde God ſome of the men of hir kinne, were women too, and then ſhoulde all be ſonne in reſt. Howheit, there is none of hir kynne the leſſe loued, for that they hee hir kynne, but for there owne euill deſeruing. And natheleſſe, if we loued neither hir nor hir kinne, yet were there no cauſe to thynke that we ſhould hate the kings noble brother, to whoſe Grace, we once ſelfe bee of kynne. Whoſe honoure, if ſhe as muche deſi|red as our diſhonoure, and as muche regarde tooke to hys wealthe, as to hir owne will, ſhee woulde hee as loth to ſuffer hym from the King, as any of vs he. For yf yee haue anye witte, (as woulde God ſhee had as good will as ſhee hathe ſhrewde witte) ſhe reckoneth his ſelfe no wiſer, than ſhee thynketh ſome that be heere, of whoſe faythfull mynde, ſhee nothyng doubteth, but verily beleeueth and knoweth, that they would bee as ſorie of hys harme as hir ſelfe, and yet woulde haue hym from hir if ſhee hyde there: And we all I thynke) content, that both he with hir, if ſhee come thence and byde in ſuche place where they may with theyr honour be.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Nowe then if ſhee refuſe in the deliueraunce of him, to followe the reconſaile of them, whoſe wiſedome ſhee knoweth, whoſe trueth ſhe well truſteth is ethe to perceyue, that frowardneſſe letteth hir, and not feare. But go to ſuppoſe that ſhe feare (as who may lette hir to feare hir owne ſhadowe) the more ſhee feareth to deliuer hym, the more ought we feare to leaue him in hir [...]ãd [...] For if ſhee caſt ſuch fond doubtes, that ſhe feare his hurt: then will ſhe feare that he ſhall bee ſette thence. For ſhe will ſoone thynke, that if menne were ſette (whych God forbidde) vpon ſo greate a miſchiefe, the Sainctuarie woulde little lette them: which good menne myghte as me thyn|keth, without ſinne, ſomewhat leſſe regard than they doe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Nowe then, if she doubte, least hee myghte be fetched from hir, is it not lykely ynough that she shal send hym some where out of the realme? Verily I looke for none other. And I doubte not, but shee nowe as sore myndeth it, as we the lette thereof. And if shee mighte happen to bryng that to passe, (as it were no greate maistrie, wee letting hir alone) all the worlde woulde saye that we were a wise sorte of Counsailers aboute a Kyng, that lette his brother be cast away vnder our noses. And therefore, I ensure you faythfully for my mynde, I will rather maugre hir minde, fetch him away, then leaue him there, till hir frowardnesse and fonde feare conuay him away. And yet will I breake no Sainctuarie therefore. For verily, sith the priueleges of that place and other lyke, haue bene of long continued, I am not hee that woulde be about to breake them. And in good fayth, if they were now to beginne, I woulde not be he that shoulde be about to make them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Yet will I not say naye, Of Sãctuarles. but that it is a deede of pitie, that such menne as the Sea, or their euill dettours haue broughte in pouertie, shoulde haue some place of libertie, to keepe theyr cruell creditours.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And also, if the Crowne happen (as it hathe done) to come in question, whyle eyther parte taketh other as Traytors, I will well there be come places of refuge for both.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But as for theeues, of whyche, these places bee full, and whyche neuer fall from the crafte, after they once fall thereto, it is pitie the Sanctuarie shoulde serue them. And much more, ma(n)quellers, whome GOD bade to take from the Aulter and kyll them, if theyr murther were wilfull. And where it is otherwise, there neede wee not the Sanctuaries that God appoynted in the olde lawe. For if eyther necessitie, hys owne defence, or misfortune draweth hym to that deede, a pardon serueth, whiche eyther the lawe graunteth of course, or the King of pittie maye.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then looke me nowe howe fewe Sanctuarie me(n) there be, whom any fauourable necessitie co(m)pelled to goe thyther. And then see on the tother syde, what a sort, there be commonly therein of them, whome wilfull vnthriftinesse hathe brought to naught.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 What a rabble of theeues, murtherers, and malitious heynous Traytors, and that in two places specially. The tone at the elbowe of the Citie, the tother in the verye bowelles. I dare well auowe it, way the good that they doe, Weſtminſter and Saint Mertina. with the hurte that commeth of them, and yee shall fynde it muche better to lacke both, than haue bothe. And thys I saye, although they were not abused as they nowe bee, and so long haue bee, that I feare me euer they will bee, whyle menne be afrayde to sette their hands to the EEBO page image 1366 the mendmente, as though God and Saincte Peter, were the patrones of vngratious lyuing.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The abuſe of Sanctuaries.Nowe vnthriftes riote, and runne in debte, vpon the boldneſſe of theſe places, yea, and rich men runne thither with poore mens goodes, there they buylde, there they ſpende, and blode theyr creditors goe whiſtle them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Mens wines runne thyther with theyr huſ|bandes plate, and ſaye, they dare not abyde with theyr huſbands for beating.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theeues bring thither theyr ſtollen goodes, and there lyue thereon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 There deuiſe they newe robberies, nightelie they ſteale out, they robbe, and rea [...]e, and kyll, and come in agayne, as though thoſe places gaue them not onely a ſauegarde for the harme they haue done, but a licence alſo to doe more. Howbeit, much of thys miſchiefe if wiſe menne would ſette theyr handes to it, might be amen|ded, with great thankes of God, and no breathe of the priuiledge.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The reſidue, ſith ſo long agoe I wore neere what Pope, and what Prince more piteous than politike, hathe graunted it, and other men, ſince of a certayne religious feare, haue not broken it, [...]ete vs take a payne therewith, and lette it a Goddes name ſt [...]de in force, as farre forthe as reaſon will, whych is not fully ſo farre forthe, as maye ſerue to lette vs of the fetching forthe of thys noble man, to hys honor and wealthe, out of that place, in whyche hee neyther is, nor can be a Sanctuarie man.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 A Sanctuarie ſerueth alway to defende the bodye of that man that ſtandeth in daunger a|broade, not of greate hurte onely, but alſo of lawfull hurte, for agaynſte vnlawfull harmes, neuer Pope nor Kyng intended to priuiledge any one place, for that priuiledge hathe euerye place: knoweth anye man, anye place, where|in it is lawefull one manne to doe another wrong?

Compare 1587 edition: 1 That no man vnlawfully take hurte, that lybertie, the Kyng, the lawe, and verye na|ture, forbyddeth in euery place, and maketh to that regarde, for euery man euery place a San|ctuarie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But where a man is by lawfull meanes in perill, there needeth he the tuicion of ſome ſpeciall priuiledge, whyche is the onely grounde and cauſe of all Sanctuaries: from whyche neceſſi|tie, thys noble Prince is farre, whoſe loue to hys Kyng, nature and kindred proueth, whoſe innocencie to all the worlde, his tender youth proueth, and ſo Sanctuarie, as for hym, ney|ther none he needeth, nor alſo none can haue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Men come not to Sanctuarie, as they come to Baptiſme, to require it by theyr Godfathers, he muſt aſke it himſelfe, that muſt haue it, [...] reaſon, ſith no man hathe cauſe to haue it, but whoſe conſcience of his owne fault maketh him fayne, neede to require it, what will then [...] yonder babe? whyche and if hee hadde diſcre|tion to require it, if neede were, I dare ſaye woulde nowe bee ryght angrie with them that keepe hym there: and I would thynke without anye ſcruple of conſcience, withoute any brea [...] of priuiledge, to bee ſomewhat more hounly with them that be there Sanctuarie menne in|deede.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 For if one goe to Sanctuarie with [...]|ther mans goodes, why ſhoulde not the Kyng, leauing his bodye at libertie, ſatiſfie the partie of hys goodes, euen within the Sanctuarie for neyther Kyng nor Pope can gyue any place ſuche a priuiledge, that it ſhall diſcharge a man of his debtes, beeyng able to pay: and with that, dyuers of the Cleargie that were preſente, whyther they ſayde it for hys plea [...]e, or as they thought, agreed playnelye, thirty the lawe of God and of the Churche, the goodes of a Sanctuarie man ſhoulde be deſyue|red in paymente of hys debtes, and [...] goodes to the owner, and onely lybertie teſ [...]|ued hym to gette hys liuing with the laboure of hys handes, verilye (quoth the Duke) I thynke you ſay very trueth, and what if a mans wife will take Sanctuarie, bycauſe ſhee [...] to runne from hir huſbande, I woulde w [...] if ſhee coulde alledge none other cauſe, hee maye lawfully, withoute anye diſpleaſure to [...] Peter, take hir out of Sainte Peters [...] by the arme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And if no bodye maye bee taken out of San|ctuarie, that ſayeth hee will byde there, then if a childe will take Sanctuarie, bycauſe he feareth to goe to Schole, hys maiſter muſt lette him alone.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And as ſimple as that ſample is, yet is there leſſe reaſon in our caſe than in that, for there|in, though it bee a childiſhe feare, yet is there, at the leaſtwiſe ſome feare, and heerein to there none at all. And verily, I haue often hearde of Sanctuarie menne, but I neuce hearde earle of Sanctuarie children.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And therefore, as for the concluſion of my mynde, who ſo maye haue deſerued to neede if, if they thynke it for theyr ſuretie, let them keepe it.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But hee can bee no Sanctuarie man, that neyther hathe wiſedome to deſire it, nor malice to deſerue it, whoſe life or libertie, can by no lawfull proceſſe ſtande in ieoperdie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And hee that taketh one out of Sanctuarie to doe hym good, I ſaye playnely, that hee breaketh no Sanctuarie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 EEBO page image 1367When the Duke hadde done, the Tempo|rall menne whole, and a good parte of the ſpi|rituall alſo, thynkyng no hurte earthely, meant towarde the yong babe, condiſcended in effect, that if hee were not delyuered, hee ſhoulde bet fetched.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Howbeit, they thoughte it all beſt, in the a|uoydyng of all manner of rumor, that the Lord Cardinall ſhoulde fyrſte aſſay to gette hym with hir good will.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And therevppon, all the Counſayle came vnto the Starre Chamber at Weſtminſter, and the Lorde Cardinall, leauing the Pro|tector with the Counſayle in the Starre Chamber, departed into the Sanctuarie to the Queene, with dyuers other Lordes with hym, were it for the reſpect of hys honoure, or that ſhee ſhoulde by preſence of ſo manye perceyue, that thys errande was not one mans mynde: or were it, for that the protect or in|tended not in thys matter, to truſt anye one manne alone, or elſe, that if ſhee finallye were determined to keepe hym, ſome of that com|panie hadde happily ſecrete inſtruction incon|tinente, mangre hir mynde, to take hym, and to leaue hir no reſpite to conuey hym, whyche ſhe was lykelye to mynde after thys matter, bro|ken to hir, if hir time woulde in any wiſe ſerue hir.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Queene, and theſe Lordes were come togyther in preſence, the Lorde Cardinall ſhewed vnto hir, that it was thou|ghte vnto the protector, and vnto the whole Counſayle, that hir keepyng of the Kynges brother in that place, was the thyng, whyche highlye ſounded, not onely to the greate ru|mour of the people and theyr obloquie, but alſo to the importable griefe and diſpleaſure of the Kynges royall maieſtie, to whoſe grace it were as ſingular comforte, to haue hys naturall brother in companye, as it was their bothe diſhonoure, and all theyrs and hirs alſo, to ſuffer hym in Sanctuarie, as though the one brother ſtoode in daunger and perill of the tother.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And hee ſhewed hir, that the Counſayle therefore hadde ſente hym vnto hir, to require hir the deliuerie of hym, that hee myghte be broughte vnto the Kynges preſence at hys ly|bertie, out of that place, whyche they recko|ned as a priſon, and there ſhoulde hee bee de|meaned, accordyng to hys eſtate, and ſhee in thys doyng, ſhoulde both doe greate good to the Realme, pleaſure to the Counſayle, and profite to hir ſelfe, ſuccoure to hir friendes that were in diſtreſſe, and ouer that (whyche hee wiſt well ſhee ſpecially tendered,) not one|ly greate comforte and honor to the Kyng, but alſo to the yong Duke hymſelfe, whoſe both greate wealthe it were to bee together, as well for many greater cauſes, as alſo for theyr both diſporte, and decreation: whyche thyng, the Lorde eſteemed no ſlighte,Protector. though it ſeeme lyghte, well pondering that their youth without recreation and playe, cannot endure, nor anye ſtraunger, for the conuenience of their both ages and eſtates, ſo meerely in that pointe for any of them, as eyther of them for o|ther.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 My Lorde (quoth the Queene) I ſaye not naye, but that it were very conueniente,The Queenes aunſwere. that thys Gentleman whome yee require were in companye of the Kyng hys brother: and in good faythe, mee thynketh it were as greate commoditie to them bothe, as for yet awhile, to beene in the cuſtodie of theyr mother, the tender age conſidered of the elder of them both, but ſpecially, the yonger, which beſydes hys infancie, that alſo needeth good lookyng to [...], hathe awhyle beene ſo ſore diſeaſed, vexed wyth ſickneſſe, and is ſo newly rather a little amended, than well recouered, that I dare putte no perſone earthely in truſt wyth hys keepyng, but my ſelfe onely, conſideryng that there is (as Phiſitians ſaye) and as wee alſo fynde, double the perill in the recidina|tion, that was in the fyrſte ſickneſſe, with whyche diſeaſe, Nature beeyng ſore labou|red, foreweeried and weakened, war [...] the leſſe able to beare out & ſuſteine a newe ſur|fette.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And albeeit there myghte bee founden other that woulde happely doe theyr beſte vnto hym, yet is there none that eyther knoweth better howe to order hym, than I that ſo long haue kepte hym: or is more tenderlye lyke to che|ryſhe hym, than hys owne mother that bare hym.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 No manne denyeth, good Madame, (quod the Cardinall) but that youre grace were of all folke moſte neceſſary aboute your chyldren and ſo woulde all the Counſell not onely bee con|tente, but gladde that ye were, if it myghte ſtande wyth youre pleaſure to bee in ſuche place as myghte ſtande wyth theyr honoure. But yf you doe appoynte youre ſelfe to tarry heere, then thynke they it more conuenyente that the Duke of Yorke were wyth the King honourably at hys lybertye to the coumforte of them bothe: then heere as a Sanctuarye manne, to their bothe diſhonour and obloquie, ſithe there is not alwaye ſo greate neceſſy|tie to haue the Chylde to bee with the Mother: but that occaſion maye ſometime be ſuche, that EEBO page image 1367 it ſhoulde be more expediente to keepe hym elſe where, whyche in thys well appeareth, that at ſuche time as youre deereſt ſonne then Prince, and nowe Kyng, ſhoulde for hys honor, and good order of the Countrey, keepe houſholde in Wales, farre out of your company: youre grace was well contente therewith youre ſelfe. Not very well contente quoth the Queene: And yet the caſe is not lyke, for the tone was then in healthe, and the tother is nowe ſicke: In whi|che caſe, I maruell greately, that my Lord pro|tector is ſo deſirous to haue hym in his keeping, where if the childe in hys ſickneſſe miſcarried by nature, yet myghte hee runne into flaunder and ſuſpition of fraude. And where they call it a thing ſo ſore agaynſte my childes honor, and theyrs alſo, that he bydeth in this place: it is all theyr honors there to ſuffer hym byde, where no man doubteth he ſhall bee beſt kepte, and that is heere, whyle I am heere, which as yet intende not to come forth, and ieobarde my ſelfe after o|ther of my friendes, whiche woulde God were rather heere in ſuretie with me, than I were there in ieoperdie with them. Why Madame (quoth another Lorde) knowe you anye thyng why they ſhoulde be in ieoperdie? Nay verily ſir quoth ſhee, nor why they ſhoulde bee in priſon neyther, as they nowe bee. But it is I trow, no greate maruell though I feare, leaſt thoſe that haue not letted to put them in dureſſe withoute couloure, will let as little to procure theyr de|ſtruction without cauſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 The Cardinall made a countenaunce to the other Lorde, that hee ſhoulde harp no more vpon that ſtring, and then ſaid he to the Quene, that he nothyng doubted, but that thoſe Lordes of hir honorable kynne, whyche as yet remay|ned vnder arreſt, ſhoulde vppon the matter exa|mined, doe well ynough: and as towarde hir no|ble perſon, neyther was, nor could be any man|ner ieoperdy. Whereby ſhoulde I truſt that (quoth the Queene) in that I am giltleſſe? as though they were giltie, in that I am with theyr enimies better loued than they? when they hate them for my ſake, in that I am ſo neere of kynne to the King? and howe farre they be of, if that would helpe, as God ſende grace it hurt not, and therefore as for me, I purpoſe not as yet, to de|part hence. And as for thys Gentleman my ſonne, I mynde that hee ſhall bee where I am, tyll I ſee further: for I aſſure you, for that I ſee ſome menne ſo greedie, without any ſubſtan|tiall cauſe to haue hym, thys maketh me much the more fearder to delyuer hym. Truely madame, quoth hee, and the fearder that you bee ſo deliuer hym, the fearder bin other menne to ſuffer you to keepe him, leaſt your cauſeleſſe feare myghte cauſe you farther to conuey him, and many bee there that thynke he can haue no pri|uiledge in thys place, whiche neyther [...] will to aſke it, nor malice to deſerue it, and therefore, they recken no priuiledge broken, though they fetche hym out, whyche if yet f [...]+nally refuſe to delyuer hym, I verily thynke they will. So muche dread hathe my Lorde hys Vncle, for the tender loue hee beareth him, leaſt your grace ſhould hap to ſend him away.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 A Syr (quod the Queene) hath the Protector ſo tender zeale,The Queene. that hee feareth nothyng but leaſte, hee ſhoulde eſcape hym? Thy [...]keth hee that I woulde ſende hym hence, whyche neyther is in the plyghte to ſende oute and [...] what place coulde I recken hym ſure, if hee [...] not ſure in thys Sanctuarie? whereof was [...] neuer Tyraunt yet ſo diuellyſhe that durſte pre|ſume to breake. And I truſte God is as ſtrong nowe to withſtande hys aduerſaries, as euer he was.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But my foure can deſerue no Sanctua|rye, and therefore he can not haue it. For [...] hee hathe founden a goodlye gloſe, by whyche that place that may: defende a Theefe, maye not ſaue an Innocente. But hee is in no ieo|padye, nor hathe no neede, thereof, wolde God hee hadde not. Troweth the Protecture (I praye GOD hee maye proue a Protectoure) troweth hee that I perceyue not where vnto hys paynted proceſſe draweth? It is not honoura|ble that the Duke byde heere: It were comfor|table for them both, that hee were wyth hys bro|ther, bycauſe the Kyng lacketh a play fellowe bee ye ſure. I praye God ſende them bothe bet|ter playfellowes than hym, that maketh ſo [...] a matter vppon ſuche a tryfelyng proceede: [...] thoughe there coulde none bee founden to playe wyth the Kyng, but if hys brother that hath [...] luſte to playe for ſickeneſſe, come out of ſanctua|rye out of hys ſafegarde to playe with hym: As though princes as yõg as they be, could not play but with their peeres, or children coulde not play but with their kinred, with whom for the more parte they agree much woorſe than withſtran|gers.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But the chylde can not requyre the priui|ledge, who told him ſo, he ſhal heare him aſk it, & he wil. Howbeit this is a gay matter, ſuppoſe he coulde not aſke it, ſuppoſe he woulde not aſke it, ſuppoſe he woulde aſke to goe oute, if I ſay he ſhall not, if I aſke the priuiledge but for my ſelfe, I ſay he that agaynſt my will taketh him oute, breaketh the Sanctuarie. Serueth this libertie for my perſon onely, or for my goodes [...] Ye may not hence take my horſe fro me: and maye you take my childe fro me? He is alſo my ward: EEBO page image 1369 for as my learned counſaile ſheweth me, ſithe hee hath nothing by diſſent holden by knightes ſer|uice, the lawe maketh his mother his gardaine. Then may no man I ſuppoſe take my warde fro me out of Sanctuarie, without the breache of the Sanctuarie. And if my priuiledge coulde not ſerue him, nor be aſke it for himſelfe, yet ſith the lawe committeth to me the cuſtodie of him, I may require it for him, except the law giue a child a gardaine onely for his goodes and landes, diſ|charging him of the cure and ſafekeeping of hys bodie, for whiche onely both landes and goodes ſerue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 [...] that is [...] betwene [...] marke * [...]d it is marke [...] wit| [...] by him in [...]gliſh but is [...]ed out [...] this Hiſtory which he [...] [...]a [...]en.And if examples be ſufficient to obteyne pri|uiledge for my childe, I neede not farre to ſeeke. For in this place in which we now be (and which is nowe in queſtion whether my childe may take benefite of it) mine other ſonne nowe king was borne, and kept in his Cradle, and preſerued to a more proſperous fortune, which I pray God lõg to continue. And as all you know, this is not the firſt time that I haue taken Sanctuarie. For when my Lord my huſbande was baniſhed, and thruſt out of hys kingdome, I fled hither, beeing great with childe, and here I bare the Prince. And when my Lorde my huſbande returned ſafe againe, and had the victorie, then went I hence to welcome him home, & from hence I brought my babe the Prince vnto his father, when he firſt tooke him in his armes. And I pray God that my ſonnes palace may bee as great ſauegarde vnto him now raigning, as this place was ſometyme to the kings enimie. In which place I intende to keepe his brother ſithe. &c. Wherefore here intende I to keepe him, ſince mans law ſerueth the gardaine to keepe the infant. The law of na|ture will the mother keepe hir childe, Gods lawe priuiledgeth the Sanctuarie, and the Sanctuarie my ſonne, ſithe I feare to put him in the Protec|tors handes that hath his brother alreadie, and were (if both fayled) inheritor to the crowne. The cauſe of my feare hath no man to do to examine. And yet feare I no farther than the lawe feareth, which as learned men tell me, forbiddeth euerye man the cuſtodie of them, by whoſe death he may inherite leſſe lande than a kingdome. I can no more, but whoſoeuer he be that breaketh this ho|ly Sanctuarie, I pray God ſhortly ſende him neede of Sanctuarie, when hee may not come to it. For taken out of Sanctuarie would I not my mortall enimie were.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Lorde Cardinall perceyuing that the Queene waxed euer the longer the farther off, and alſo that ſhe began to kindle and chafe, and ſpake more byting wordes agaynſt the Protec|tor, and ſuch as he neither beleeued, and was alſo loth to heare, he ſayd to hir for a finall concluſion, that he would no longer diſpute the matter: but if ſhe were content to deliuer the duke to him, and to the other Lordes preſent, he durſt lay his owne bodie and ſoule both in pledge, not onely for hys ſuretie but alſo for his [...]ſtate. And if ſhe woulde giue [...] [...]re anſwere to the contrarie, hee woulde forthwith depart therewithall, and ſhyfte who ſo woulde with this buſineſſe afterwardes, for hee neuer intended more to moue hir in that matter, in which ſhe thought that he and al other alſo ſaue hirſelfe lacked eyther wit or truth. Wit if they were ſo bull that they coulde nothing per|ceyue what the Protector intended: truth if they ſhould procure hee ſonne to be deliuered into hys handes, in whom they ſhoulde perceyue towarde the childe any euill intended.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 The Queene with theſe wordes ſtood a good while in a greate ſtudie. And foraſmuche as hir ſeemed the Cardinall more readie to depart than ſome of the remnant, and the Protector himſelfe readie at hande, ſo that ſhee verily thought ſhee coulde not keepe him there, but that he ſhould in|continent bee taken thence: and to conuey hym elſe where, neyther had ſhe time to ſerue hir, nor place determined, nor perſõs appointed, al things vnredie, this meſſage came on hir ſo ſodainly, no|thing leſſe looking for, than to haue him ſet out of Sancturie, which ſhe thought to be now beſet in ſuch places about, that he could not be conueyed out vntaken, and partly as ſhee thought it myght fortune, hir feare to bee falſe, ſo well ſhe wyſſe it was eyther needleſſe or bootleſſe: wherefore if ſhe ſhould needes go from him, ſhe deemed it beſt to deliuer him. And ouer that, of the Cardinalles fayth ſhee nothing doubted, nor of ſome other Lordes neyther, whom ſhe there ſawe. Whiche as ſhe feared leaſt they might be deceyued: ſo was ſhe well aſſured they woulde not bee corrupted: then thought ſhee it ſhoulde yet make them the more warely to looke to him, and the more cir|cumſpectly to ſee to his ſurety, if ſhe with hir own handes betooke him to them of truſt. And at the laſt ſhe tooke the yong duke by the hande, & ſayde vnto the Lordes: My Lordes (quoth ſhee) and all my Lordes, I neyther am ſo vnwyſe to myſtruſte youre wyttes, nor ſo ſuſpitious to myſtruſt your truthes: Of which thing I pur|poſe to make you ſuche a proofe, as if eyther of both lacked in you, myghte turne bothe mee to greate ſorowe, the Realme to muche harme, and you to great reproch. For we, heere is (quoth ſhe) thys Gentleman, whome I doubt not, but I coulde heere keepe ſafe, if I woulde, whatſoe|uer anye man ſaye: and I doubte not alſo, but there bee ſome abrode ſo deadly enimies vnto my bloud, that if they wyſt where any of it laye in theyr owne bodie, they would let it out. Wee haue alſo experience that the deſire of a kingdom knoweth no kindred. The brother hath beene the EEBO page image 1370 brothers bane: and may the nephewes be ſure of theyr vncle? Eche of theſe children is the others defence while they be aſunder, and eche of theyr liues lieth in the others bodie. Keepe one ſafe and both be ſure, and nothing for them both more pe|rillous, than to be both in one place. For what wiſe Marchant aduentureth all his goodes in one ſhip? All this notwithſtanding, here I deliuer him, and his brother in him, to keepe, into youre handes, of whom I ſhall aſke thẽ both afore god and the world. Faythfull ye be that wore I well, and I know well you be wiſe. Power & ſtrength to kepe him if you liſt, neither lack ye of your ſelf, nor can lacke helpe in this cauſe. And if ye can|not elſe where, then may you leaue him here. But only one thing I beſeech you, for the truſt which his father put in you euer, & for ye truſt that I put in you nowe, that as farre as yee thinke that I feare too muche, be you well ware that you feare not as farre too little. And therewithall ſhe ſayde vnto the childe, fare well mine owne ſweete ſon, God ſend you good keeping: let me kiſſe you yet once ere you goe, for God knoweth when wee ſhall kiſſe togither agayne. And therwith ſhe kiſ|ſed him, and bleſſed him, turned hir backe & wept, and went hir way, leauing the childe weeping as faſte.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Lorde Cardinall, and theſe other Lordes with him, had receyued this yong duke, they brought him into the ſtarre Chamber, where the Protector tooke him in his armes, and kiſſed him,O diſsimula|tion. with theſe wordes: now welcome my Lord euen with all my very heart. And he ſayd in that of likelyhoode as he thought. Therevpon forth|with they brought him vnto the king his brother, into the Biſhoppes Palace at Poules, and from thence throughe the Citie honourably into the Tower, out of the which after that day they ne|uer came abrode.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 This that is heere betwene this marke * and t [...]s marke * was not writ|ten by him in engliſh b [...]t is tranſlated out of this Hiſtory which he wrot in Latten. When the Protector had both the children in his handes, he opened himſelfe more boldely, both to certaine other men, and alſo chiefly to the duke of Buckingham. Although I knowe that many thought that this duke was priuy to al the Protectors counſaile, euen from the beginning, and ſome of the Protectors friends ſayde, that the duke was the firſt mouer of the Protector to this matter, ſending a priuie meſſenger vnto hym, ſtreight after king Edwards death. But other a|gaine which knew better the ſubtil wit of the pro|tector, denie that he euer opened his enterpriſe to the duke, vntill he had brought to paſſe the things before rehearſed. But when hee had impryſoned the Queenes kinſfolkes, and gotten both hir ſonnes into his owne handes, then he opened the reſt of his purpoſe with leſſe feare to them whõ he thought meet for the matter, and ſpecially to the duke, who being woon to his purpoſe, he thought his ſtrength more than halfe [...].

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The matter was broken vnto the duke [...] till folkes, and ſuch as were their craftmaiſt [...] in the handling of ſuch wicked deuiſes [...] who de|clared vnto him that the yong king was [...] with him for hys kinſfolkes ſake and if hee [...] euer able he would [...]nge them. Who w [...]t pricke him forwarde therevnto if they [...] they would remember their impriſonmẽt) or [...] if they were put to death, without doubt the yong king woulde bee carefull for their deathes, whoſe impriſonment was grieuous vnto him. And that with repenting the duke ſhoulde nothing auaile, for there was no way left to redeeme his offence by benefites, but he ſhoulde ſooner deſtroy hym|ſelfe than ſaue the king, who with his brother and his kinſfolkes he ſawe in ſuch places impriſones, as the Protectour myghte wyth a backe deſtroye them all: and that it were no doubt but he would doe it in deede, if there were any newe enterpriſe attempted.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And that it was likely, that as the Protec|tour had prouided priuie garde for himſelfe, ſo hadde hee ſpyalles for the Duke, and traynes to catche him, if hee ſhoulde be agaynſte hym, and that peraduenture from them, whome hee leaſte ſuſpected. For the ſtate of things and the diſpo|ſitions of men were then ſuch, that a man coulde not well tell whom he might truſt, or whome he might feare.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe things and ſuch like, beyng beaten in|to the Dukes mynde, brought him to that point that where hee had repented the way that he had entred, yet woulde he goe forth in the ſame, and ſince he had once begoonne, he would ſtoutely go through. And therefore to this wicked enterpriſe which he beleeued coulde not be voyded, he bent himſelfe, and went through and determined, that ſince the common miſchiefe coulde not be amen|ded, he would turne it as much as he might to his owne commoditie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then it was agreed, that the Protector ſhould haue the Dukes ayde to make him king, and that the Protectors onely lawfull ſonne ſhould mary the Dukes daughter, and that the Protectour ſhould graunt him the quiet poſſeſſion of the erle|dome of Hertford, which he claymed as his inhe|ritaunce, and could neuer obteyne it in king Ed|wardes tyme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Beſides theſe requeſtes of the Duke, the Pro|tector of his owne minde promiſed him a greate quantitie of the kings treaſure, and of his houſe|holde ſtuffe. And when they were thus at a point betwene themſelues, they went about to prepare for the coronation of the yong king as they wold haue it ſeme. And that they might turne both the eies & minds of men frõ perceyuing of their drifts otherwhere, the lords being ſent for frõ all partes EEBO page image 1371 of the Realme, came thicke to that ſolemnitie. But the Protectour and the Duke af [...] that, that they had ſent the Lorde Cardinal, the Arch|biſhop of Yorke then Lorde Chauncellour, the Biſhop of Elie, the Lorde Stanley, and the lord Haſtings then Lorde Chamberlaine, with ma|ny other noble men to common and deuiſe aboute the coronation in one place, as faſt were they in another place, contriuing the con|trarie, and to make the Protector King. To which Councell, albeit there were adhibited very few, and they were ſecrete: yet began there here and there aboute, ſome maner of muttering a|mong the people, as though all ſhould not long he well, though they neyther wyſte what they feared, nor whefore, were it that before ſuch great things mens hearts of a ſecrete inſtinct of nature miſgiue them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 As the ſea without wind ſwelleth of himſelf ſometime before a tempeſt: or were it that ſome one man happily ſomewhat perceyuing filled many men with ſuſpition, though hee ſhewed fewe men what hee knew. Howheit ſomewhat the dealing it ſelf made men to muſe on the mat|ter, though the Councell were cloſe. For by little and little, all folke withdrewe from the Tower, and drewe to Croſbies in Biſhops gates ſtreet, where the Protector kept his houſhold. The pro|tectour had the reſort, the King in manner de|ſolate.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While ſome for theyr buſineſſe made ſute to them that had the doing, ſome were by theyr friendes ſecretely wanted, that it might happily turne them to no good, to bee too much atten|dante about the King wythout the Protectors appoyntment, whiche remoued alſo diuerſe of the princes olde ſeruants from him, and ſet new about him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Thus many things comming togyther, part|ly by chance, partly of purpoſe, cauſed at length not common people onely, that wound with the winde, but wiſe men alſo, and ſome Lordes [...]e to marke the matter, and muſe there [...] ſo farre forth, that the Lorde Stanley that was after Earle of Darby, wiſely miſtruſted it, and ſayde vnto the Lorde Haſtings, that he muche miſly|ked theſe two ſeuerall Councels. For while wee [...]oth hee) talke of one matter in the [...]a place, little wote wee, whereof they talke in the tother place. My Lorde, (quoth the Lorde Haſt [...]gs) on my life neuer doubt you: for while one man is there, which is neuer thence, ne [...]er can there he thing once moued, that ſhoulde ſounde amiſſe towarde me, but it ſhoulde hee in na [...]e euery ere it were well out of their mouthes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Ca [...]by.This ment he by Cateſby, which was of hys neare ſecrete counſaile, and whome he verie fa|miliarly vſed, and in his moſt weightie [...] matters put no man in ſo ſpecial truſt, riche thing himſelfe to no man ſo liefe, fithe hee well wyſt there was no man ſo muche to him beholden as was thys Cateſbie, which was a man well learned in the lawes of this lande, and by the ſpeciall honour of the Lorde Chamberlayne, in good authoritie, and much rule bare in all the Countie of Leyceſter, where the Lorde Chamberleynes power chiefely laye.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But ſurely greate pitie was it, yt hee had not had eyther more truth or leſſe wit. For his diſſi|mulation onely, kept all that miſchiefe vp. In whome if the Lorde Haſtings, hadde not put ſo ſpeciall truſt, the Lorde Stanley and he had de|parted with dyuerſe other Lordes, and broken all the daunce, for many yll ſignes that he ſawe, which he nowe conſtrues all to the beſt. So ſure|ly thought he, that there coulde be none ha [...]e to|ward him in that Councell intended, where Ca|teſhie was.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And of truth the Protectour, and the Duke of Buthingham, made verie good ſemblaunce vnto the Lord Haſtings, and kept him much in companie. And vndoubtedly, the Protector loued him well, and loth was to haue loſt him, ſauing for feare leaſt his lyfe ſhoulde haue quayled their purpoſe. For which cauſe he mooued Cateſbie to proue with ſome words caſt out a farre off, whe|ther he coulde thinke it poſſible to win the Lorde Haſtings vnto their part. But Cateſbie whether he aſſayed him, or aſſayed him not, reported vn|to them, that he found him ſo faſt, and heard him ſpeake ſo terrible wordes, that hee dueſt no fur|ther breake.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And of truth the Lorde Chamberlaine of ve|rie truſt ſhewed vnto Cateſbie the diſtruſt that o|ther beganne to haue in the matter. And therfore hee fearing leaſt theyr motion mighte with the Lorde Haſtings [...]niſhe his credence, where vn|to onely all the matter leaned, procured the Pro|tector haſtily to rid him. And muche the rather, for that he truſted by his death to obteyne muche of the rule that the Lorde Haſtinges ha [...] in his Countrey the onely deſire whereof was the allectiue that induced hym to bee partner and one ſpeciall contriuer of all thys horrible treaſon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Wherevpon ſoone after,Thirtenth of Iune. that is to wit on the Fryday the [...] day of [...] many Lordes aſſembled in the Tower, and their ſ [...]te in Coun|cell, d [...]uiſhing the honourable ſolemnitie of the Kings Coronation, of which the tyme appoyn|ted then to neare approached, that the pa [...]antes and ſubtiltyes to ere [...] king, daye and night at Weſtminſter, and much vytayle killed there|fore, that afterwarde was caſt away.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe Lordes ſo ſitting togither co [...]ning of this matter, the Protector came in amongſt EEBO page image 1372 them, firſt about .ix. of the clocke, ſaluting them courteouſly, and excuſing himſelfe that hee had beene from them ſo long, ſaying merily [...] had bene a ſleeper that day.

[figure appears here on page 1372]

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And after a little talking with them, he ſayde vnto the Biſhop of Elie: My Lorde you haue very good Strawberies at your Garden in Hol|borne, I require you let vs haue a meſſe of them. Gladly my Lorde (quoth he) woulde God I had ſome better thing as readie to youre pleaſure as that. And therewith in all the haſte hee ſent hys ſeruant for a meſſe of Strawberies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Protectour ſet the Lordes faſt in com|muning, and therevpon praying them to ſpare him for a little while, departed thence. And ſoone after one houre, betweene tenne and eleuen he re|turned into the Chamber among them al, chan|ged with a wonderful ſoure angrie countenance, knitting the browes, frowning and fretting, and gnawyng on his lyppes, and ſo ſatte hym downe in his place, all the Lordes muche diſ|mayde and ſore marueyling of this maner of ſo|daine chaunge, and what thing ſhould him ayle. Then, when he had ſitten ſtill a while, thus he be|ganne: What were they worthie to haue that compaſſe and ymagine the deſtruction of me, be|ing ſo nere of bloud vnto the king, and Protector of his royal perſon and his realme? At this queſti|on, al the Lordes ſat ſore aſtonied, muſing much by whom this queſtion ſhould be ment, of whiche euery man wyſt himſelfe cleare.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then the Lorde Chamberlaine as he that for the loue betwene them thought he might bee bol|deſt with him, aunſwered and ſayde, that they were worthie to be puniſhed as heynous traitors, whatſoeuer they were. And all the other affyr|med the ſame. That is quoth he yonder ſorcereſſe my brothers wife, and other with hir, meaning the Queene.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 At theſe wordes manye of the other Lordes were greatly abaſhed, that fauoured hir, But the Lord Haſtings was in his minde [...] content, yt it was moued by hir, thã by any other whõ he loued better: Albeit his heart ſo [...]w [...] grudged, that he was not afore made of [...] in this matter, as he was of the taking of hir [...]|red, and of their putting to death, which were by his aſſent before, deuiſed to be beheaded at Pon [...]|fret this ſelfe ſame day, in which he was not ware that it was by other deuiſed, that himſelfe ſh [...] be beheaded the ſame day at London. Then ſayd the Protector, ye ſhall all ſee in what wiſe t [...] ſorcereſſe, and that other Witche of hir cou [...] Shores wife with their affinitie, haue by theyr ſor [...]erſe and witchcraft waſted my bodie. [...]ad therewith he plucked vp his dubled ſleeue to hys elbow vpõ his left arme, where he ſhewed a [...]|riſh withered arme, and ſmall, as it was neuer o|ther. And therevpon euery mans minde ſore miſ|gaue them, well perceyuing that this [...] was but a quarell. For they well wy [...] [...] Queene was too wiſe to goe aboute anye [...] folly. And alſo if ſhee woulde, yet woulde [...]e [...] of all folke leaſt, make Shores wiſe of [...]o [...]u [...], whome of all women ſhee moſte hated, [...] Concubine whom the king hir huſband had [...] loued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And alſo, no man was there preſent but well knewe that his arme was euer ſuche ſince hys byrth. Naytheleſſe the Lorde Cha [...] [...] (whiche fro the death of King Edwarde [...] Shores wyfe, on whome hee ſomewhat [...] in the Kings lyfe, ſauing (as it is ſayd) he, [...]ha [...] while forbare hir of reuerence Edwarde the [...] or elſe of a certayne kynd of fidelitie to his [...]) aunſwered and ſayde: certainlye my Lorde, if they haue ſo heynouſly done, they be worthie [...]|nous puniſhment.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 EEBO page image 1373What (quoth the Protectour) thou ſerueſt me I wene wyth iffes and wyth andes, I tell thee they haue ſo done, and that I will make good on thy bodie traytour: and therewith as in a greate anger, he clapped his fyſt vpon the bourd a great rappe. At which token giuen, one cried treaſon withoute the Chamber. Therewith a doore clapped, and in come there ruſhing men in harneſſe, as many as the chamber myght holde. And anone the Protectour ſayd to the Lord Ha|ſtings: I arreſt thee Traytour: What mee my Lorde? (quoth he) yea thee traytour quoth the Protector. And another let flie at the Lorde Stanley,The Lord Stã| [...] [...]eded. whiche ſhrunke at the ſtroke, and fell vnder the Table, or elſe his heade had beene cleft to the teeth: for as ſhortly as he ſhranke, yet came the bloud about his eares. Then were they all quickly beſtowed in diuerſe Chambers, except the Lorde Chamberlaine, whome the Protectour hade ſpeede and ſhrine him apace, for by Saint Paule (quoth hee) I will not to dinner till I ſee thy head off.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 It booted him not to aſke why, but heauily tooke a prieſt at auenture, and made a ſhort ſhrift for a longer would not be ſuffered, the Protector made ſo much haſt to dinner, which hee myghte not goe to, till this were done, for ſauing of hys othe. So was hee brought forth into the greene beſide the Chappell within the Tower, and hys heade layd downe vpon a long logge of tymber, and there ſtryken off, and afterwarde his bodie with the heade enterred at Windſore beſyde the bodie of king Edwarde, whoſe both ſoules oure Lorde pardon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 A marueylous caſe is it to heare eyther the warnings of that he ſhoulde haue voyded, or the tokens of that hee coulde not voyde, for the ſelfe night next before his death, the Lorde Stanley ſent a truſtie ſecrete Meſſenger vnto him at mid|night in all the haſt, requyring him to riſe and ryde away with hym, for hee was diſpoſed vtter|lye no longer to byde, hee hadde ſo fearefull a dreame, [...] Lorde [...]deyt [...]e. in whiche him thought that a Boare with his tuſkes ſo raſed them both by the heades, that the bloud ranne about both theyr ſhoulders. And foraſmuch as the Protector gaue the Boare for his cogniſaunce, this dreame made ſo feare|full an impreſſion in his heart, ye he was through|ly determined no lõger to tarie, but had his horſe readie, if the Lorde Haſtings would go with him to ride yet ſo farre the ſame night, that they ſhuld be out of daunger ere day. Ha good Lorde (quoth ye Lord Haſtings to this meſſenger) leaneth my Lorde thy maiſter ſo much to ſuch tryfles, and hath ſuch fayth in dreames, whiche eyther hys owne feare fantaſteth, or doe ryſe in the nyghtes reſt by reaſon of his day thoughtes? Tell hym it is plaine witchcraft to beleue in ſuch dreames, whiche if they were tokens of things to come, why thinketh he not that we might bee as lykely to make them true by our goyng, if wee were caughte and brought backe (as friends fayle fleers) for then had the Boare a cauſe likely to race vs wyth hys Tuſkes, as folke that [...]de for ſome falſehoode, wherefore eyther is there no perill, nor none there is in deede: or if any bee, it is rather in going than byding. And if wee ſhould needes coſt fall in perill one way or other, yet hadde I lieffer that manne ſhoulde ſee that it were by other mennes falſehoode, than thinke it were eyther by our owne faulte, or faynt heart. And therefore go to thy maiſter man, and com|mende mee to him, and pray him be merie and haue no feare: for I enſure him I am as ſure of the man that he woteth of, as I am of mine own hande. God ſend grace ſir, quoth the meſſenger, and went his way.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Certaine is it alſo, that in ryding towardes the Tower the ſame morning in which he was beheaded, hys Horſe twiſe or thriſe ſtumbled wyth him, almoſt to the falling, which thing al|beit eche man wote wel dayly happeneth to them to whome no ſuch myſchaunce is towarde, yet hath it beene of an olde ryte and cuſtome, obſer|ued as a token oftentymes notably foregoyng ſome great miſfortune.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Nowe this that followeth was no warning but an enuious ſkorne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The ſame morning ere hee was vp, came a knight vnto him, as it were of courteſie, to ac|companie him to the Councell, but of truth ſent by the Protectour to haſt him thitherwards, with whom he was of ſecret confederacie in that purpoſe, a meane man at that time, and nowe of great authoritie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This knight when it happed the Lord Chã|berlayne by the way to ſtay his horſe, and com|mane a while wyth a Prieſt whome he mette in the Tower ſtreete, brake his tale, and ſayde me|rily to him, what my Lord I pray you come on, whereto talke you ſo long wyth that Prieſt, you haue no neede of a Prieſt yet: and therewyth hee laughed vpon him, as though he would ſay, ye ſhall haue ſoone. But ſo little wyſt the to|ther what he ment, and ſo little miſtruſted, that he was neuer mery [...]r, nor neuer ſo [...]ll of good hope in his lyfe, which ſelfe thing is [...] a ſigne of chaunge. But I ſhall rather ſet anye thing paſſe me, than the vaine ſuretie of mannes minde ſo neare his death.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Vpon the verie Tower Wharfe, ſo neare the place where his head was off ſoone after, there met he with one Haſtings a P [...]rſeuaunt of his owne name. And of theyr meeting in that place, hee was put in remembraunce of another tyme, in whiche it had happened them before to meete in EEBO page image 1374 like maner togither in the ſame place. At which other time the Lorde chamberlaine had beene ac|cuſed vnto King Edwarde by the Lorde Ry|uers the Queenes brother, in ſuche wiſe as hee was for the while (but it laſted not long) farre fallen into the kings indignation, and ſtoode in great feare of himſelfe. And foraſmuche as hee now met this Purſeuaunt in the ſame place that ieopardie ſo well paſſed, it gaue him great plea|ſure to talke with him thereof, wyth whome he hadde before talked thereof in the ſame place, while he was therein. And therefore he ſayd: Ah Haſtings art thou remembred when I met thee here once with an heauie heart? Yea my Lorde, (quoth he) that remember I well, and thanked bee God, they gat no good, nor you no harme thereby. Thou wouldeſt ſay ſo (quoth hee) if thou kneweſt as much as I knowe, which few know elſe as yet, and mo ſhall ſhortly. That ment hee by the Lordes of the Queenes kyndred that were taken before, and ſhould that day be beheaded at Pomfret: which he well wyſt, but nothing ware that the Axe hung ouer his owne heade. In fayth man (quoth he) I was neuer ſo ſorie, nor neuer ſtoode in ſo greate dreade in my lyfe, as I did when thou and I mette here. And lo howe the worlde is turned, nowe ſtand mine enimyes in the daunger (as thou mayeſt happe to heare more hereafter) and I neuer in my lyfe ſo mery, nor neuer in ſo great ſuretie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 O good God the blindneſſe of our mortal na|ture, when he moſt feared, he was in good ſuretie, when hee reckened himſelfe ſureſt he loſt his life, and that within two houres after.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The diſcriptiõ of the Lord HaſtingsThus ended this honourable man, a good Knight and a gentle, of greate authoritie wyth his Prince, of lyuing ſomewhat diſſolute, plaine and open to his enimie, and ſecrete to hys friend, eaſie to beguile, as he that of good heart and cou|rage foreſtudied no perilles, a louyng man and paſſing well beloued: verie faythfull and truſtie ynough, truſting too much.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Nowe flewe the fame of this Lordes death ſwiftly through the Citie, and ſo foorth further a|bout like a wynde in euerie mans eare.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But the Protector immediately after dinner, entending to ſette ſome colour vpon the matter, ſent in all the haſt for many ſubſtantiall men out of the Citie into the Tower. And at theyr com|ming, himſelfe with the Duke of Buckingham, ſtoode harneſſed in olde yll faring Bryganders, ſuche as no man ſhoulde wene that they woulde vouchſafe to haue put vpon theyr backes, except that ſome ſodaine neceſſitie had conſtrayned thẽ.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And then the Protector ſhewed them, that the Lorde Chamberlayne and other of his con|ſpiracie had contriued to haue ſodainly deſtroyed him, and the Duke there the ſame day in the coũ|cell. And what they intended further was as yet not well knowne. Of whiche their treaſon hee neuer had knowledge before tenne of the clocke the ſame forenoone, whiche ſodaine feare dra [...] them to put on for theyr defence ſuch harneſſe as came next to hande. And ſo had God holpen thẽ, that the miſchiefe turned vpon them that would haue done it. And this hee requyred them to re|port.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Euery man aunſwered him fayre, as though no man miſtruſted the matter, which of troth no man beleeued. Yet for the further appeaſing of|the peoples mynde, hee ſent immediately after dinner in all the haſte, one Heraulte of Armes,The protec [...] Procla [...] with a Proclamation to be made through the ci|tie in the kings name, conteyning that the Lord Haſtings with diuers other of his traiterous pur|poſe, had before conſpired the ſame day, to haue ſlaine the Lorde Protectour, and the Duke of Buckingham, ſitting in the Councell, and after to haue taken vpon them to rule the king, and the Realme at theyr pleaſure, and thereby to pill and ſpoyle whome they lyſte vncontrolled. And much matter there was in that proclamation, de|uiſed to the ſlaunder of the Lorde Chamberlain, as that hee was an euill Counſailer to the kings father, intiſing him to manye things highly re|dounding to the miniſhing of his honour, and to the vniuerſall hurt of his realme by his euil com|pany, ſiniſter procuring, & vngracious enſample, as well in many other things, as in the vicious liuing and inordinate abuſion of his bodie, both with many other, & alſo ſpecially with Shores wife, which was one alſo of his moſt ſecret coun|ſaile of this heynous treaſon, with whome he lay nightly, and namely the night laſt paſt next be|fore his death, ſo that it was the leſſe maruaile, if vngracious liuing brought him to an vnhappie ending, which he was now put vnto, by the moſt dread commaundement of the kings highneſſe, and of his honourable and faythfull counſayle, both for his demerits being ſo openly taken in his falſly conceyued treaſon, and alſo leaſt the delay|ing of his extention, myght haue encouraged o|ther miſchieuous perſons partners of his conſpi|racie, to gather and aſſemble themſelues togither, in making ſome greate commotion for his dely|uerance: whoſe hope now being by his well de|ſerued death, politikely repreſſed, all the realme ſhould by Gods grace, reſt in good quiet & peace.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Now was this Proclamation made within two houres after that he was beheaded, & it was ſo curiouſly indited, and ſo faire written in par [...]h|ment, in ſo wel a ſet hand, & therwith of it ſelfe ſo long a proces, yt euery childe might well perceiue that it was prepared before. For all the tyme be|twene his death & the proclayming, could ſcant haue ſufficed vnto the hare writing alone, all had EEBO page image 1375 it bene but in Paper, and ſcribled forth in haſte at aduenture. So that vpon the proclayming there|of, one that was ſchoolmaiſter of Pauls of [...]a [...]e ſtanding by, and comparing the ſhortneſſe of the time with the length of the matter, ſayd vnto them yt ſtood about him, here is a gay goodly eaſt, foule caſt away for haſte: and a marchant aun|ſwered him, that it was written by prophecie. Now then by and by, as it were for anger, not for couetiſe, the Protectour ſent into the houſe of Shores wife (for hir huſbande dwelled not with hir) and ſpoyled hir of all that euer ſhe had, aboue the value of two or three thouſand mark, and ſent hir bodie to priſon. And when he had a while layd vnto hir (for the maner ſake) that ſhe went about to bewitch him, and that ſhe was of coũſaile with the Lorde Chamberlaine to deſtroy him: in con|cluſion when that no colour coulde faſten vpon theſe matters, then hee layde heynouſly to hir charge, that thing that hir ſelfe coulde not denie, that all the world wyſt was true, and that nay|theleſſe euerie man laughed at, to heare it then ſo ſodainly, ſo highly taken, that ſhe was naught of hir bodie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And for this cauſe (as a goodlye continent prince, cleane and faultleſſe of himſelfe, ſent oute of heauen into this vicious world for the amend|ment of mens maners) he cauſed the Biſhop of London to put hir to open penance, going before the Croſſe in Proceſſion, vpon a Sunday wyth a Taper in hir hande. In whiche ſhee went in countenaunce and pace demure ſo womanlye, and albeit ſhe were out of all array ſaue hir kyr|tle onely, yet went ſhe ſo fayre and lonely, name|ly while the wondering of the people caſt a come|ly rudde in hir cheekes (of whiche ſhee before had moſt miſſe) that hir great ſhame wanne hir much prayſe, among thoſe that were more amorous of hir bodie, than curious of hir ſoule. And many good folk alſo that hated hir liuing, and glad were to ſee ſinne corrected: yet pityed they more hir pe|naunce, than reioyced therein, when they con|ſydered that the Protectour procured it, more of a corrupte intente, than any vertuous affec|tion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This woman was borne in London, wor|ſhipfully friended,The deſcripti| [...]n of Shores [...] honeſtly brought vp, and ve|rie well maryed, ſauing ſomewhat too ſoone, hir huſbande an honeſt Citizen, yong and godly and of good ſubſtaunce. But for aſmuche as they were coupled ere ſhe were well rype, ſhe not ve|rie feruently loued, for whome ſhee neuer lon|ged, which was happely the thing that the more eaſily made hir incline vnto the kings appetite, when hee required hir. Howbeit the reſpect of hys royaltie, the hope of gay apparell, eaſe, plea|ſure, and other wanton wealth, was able ſoone to pierſe a ſoft tender heart.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But when the King hadde abuſed hir, anon hir huſbande (as hee was an honeſt man, and are that coulde hys good, not preſuming to to [...]he a Kings Concubine) left hir vp to him al|togither.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the king died, the Lorde Chamber|laine looke hir, which in the kings dayes, albeit he was ſore enamoured vpon hir, yet he forbare hir, eyther for reuerence, or for a certaine friendlye faythfulneſſe, Proper ſhe was and fayre: nothing in hir bodie that you would haue chaunged, but if you would haue wiſhed hir ſomewhat higher.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Thus ſay they that knew hir in hir youth. Al|beit ſome that now ſee hir (for yet ſhe liueth) deme hir neuer to haue bene wel viſaged, whoſe iudge|ment ſeemeth me ſomewhat like, as though men ſhould geſſe the beautie of one long before depar|ted, by hir ſcalpe taken out of the charuell houſe: for now is ſhe old, leane, withered, and dryed vp, nothing left but riueld ſkinne and hard bone. And yet beeing euen ſuch: who ſo well aduiſe hir vy|ſage, myght geſſe and deuiſe, which partes how filled woulde make it a fayre face. Yet delyted not men ſo much in hir beautie as in hir pleaſant behauiour. For a proper wit had ſhe, and could both read well and write, merrie in companie, readie and quicke of aunſwer, neyther mute nor full of bable, ſomtime taunting without diſplea|ſure and not without diſport.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 The king would ſay that he had three concu|bines,King Edwarde three concu|bines. which in three dyuerſe properties diuerſly excelled. One the merieſt, another the wilyeſt, the thirde the holyeſt harlot in his realme, as one whome no man coulde gette out of the Churche lightly to any place, but it were to his bed. The other two were ſomewhat greater perſonages, & naytheleſſe of theyr humilitie cõtent to be name|leſſe, & to forbeare the prayſe of thoſe propertyes. But the merieſt was this Shores wife, in whom the King therefore tooke ſpeciall pleaſure. For many he hadde, but hir he loued, whoſe fauo [...]r to ſay the troth (for ſinne it were to velle the Di|uell) ſhee neuer abuſed to any mannes hurt, but to many a mannes comfort and reliefe on where the king tooke diſpleaſure ſhe woulde mitig [...] and appeaſe hys mynde: where men were out ſa|uour ſhee woulde bring them in hys gra [...]. For manye that had highly offended ſhee obteyned pardon. Of great forfeytures ſhe gat men re|miſſion. And finally, in many weightie ſuites ſhee ſtoode many men in great ſtea [...] t [...]her for none or verye ſmall rewardes, and theſe rather gaye than riche eyther for that ſhee was con|tent wyth the deede ſelfe well done, or for that ſhee delyted to bee ſued vnto, and to ſhewe what ſhee was able to doe wyth the King, or for that wanton women and welthie hee not al|wayes couetous.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 EEBO page image 1376I doubt not ſome ſhall thinke this woman to ſleight a thing to bee written of, and ſet among the remembraunces of greate matters: whiche they ſhall ſpecially thinke, that happily ſhall e|ſteeme hir onely by that they nowe ſee hir. But me ſeemeth the chaunce ſo muche the more wor|thie to be remembred, in howe much ſhe is nowe in the more beggerly condition, vnfriended and worne out of acquaintance, after good ſubſtance, after as great fauour with the Prince, after as great ſute and ſeeking to with al thoſe that thoſe dayes had buſineſſe to ſpeede, as many other men were in theyr tymes, which be now famous on|ly by the infamy of theyr yll deedes. Hir doyngs were not much leſſe, albeit they be much leſſe re|membred bicauſe they were not ſo euill. For men vſe if they haue an euill turne, to write it in mar|ble: and who ſo doeth vs a good turne, we write it in duſt, whiche is not worſt prooued by hir: for at this day ſhee beggeth of many at this day ly|uing, that at thys day had begged if ſhee had not beene.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Now was it ſo deuiſed by the Protector and his counſaile, that the ſelfe day in which the Lord Chamberlaine was beheaded in the Tower of London, and aboute the ſelfe ſame houſe, [...] there (not without his aſſent) beheaded at P [...]|fret, the fore remembred Lordes and Knightes that were taken from the King at Northamp|ton and Stonie Stratforde.Sir Richard Ratcliffe. Which thing was done in the preſence, and by the order of ſir Ry|charde Ratcliffe knight, whoſe ſeruice the Pro|tector ſpecially vſed in that Councell, and in the execution of ſuch lawleſſe enterpriſes, as a man that had beene long ſecrete with him, hauing ex|perience of the worlde, and a ſhrewde wit, ſhort and rude in ſpeech, rough and boyſteous of beha|uiour, bold in miſchief, as farre from pitie as from all feare of God.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This knight bringing them out of the priſon to the ſcaffolde, and ſhewing to the people aboute that they were traytors, not ſuffring them to de|clare and ſpeak their innocencie, leaſt their words might haue inclined men to pitie them, and to hate the Protector and his part:The Lord [...]+uers and o [...] beheaded. cauſed them ha|ſtily without iudgement, proces, or maner of or|der to be beheaded, & without other earthly g [...], but onely that they were good men, too true to the [figure appears here on page 1376] king, and too nigh to the Queene.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Nowe when the Lorde Chamberlaine and theſe other Lordes and knights were thus behea|ded and ridde out of the way: then thought the Protector, that while men muſed what the mat|ter ment, while the Lordes of the Realme were a|bout him out of their owne ſtrengthes; while no man wyſt what to thinke, nor whome to truſt, ere euer they ſhoulde haue ſpace to diſpute and diſgeſt the matter and make partyes, it were beſt haſtily to purſue his purpoſe, and put himſelfe in poſſeſſion of the Crowne, ere men coulde haue tyme to deuiſe any way to reſiſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But now was all the ſtudie by what meane this matter being of it ſelfe ſo heynous, might be firſt broken to the people, in ſuche wiſe that i [...] might be well taken.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 To this councell they tooke diuerſe, ſuche as they thought meetly to be truſted, likely to be [...]|duced to that part, and able to ſtãde them [...] eyther by power or policie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Among whom they made of counſaile. Ed|mond Shaa knight then Maior of London,Edmond Shaa Maior of Lon|don. whiche vpon truſt of his owne aduauncement, whereof hee was of a prowde heart highly [...]+rous, ſhould frame the Citie to theyr apre [...]. Of ſpirituall men they tooke ſuch as had wit, [...] were in authoritie among the people for op [...] of theyr learnyng, and hadde no ſcrupulous conſcience.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 EEBO page image 1377 [...] Shaa [...].Among theſe had they Iohn Shaa Clearke, brother to the Maior, and Frier Penker, prouin|ciall of the Auguſtine Friers both Doctors of di|uinitie, both great Preachers, both of more lear|ning than vertue, of more ſame than learning. For they were before greatly eſtemed among the people: but after that ne [...]er. Of theſe two the tone had a ſermon in prayſe of the Protector be|fore the coronation, the tother after, both ſo full of tedious flatterie, yt no mãs eares could abide thẽ.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Penker in his ſermon ſo loſt his voyce, that he was fain to leaue off & come downe in the midſt. Doctor Shaa by his ſermon loſt his honeſtie, and ſoone after his life, for verie ſhame of the worlde, int [...] which he durſt neue [...]fter come a|brode. But the Frier forced for no ſhame, and ſo it harmed him the leſſe. Howbeit ſome doubt and many thinken, that Penker was not of counſaile of the matter before the coronation, but after the common maner fel to flatterie after: namely ſith his ſermon was not incontinent vpon it, but at S. Marie Hoſpitall at the Eaſter after. But cer|tain it is, that Doctor Shaa was of counſaile in the beginning, ſo farre forth that they determi|ned that hee ſhoulde firſt breake the matter in a Sermon at Paules Croſſe, in which he ſhoulde by the authoritie of his preaching, incline the peo|ple to the Protectors ghoſtly purpoſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But nowe was all the labour and ſtudie, in the deuiſe of ſome conuenient pretext, for which the people ſhoulde bee contente to depoſe the Prince, and accepte the Protectour for King. In whiche dyuerſe things they deuiſed. But the chiefe thing and the weightie of all that inuention, reſted in this that they ſhoulde alledge baſtardie, eyther in king Edwarde himſelfe, or in his children or both. So that he ſhould ſeeme diſ|abled to inherit the crowne, by the duke of York, and the prince by him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 To lay baſtardie in king Edwarde, ſowned openly to the rebuke of the Protectors owne mo|ther, which was mother to them both, for in that poynt could be none other coulour but to pretẽd that hys owne mother was one aduoutreſſe, which notwithſtanding, to further this purpoſe hee letted not: but naytheleſſe hee woulde that poynt ſhoulde bee leſſe and more fauourably handled: not euen fully playne and directlye, but that the matter ſhoulde bee touched aſlope craftily, as though men ſpared in that poynt to ſpeake all the trothe, for feare of hys diſpleaſure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But the other poynt concerning the baſtar|die that they deuiſed to ſurmiſe in king Edwards children, that woulde he ſhoulde be openly decla|red and inforced to the vttermoſt. The colour and pretext whereof, cannot bee well perceyued. But if we firſt repeate you ſome things long be|fore done about king Edwards mariage.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that King Edwarde the fourth had de|poſed king Henrie the ſixth, and was in peaceable poſſeſſion of the Realme, determining himſelfe to marrie as it was requiſit both for hymſelfe and for the Realme, hee ſe [...]te once in Ambaſ|ſade the Earle of Warwike, with other noble men in his companie vnto Spaine, to intecate and conclude a mariage betweene king Edward and the Kings daughter of Spaine. In which thing the Earle of Warwicke founde the par|ties ſo towarde and willing, that hee ſpeedilye according to his inſtructions wythout any dif|ficultie, brought ye matter to verie good cõcluſion

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Now happened it, ye in the mean ſeaſon there came to make a ſute by petition to the King Dame Elizabeth Gray,Dame Eliza|beth Gray. whiche was after hys Queene, at that time a Widowe, borne of no|ble bloud, ſpeciallye by hir mother, whiche was Duches of Bedforde, ere ſhee maryed the Lorde Woodfielde hir father. Howbeit this Dame Elizabeth hir ſelfe, being in ſeruice with Queene Margaret, wyfe vnto King Henrie the ſixth, was maryed vnto one [...] Graye an Eſ|quire, whome King Henrie made Knight,His name was Iohn Gray. Barnard heath by S. Albons. vpon the fielde that he hadde on [...] at [...] agaynſt King Edwarde. And little while en|ioyed he that knighthoode: for he was at the ſame field ſlaine.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After whiche done, and the Earle of War|wicke being in his Ambaſſade about the afore re|membred maryage, this poore Ladie made hum|ble ſute vnto the king, that ſhe myght be reſtored vnto ſuch ſmall landes as hir late huſbande had gyuen hir in ioynture. Whome when the King behelde, and heard hir ſpeake, as ſhee was both fayre and of a goodlye fauour, moderate of ſtature, well made, and verie wiſe: hee not one|ly pityed hir, but alſo waxed enamoured of hyr. And taking hir afterwarde ſecretely aſide, be|ganne to enter in talking more familiarlye.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Whoſe appetite when ſhe perceyued, ſhe vertu|ouſly denied him. But that did ſhee ſo wiſely, and with ſo good maner, and wordes ſo well ſet, that ſhee rather kyndled his deſyre than quen|ched it.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And finally, after many a meeting, muche wooyng, and many great promiſes, ſhe well e|ſpyed the Kings affection towarde hir ſo great|ly encreaſed, that ſhe durſt ſomewhat the more boldly ſay hir mynde, as to him whoſe heart ſhe perceiued more feruently ſet, than to fall off for a worde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And in concluſion, ſhee ſhewed him playne, that as ſhe wyſt hirſelfe to ſymple to be his wyfe, ſo thought ſhe hir ſelf too good to be his cõcubine. The King much marueyling at hir conſtancie, as hee that had not beene woont elſe where to be ſo ſtiffely ſayde nay, ſo much eſteemed hir con|tinencie EEBO page image 1378 and chaſtitie, that he ſet hir vertue in the ſtead of poſſeſſion and ryches, and thus taking counſaile of his deſire, determined in all poſſible haſt to mary hir.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And after hee was thus appoynted, and had betwene them twaine enſured hir: then aſked he counſaile of his other friendes, and that in ſuche maner, as they might then perceiue, it booted not greatly to ſay nay.The Kinges Mother Notwithſtanding the Du|ches of Yorke his mother was ſo ſore moued therwith, that ſhe diſſwaded the mariage aſmuch as ſhe poſſible might, alledging yt it was his ho|nour, profite, and, ſuretie alſo, to marie in a noble progeney out of his realme, wherevpon depended greate ſtrength to his eſtate, by the affinitie and greate poſibilitie of encreaſe of his poſſeſſion. And that he coulde not well otherwiſe doe, ſtanding that the Earle of Warwike had ſo farre moued alreadie, which were not likely to take it well, if all his voyage were in ſuch wiſe fruſtrate, and his appoyntments deluded. And ſhe ſayde alſo, that it was not Princely to marie his owne ſubiect, no great occaſion leading therevnto, no poſſeſſi|ons, or other commodities depending therevpon, but onely as it were a riche man that would ma|rie his mayd, only for a little wanton dotage vp|pon hir perſon. In which mariage many mo cõ|mend the maidens fortune than the maſters wiſ|dome. And yet therein ſhe ſaide was more hone|ſtie than honor in this mariage. Foraſmuch as there is betwene no marchant and his own mayd ſo great difference, as betwene the king and this widow. In whoſe perſon, albeit there was no|thing to be miſlyked, yet was there (ſhe ſayd) no|thing ſo excellẽt but that it might be found in di|uerſe other that were more meetly (quoth ſhe) for your eſtate, and maydens alſo, whereas the on|ly wydowheade of Elizabeth Gray, though ſhee were in all other things conuenient for you, ſhould yet ſuffice as me ſeemeth to refrayne you from hir mariage, ſithe it is an vnſitting thing, & a verie blemiſh and highe diſparagement to the ſacred maieſtie of a Prince, that ought as nigh to approche prieſthoode in cleanneſſe as he doth in dignitie, to bee defouled with Bigamie in hys firſt mariage.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 The Kinges Anſwere to his mother.The king when his mother had ſayde, made hir anſwere, part in earneſt part in play merily, as he that wyſt himſelfe out of hir rule. And albe|it hee woulde gladly that ſhe ſhould take it well, yet was at a poynt in his owne minde, tooke ſhee it well or otherwiſe. Howbeit ſomewhat to ſa|tiſfie hir, he ſayde, that albeit maryage beeyng a ſpirituall thing, ought rather to bee made for the reſpect of God, where his grace enclineth the par|ties to loue togither, as he truſted it was in hys, than for the regarde of any temporall aduaun|tage: yet naytheleſſe, him ſeemed that this ma|riage euen worldly conſidered, was not [...] [...]|table. For he reckened ye amity of no earthly [...]|tion ſo neceſſarie for him, as the friendſhip of his owne, whiche he thought likely to beate [...] [...] much the more haetie fauour, in that he diſ [...]ned not to mari [...] with one of his owne lande. And yet if outwarde alliance ware thought to requiſite, he woulde finde the meanes to [...]nte [...] therevnto, much better by other of his kinde, where all the partyes could be contented, then to mary himſelf whom he ſhould happely neuer loue, and for the poſſibilitie of more poſſeſſions, leaſe the fruite and pleaſure of this that hee had alreadie. For ſmall pleaſure taketh a man of all that euer he hath be|ſide, if he be wined agaynſt his appetite. And I doubt not (quoth he) but there be as yee ſay other, that be in euery poynt comparable with hir. And therefore I let not them that like them to wedde them. No more is it reaſon, that it miſtyke any man, that I mary whereit lyketh me. And I am ſure that my couſin of Warwike neither loueth me ſo litle, to grudge at that I loue, nor is to vn|reaſonable to looke that I ſhoulde in choyſe of a wife, rather be ruled by his rie, than by mine own: as though I were a warde that were bounde to marie by the appoyntment of a Gardaine. I woulde not bee a King wyth that condition, to forbeare mine owne libertie in choyſe of myne owne maryage. As for poſſibilitie of more in|heritaunce by newe affinitie in ſtraunge lands, is oft the occaſion of more trouble than profite. And we haue alredie tytle by that meanes, to ſo much as ſufficeth to get and keepe well in one mannes dayes. That ſhe is a Widow, and hath already childrẽ, by Gods bleſſed Ladie, I am a Bacheler and haue ſome to, and ſo eche of vs hath a proufe that neither of vs is like to bee barraine. And therefore (Madame) I pray you bee content, I truſt in God ſhe ſhall bring forth a yong Prince that ſhall pleaſe you. And as for ye Bygamye, let the Biſhoppe hardly lay it in my way when I come to take orders. For I vnderſtande it is for|bidden a Prieſt, but I neuer wyſt it yet, that it was forbidden a Prince.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Duches with theſe wordes nothing ap|peaſed, and ſeeing the King ſo ſet thereon, that ſhee coulde not pull him backe, ſo highly ſhe diſ|deyned it, that vnder pretext of hir duetie to god|warde, ſhe deuiſed to diſturbe this mariage, and rather to helpe that hee ſhoulde marie one dame Elizabeth Lucie, whome the King had alſo not long before gotten with child. Wherfore ye kings mother openly obiected agaynſt his maryage, as it were in diſcharge of hir conſcience, that the Kyng was ſure to Dame Elizabeth Lucy and hir huſband before God.Elizabeth Lucy. By reaſon of which wordes, ſuch obſtacle was made in the matter, that eyther the Biſhops durſt not, or the King EEBO page image 1379 woulde not proceede to the ſolemnization of this wedding, till theſe ſame were clearly purged, and the troth well and openly teſtified. Wherevpon dame Elizabeth Lucy was ſent for.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And albeit that ſhe was by the kings mother and many other put in good comfort, to affirme that ſhee was enſured vnto the king: yet when ſhee was ſolemnly ſworne to ſay the troth, ſhee confeſſed that they were neuer enſured. Howbeit ſhee ſayde his grace ſpake ſo louing wordes vnto hir, that ſhe verily hoped hee woulde haue maryed hir. And that if it had not beene for ſuch kinde wordes, ſhee woulde neuer haue ſhewed ſuche kindneſſe to him, to let him ſo kindly get hir with childe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This examination ſolemnly taken, when it was clearly perceyued that there was none im|pediment:The kinges marriage. the king with great feaſt and honou|rable ſolemnitie, maried dame Elizabeth Gray, and hir crowned Queene that was his enimyes wife, and many time had prayed full heartily for his loſſe, in which God loued hir better than to graunt hir hir bone.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But when the Erle of Warwike vnderſtood of this mariage, he toke it ſo highly that his Am|baſſade was deluded, that for very anger and diſ|daine, he at his returning aſſembled a great puiſ|ſance againſt the king, and came ſo faſt vpon him or he could be able to reſiſt, that he was faine to voyd the realme,The king fled and flee into Holland for ſuccor, where he remayned for the ſpace of two yeares, leauing his new wife in Weſtminſter in Sanc|tuarie,The place [...]e. where ſhe was deliuered of Edwarde the prince, of whom we before haue ſpoken. In which meane time the erle of Warwike toke out of pri|ſon,King H [...]o [...]e [...] on ſet vp and ſet vp againe king Henry the ſixt, which was before by king Edwarde depoſed, and that much what by the power of the Earle of War|wike whiche was a wiſe man, [...] the Erle of Warwicke. and a couragious warrior, and of ſuch ſtrength, what for his lands, his alliance, and fauour with all people, that hee made kings, and put downe kings almoſt at his pleaſure, and not impoſſible to haue atteyned it himſelfe, if he had not reckened it a greater thing to make a king than to be a king. But nothing laſteth alway: for in concluſion king Edwarde returned,The Erle of Warwick [...]. and with much leſſe number thã he had at Barnet on the Eaſterday field, fiue the rule of Warwike, with many other great eſtates of that partie, and ſo ſtably atteyned the crowne againe, that he peacably enioyed it vntill his dying day: and in ſuch plight left it, that it could not be loſt, but by the diſcorde of his verie friends, or falſe|hoode of his fayned friends. I haue rehearſed this buſineſſe about this mariage ſomewhat the more at length, bycauſe it might thereby the better ap|peare vppon how ſlipper a grounde the Protec|tor buylded his colour, by whiche he pretended king Edwards children to be baſtards. But that inuention ſimple as it was, it like them to whõ it ſufficed to haue ſomewhat to ſay, while they were ſure to be compelled to no larger proufe thã themſelfe lyſt to make.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Now then (as I began to ſhew you) it was by the protector & his counſaile concluded,Doctor Shaes Sermon. that this doctor Shaa ſhould in a ſermon at Paules croſſe ſignifie to the people, that neyther king Edward himſelfe, nor the Duke of Clarence, were lawful|ly begotten, nor were not the verie children of the duke of Yorke, but gotten vnlawfully by other perſons, by aduoutrie of the duches their mother. And that alſo dame Elizabeth Lucy was verily the wife of King Edwarde, and ſo the Prince and all his children baſtards, that were begotten vpon the Queene.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 According to this deuiſe doctor Shaa the ſun|day after, at Paules Croſſe in a greate audi|ence (as alwaye aſſembled greate number to his preaching) he tooke for his Theme Spuria vi|tulamina non agent radices altas. That is to ſay: Baſtarde ſlippes ſhall neuer take deepe roote. [figure appears here on page 1379] Therevpon when he had ſhewed the great grace that God giueth and ſecretely infundeth in right generation after the lawes of matrimonie, then declared he that commonly thoſe children lacked that grace, and for the puniſhment of their Pa|rents were for ye more pait vnhappie, which were gottẽ in baſe, & ſpecially in aduouterie. Of which though ſome by the ignorance of the world & the truth hid from knowledge inherited for the ſeaſon other mens landes, yet God [...] ſo prouideth, that it con [...]th not in their bloud long, but the tenth cõming to light the rightfull inheritors be reſtored, & the haſtard ſlip vylled vp [...] it can be rooted d [...]e: And when he had laid for the proofe and confirmation of this [...] [...]|ples taken out of the old teſtament and other an|cient hiſtories. Then [...]gan he to diſcend into the prayſe of the Lorde Richarde late Duke of Yorke, calling him father to the Lord protector, EEBO page image 1380 and declared the title of his heyres vnto ye crown, to whome it was after the death of king Henrie the ſixt entayled by authority of Parliamẽt. Thẽ ſhewed he that his verie ryght heyre of his bodye lawfully begotten was only the Lord Protector. For he declared then, that King Edwarde was neuer lawfully maryed vnto the Queene, but was before God huſband vnto Dame Elizabeth Lucie, and ſo his children baſtardes. And beſides that, neyther King Edwarde himſelfe, nor the Duke of Clarence, among thoſe that were ſecrete in the houſholde, were reckened verie ſurely for the children of the noble Duke, as thoſe that by theyr fauours more reſembled other knowne men than him. From whoſe vertuous cõditions he ſayd alſo that kyng Edwarde was farre off. But the Lorde Protectour hee ſayde, the verie noble Prince, the ſpeciall paterne of Knightly prowes, as well in all Princely behauior as in the lineaments and fauour of his viſage, repreſented the verie face of the noble Duke his father. This is, quoth he, the fathers owne figure, this is hys owne countenaunce, the verie print of his viſage, the ſure vndoubted Image, the plaine expreſſe likeneſſe of that noble duke.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 Nowe was it before deuyſed, that in the ſpeaking of theſe wordes, the Protector ſhoulde haue comen in among the people to the Sermon warde, to the ende that thoſe wordes meeting with his preſence, might haue bene taken among the hearers, as thoughe the holy ghoſt had put them in the preachers mouth, and ſhoulde haue moued the people euen ther to crie, king Richard, king Richarde, that it might haue beene after ſayde, that hee was ſpecially choſen by God and in maner by myracle. But this deuiſe quayled, eyther by the Protectors negligence or the Prea|chers ouermuch diligence. For while the Pro|tectour founde by the way tarying, leaſt he ſhould preuent thoſe wordes, and the Doctor fearing that he ſhoulde come ere hys Sermon coulde come to theſe wordes, haſted his matter thereto, he was come to them, and paſte them, and en|tred into other matters ere the Protector came. Whome when he behelde comming, he ſodainly left the matter with which he was in hande, and without any deduction therevnto, out of all order and out of all frame began to repeate thoſe words againe: this is the verye noble Prince, the ſpe|ciall patrone of knightly prowes, whiche as well in all princely behauiour, as in the liniaments & fauor of his viſage, repreſenteth the verie face of the noble duke of Yorke his father: this is the fa|thers owne figure, this his owne countenance, ye very print of his viſage, the ſure vndoubted I|mage, the plaine expreſſe likeneſſe of the noble duke, whoſe remembrance can neuer die while he liueth. While theſe wordes were in ſpeaking, the Protector accõpanied with the duke of Buc|kingham, went through the people into the place where the doctors commonly ſtande in the vpper ſtorie, where he ſtood to hearken the ſermon. But the people were ſo farre fro crying king Richard,Preacher. that they ſtoode as they had beene turned into ſtones, for wonder of this ſhameful Sermon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After which once ended, the Preacher g [...] him home, and neuer after durſt looke out for ſhame, but kept him out of ſight like an Owle. And when hee once aſked one that had beene his olde friend what the people talked of him, all were it that his owne conſcience well ſhewed him that they talked no good, yet when the tother anſwe|red him, that there was in euery mannes mouth ſpoken of him muche ſhame, it ſo ſtroke him to the heart, that within few dayes after hee withe|red and conſumed away.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then on the Tueſday folowing this [...]on, there came into the yeeld hal in London the duke of Buckingham, accompanied with [...]e lords and knights, me than happily knewe the meſſage that they brought. And there in the E [...] [...] of the hal, where the Maior kepeth the Haſtings, the Maior & all the Aldermen being aſſembled a [...] him, all the cõmons of the Citie gathered before them: after ſilence cõmaunded vpon greate paine in the protectors name: the duke ſtood vp and (as he was neither vnlerned, and of nature mar [...]y|louſly well ſpoken) he ſayd vnto the people with a cleare and a loude voyce in this maner of wiſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

FRiends,The Duke of Bucking [...] Ora [...]. for the zeale and heartie fauour that we beare you, we be comẽ to break vnto you of a matter right great and weightie, and no leſſe weightie than pleaſing to God, and profitable to all the Realme: nor to no part of the Realme more profitable, than to you the Citizens of this noble Citie. For why, that thing that we wote wel ye haue long time lacked, and fore lõged for, that ye would haue giuen great good for, that ye would haue gone farre to fetche, that thing we be come hither to bring you without your labour, paine, coſt, aduenture or ieopardie. What thing is that? Certes the ſuretie of your owne bodies, the quiet of your wiues and your daughters, the ſafegarde of your goodes: of all which things in times paſt ye ſtood euermore in doubt. For who was there of you all, that would recken himſelfe lord of his owne good among ſo many grennes & traps as was ſet therfore, among ſo much pilling and polling, among ſo many taxes and [...]allages, of which there was neuer ende, & oftentimes no neede: or if any were, it rather grewe of ryot, and vnreaſonable waſt, than any neceſſary or honou|rable charge. So that there was dayly pilled fro good men and honeſt, great ſubſtance of goodes to be laſhed out among vnthrifts, ſo farre forth that fiftenes ſuffiſed not, nor anye vſuall names of EEBO page image 1381 knowne taxes: but vnder an eaſie name of bene|uolence and good will, the comiſſioners ſo much of euery man tooke, as no man coulde with hys good will haue giuen. As though that name of be|neuolence, had ſignified that euery man ſhoulde pay not what himſelfe of his owne good will liſt to graunt, but what the king of his good will lyſt to take. Which neuer aſked little, but euery thing was hawſed aboue the meaſure, amercimentes turned into fines, fiues into raunſoms, ſmal treſ|paſſe into miſpriſion, miſpriſion into treaſon. Whereof I thinke no man loketh that we ſhould remember you of examples by name, as though Burdet were forgotten, [...]. that was for a worde ſpokẽ in haſt cruelly beheaded, by the miſconſtru|ing of the lawes of this realme, for the Princes pleaſure:Markam. with no leſſe honour to Markam then chiefe Iuſtice, that left his office rather than hee woulde aſſent to that iudgement, than to the diſ|honeſtie of thoſe,Cooke. that ryther for feare or flatterie gaue that iudgement. What Cooke your owne worſhipfull neighbour, Alderman and Maior of this noble Citie, who is of you ſo eyther negli|gent that he knoweth not, or ſo forgetfull that he remembreth not, or ſo hard hearted that he pity|eth not, that worſhipful mans loſſe? what ſpeake we of loſſe? his vtter ſpoyle and vndeſerued de|ſtruction, onely for that it happed thoſe to fauour him whom the prince fauored not. We need not I ſuppoſe to rehearſe of theſe anye mo by name, ſith there bee (I doubt not) manye here preſent, that either in themſlues, or in their nigh friendes haue knowen as well their goods as their perſons greatly endaungered, eyther by feyned quarels, or ſmall matters agreeued with heynous names. And alſo there was no crime ſo great, of whiche there could lacke a pretext. For ſith the king pre|uenting the time of his inheritance attayned the crowne by battaile: it ſufficed in a riche man for a pretext of treaſon, to haue bin of kindred or al|liance neare familiaritie or lõger acquaintaunce with any of thoſe that were at any tyme ye kings enimies, which was at one time and other, more than halfe the realme. Thus were neither your goods in ſurety, and yet they brought your bodies in ieopardie, beſide the common aduenture of opẽ warre, [...]e [...] warre. which albeit that it is euer the wil and oc|caſion of much miſchiefe, yet is it neuer ſo miſ|chieuous as where any people fall at diſtaunce a|mong thẽſelues, nor in none earthly nation ſo deadly and ſo peſtilent, as when it hapneth amõg vs: and among vs neuer ſo long continued diſ|ſention, nor ſo many battailes in that ſeaſon, nor ſo cruell and ſo deadly foughten as was in that kings days that dead is, God forgiue it his ſoule. In whoſe time, and by whoſe occaſion, what a|bout the getting of the garland, keeping it, lea|ſing, and winning againe, it hath coſt more Engliſh bloud, than hath twiſe the winning of Fraunce.Ciuill warre. In which inwarde warre among our ſelues, hath bene ſo great [...]uſion of the auncient noble bloud of this realme, that ſcarcely the halfe remayneth, to the great enfeebling of this noble land, beſide many a good towne ranſacked & ſpoi|led by them, that hath bene going to the fielde or comming from thence. And peace long after not much ſurer than warre. So that no time was therein which rich men for their money, & greate men for their lands, or ſome other for ſome feare, or ſome diſpleaſure were not out of perill. For whõ truſted he that miſtruſted his owne brother? whom ſpared he that killed his owne brother? or who could perfitely loue him, if his owne brother could not? What maner of folke he moſt fauored we ſhal for his honor ſpare to ſpeake of, howbeit this wote you well al, that who ſo was beſt, bare alway leaſt rule, and more ſute was in his dayes vnto Shores wife, a vile and an abhominable ſtrumpet, than to al the Lords in Englãd, except vnto thoſe yt made hir their proctor, which ſimple woman was wel named & honeſt, till the king for his wanton luſt and ſinfull affection bereft hir frõ hir huſband, a right honeſt ſubſtantiall yong mã among you. And in that point, whiche in good fayth I am ſorie to ſpeake of, ſauing that it is in vaine to kepe in counſaile that thing that all men know, the kings greedie appetite was inſaciable, and euery where ouer all the realme intollerable. For no woman was there any where, yong or olde, riche or poore, whom he ſet his eye vpon, in whom he any thing lyked, eyther perſon or fa|uour, ſpeeche, pace, or countenaunce, but wyth|out any feare of god, or reſpect of his honor, mur|mure or grudge of the worlde, he woulde impor|tunely purſue his appetite, & haue hir, to the great deſtruction of many a good woman, and great dolor to their huſbande, and their other friendes, which being honeſt people of thẽſelues, ſo much regarde the cleanneſſe of their houſe, the chaſtitie of their wiues, and their children, that them were leauer to leaſe all that they haue beſyde, than to haue ſuche a villanye done them. And all were it that wyth thys and other importable dealyng the Realme was in euerye parte annoyed: yet ſpeciallye yee heere the City|zens of thys noble Citye, as well for that amongeſt you is moſte plentye of all ſuche things as myniſter matter to ſuche iniuryes, as for that you were neareſt at hande, ſithe that neare here about was commonly hys moſt abyding. And yet be ye the people whome he had as ſingular cauſe well and kindlye to entreate, as any parte of hys Realme, not onely for that the Prince by thys noble Citie,London the Kings eſpeci|al chamber. as hys eſpe|ciall Chamber, and the ſpeciall well renowmed Citie of hys Realme, muche honourable fame EEBO page image 1382 receyueth among all other Nations: but alſo for that ye not without your great coſt, and ſundrie perils and ieopardies in all his warres, bare euen your ſpeciall fauor to his part, which your kinde mindes borne to the houſe of Yorke, ſith hee hath nothing worthily acquited, there is of that houſe that nowe by Gods grace better ſhall, whiche thing to ſhewe you is the whole ſumme and ef|fect of this our preſente errande. It ſhall not I wote well, neede that I rehearſe you agayne, that ye haue alreadie hearde, of hym that can bet|ter tell it,, and of whome I am ſure ye will bet|ter beleeue it. And reaſon is that it ſo bee. I am not ſo prowde to looke therefore that yee ſhoulde recken my wordes of as greate authoritie as the Preachers of the worde of God, namely a man ſo cunning & ſo wiſe, that no man better woteth what hee ſhoulde ſaye, and thereto ſo good and vertuous, that hee woulde not ſaye the thyng whiche he wyſt he ſhoulde not ſaye, in the Pul|pet namely, into the which no honeſt man com|meth to lie, which honourable Preacher yee well remember ſubſtanciallye declared vnto you at Paules Croſſe, on Sunday laſt paſſed, the right and title, that the moſt excellent prince Richarde Duke of Glouceſter, nowe Protectour of thys Realme hath vnto the Crowne and kingdome of the ſame. For as the worſhipfull man groundly made open vnto you, the children of K. Edward the fourth, were neuer lawfully begotten, foraſ|muche as the king (leauing his verie wife Dame Elizabeth Lucy) was neuer lawfully maried vn|to the Queene their mother, whoſe bloud ſauing that be ſet his voluptuous pleaſure before his ho|nor, was full vnmeetly to bee matched with hys, and the mingling of whoſe blouds togither, hath beene the effuſion of great part of the noble bloud of this realme. Whereby it may well ſeeme the mariage not wel made, of which there is ſo much miſchiefe growne. For lacke of which lawful ac|coupling, and alſo of other things which the ſayd worſhipfull doctor rather ſignified than fully ex|playned, and which things ſhall not be ſpoken for me, as the thing wherin euery man forbeareth to ſay that hee knoweth in auoyding diſpleaſure of my noble Lord Protector, bearing as nature re|quireth a filiall reuerence to the Duches his mo|ther, for theſe cauſes I ſay before remẽbred, that is to wit, for lacke of other iſſue lawfully cõming of the late noble prince Richard duke of Yorke to whoſe royall bloud the Crowne of England and of Fraunce, is by the high authoritie of Parlia|men entayled, the right and title of the ſame, is by the iuſt courſe of enheritaunce according to the common lawes of this lande, deuolute and com|mon vnto the moſte excellent Prince the Lorde Protector, as to the very lawfully begottẽ ſon of the foreremembred noble duke of Yorke. Which thing well conſidered, and the greate knightlye prowes pondered, with manifolde vertues which in his noble perſon ſingularly abound, the nobles and commons alſo of this realme, and ſpeciallye of the north part, not willing any baſtarde bloud to haue the rule of the lande, nor the abuſions be|fore in the ſame vſed any longer to continue, haue cõdiſcended and fully determined to make hum|ble petition to the moſte puiſſaunte Prince the Lorde Protectour, that it may lyke his grace at our humble requeſt, to take vpon him the gui|ding and gouernaunce of this Realme, to the wealth and encreaſe of the ſame, according to his verie right and iuſt tytle. Which thing I wore it well, hee will bee loth to take vppon hym, as he whoſe wiſedome well perceyueth the labor and ſtudie both of minde and bodie, that ſhall come therewith, to whomeſoeuer ſo will occupie the rowme, as I dare ſay hee will if he take it. Which rowme I warne you well is no childes office. And that the great wiſe man well percey|ued, when he ſayd: Veh regno cuius rex puer eſt: VVo is that Realme that hath a childe to their king. Wherfore ſo much the more cauſe haue we to thanke God, that this noble perſonage which is ſo righteouſly intituled therevnto, is of ſo ſad age, and thereto ſo great wiſedome ioyned with ſo great experience, which albeit hee will hee loth (as I haue ſayd) to take it vpon him, yet ſhall be to our petition in that behalf the more graciouſly incline, if ye the worſhipfull Citizens of this the chiefe citie of this realm, ioyne with vs the nobles in our ſaide requeſt. Which for your owne weale we doubt not but ye wil: and natheleſſe I hartily pray you ſo to do, wherby you ſhal do great pro|fit to all this realme beſide, in chooſing thẽ ſo good a king, and vnto your ſelfe ſpecial commoditie, to whõ his maieſtie ſhal euer after bear ſo much the more tender fauor, in how much he ſhall perceiue you ye more prone & beneuolẽtly minded toward his election. Wherin dere friends what mind you haue, we require you plainly to ſhew vs.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Duke had ſayde, and looked that the people whome he hoped that the Maior had fra|med before, ſhould after this propoſition made, haue cried king Richard, king Richarde, all was huſht and mute, and not one worde anſwe|red thervnto: wherwith ye duke was maruellouſ|ly abaſhed, and taking the Maior nearer to hym, with other that were aboute him priuie to that matter, ſayde vnto them ſoftly, what meaneth this, that this people be ſo ſtill. Sir (quoth the Maior percaſe they perceyue you not well. That ſhall we mende (quoth he) if that will) helpe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And by and by ſomewhat lowder he rehear|ſed them the ſame matter agayne in other or|der and other wordes ſo well and ornatelye, and naytheleſſe ſo euidently and plaine, wyth EEBO page image 1383 voyce, geſture, and countenance ſo comly, and ſo conuenient, that euery man much maruelled that heard him, and thought that they neuer had in theyr liues heard ſo euill & tale ſo well tolde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But were it for wonder or feate, or that eche lookt that other ſhould ſpeake firſt: not one word was there aunſwered of all the people that ſtoode before, but all was as ſtill as the mydnight [...] not ſo muche as rowning amongeſt them by which they might ſeeme to commune what was beſt to doe. When the Maior ſawe this, hee with other partners of that Councell drew aboute the duke, and ſayde that the people had not beene accuſto|med there to be ſpoken vnto, but by the Recorder, which is the mouth of the Citie, and happily to him they will aunſwere. [...]r William [...] With that the Recor|der called Fitz William, a ſad man, and an ho|neſt, whiche was ſo newe come into that office that he neuer had ſpoken to the people before, and loth was with that matter to beginne, nor with|ſtanding, therevnto commaunded by the Maior, made rehearſall to the Commons of that the Duke had twiſe rehearſed them himſelfe. But the Recorder ſo tempered his tale, that he ſhewed e|uerie thing as the dukes wordes, and no part his owne. But all this noting, no chaunge made in the people, which alway after one, ſtoode as they had beene men amaſed, wherevpon the duke row|ned vnto the Maior and ſayd: this is a maruel|lous obſtinate ſilence, and therwith he turned vn|to the people again with theſe words. Dere friẽds we come to moue you to that thing which per|aduenture we not ſo greatly needed, but that the Lords of this realme, & the cõmons of other par|ties might haue ſufficed ſauing yt wee ſuche loue beare you, & ſo much ſet by you, yt we would not gladly do without you, that thing in which to be partners is your weale & honor, which as it ſee|meth, either you ſee not, or wey not. Wherefore wee require you giue vs aunſwere one or other, whether you bee minded as all the nobles of the realm be, to haue this noble prince now protector to be your king or not.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At theſe words the people began to whiſper a|mong themſelues ſecretly, that the voice was nei|ther lowd nor diſtinct, but as it were the ſound of a ſwarme of Bees, till at the laſt in the neather end of the Hall, a buſhment of the dukes ſeruants and Naſhfieldes, and other longing to the pro|tector, with ſome prentiſes and laddes that thruſt into the hall among the preaſe, beganne ſodainly at mennes backes to crie out as lowde as theyr throtes woulde giue: King Richard, King Ri|charde, and threw vp their cappes in token of ioy. And they that ſtood before caſt backe their heads maruelling thereof, but nothing they ſayde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And when the Duke and the Maior saw this maner, they wisely turned it to theyr purpose, and sayde ir was a goodlye crie, and a ioyfull to heare, euery man with one voyce, no man saying nay. Wherefore friendes (quoth the Duke) since that we perceyue it is all your whole myndes to haue this noble man for your king, whereof wee shall make his grace so effectuall report, that wee doubt not but it shall redounde vnto your greate weale and commoditie: we require ye that ye tomorrow go with vs, and we with you vnto his noble grace, to make our humble request vnto him in maner before remembred. And therewith the Lordes came downe, and the companie dissolved and departed, the more part all sad, some with glad semblance that were not verie merye, and some of those that came thither with the duke not able to dissemble their sorrow, were fain at his backe to turne theyr face to the wall, while the doulour of theyr heart burst out of theyr eyes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then on the morowe after, the Maior with all the Aldermen and chiefe comoners of the citie in their best maner apparelled, assembling the(m)selues togither, resorted vnto Baynardes Castell, The Maiors comming to Baynards Ca|ſtell.where the protector lay. To which place repaired also according to their appoyntment, the Duke of Buckingham, with diuerse noble men with him, beside many knights and other gentlemen. And therevpon the duke sent worde vnto the L. Protector of the being of a great and honourable co(m)panie, to moue a great matter vnto his grace.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Wherevpon the protector made difficultie to come out vnto them, but if he first knewe of some part of their errand, as though he doubted & partly distrusted the comming of such a number vnto him so sodenly, without any warning or knowledge whether they came for good or harm. Then the duke whe(n) he had shewed this vnto the Maior and other that they might thereby see howe little the Protector looked for this matter, they sent vnto him by the messenger such louing message againe, and therewith so humbly besought him to vouchsafe, that they might resort to his presence, to purpose their intent, of which they would vnto none other person any parte disclose, that at the last he came forth of his Chamber, and yet not downe vnto them, but stoode aboue in a Gallerie ouer them, where they mighte see him, and speake to him, as though he would not yet come too nere them till he wist what they ment.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And therevpon the Duke of Buckingham, firſt made hũble petition vnto him on the behalfe of them all, that his grace woulde pardon them, and licence them to purpoſe vnto his grace the intent of their comming without his diſpleaſure, without which pardon obteined, they muſt not be holde to moue him of that matter. In which al|beit they ment as much honour to his grace, as wealth to all the realme beſide, yet were they not ſure howe his grace woulde take it, whome they EEBO page image 1384 woulde in no wyſe offende. Then the Protec|tour (as he was verie gentle of himſelfe, and alſo longed ſore to witte what they ment) gaue him leaue to purpoſe what him lyked, verily truſting for the good minde that he bare them all, none of them any thing woulde intend vnto himwarde, wherewith he ought to be grieued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 When the Duke had this leane and par|don to ſpeake, then waxed hee holde to ſhew him their intent and purpoſe, with all the cauſes mo|uing them therevnto as ye before haue heard, and finally to beſeech his grace, that it wold like him of his accuſtomed goodneſſe and zeale vnto the Realme, now with his eye of pitie, to behold the long continued diſtreſſe and decaye of the ſame, and to ſet his gracious handes to redreſſe and a|mendment therof, by taking vpon him the crown and gouernaunce of thys Realme, accordyng to hys right and tytle lawfully deſcended vnto him, and to the lande of God, profite of the lande, and vnto his grace ſo muche the more honour, and leſſe paine, in that that neuer Prince reigned vp|on any people, that were ſo glad to liue vnder his obeyſaunce, as the people of thys Realme vn|der his.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 When the Protector had heard the propoſition, he looked verie ſtraungely thereat, and anſwered: that all were it that he partly knew the things by them alledged to be true, yet ſuche entire loue hee bare vnto king Edward and his children, that ſo much more regarded his honor in other realmes about than the crowne of any one of whiche hee was neuer deſirous, that he could not finde in his hart in this point to encline to thier deſire. For in all other Nations where the truth were not well knowne, it ſhoulde peraduenture be thought, that it were his owne ambicious minde and deuiſe, to depoſe the Prince, and take himſelfe the Crowne, with which infamie hee woulde not haue his ho|nour ſtayned for any crowne, in which he had e|uer perceyued much more labor and paine, than pleaſure to him that ſo would ſo vſe it, as he that would not, were not worthie to haue it. Not|withſtanding he not onely pardoned thẽ the mo|tion that they made him, but alſo thanked them for the loue and heartie fauour they bare hym, praying them for hys ſake to giue and beare the ſame to the Prince, vnder whome hee was, and woulde be content to liue, and with his labor and counſayle as farre as ſhoulde lyke the King to vſe him, he woulde doe his vttermoſt deuoyr to ſet the realme in good ſtate, whiche was alreadie in this little while of his Protectorſhip (the praiſe giuen to God) well begonne, in that the malice of ſuch as were before occaſion of the contrarie, and of new intended to be, were now partly by good policie, partly more by Gods ſpeciall prouidence, than mans prouiſion repreſſed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Vpon this answere giuen, the Duke by the Protectours licence, a little rowned, aswell with other noble men aboute him, as with the Maior and Recorder of London. And after that vpon like pardon desired and obteyned, he shewed aloud vnto the Protector, that for a finall conclusion, yt the realm was appointed k. Edwards line shuld not any longer raigne vpo(n) the(m), both for that they had so farre gone, that it was nowe no suretye to retreate, as for that they thoughte it for the weale vniuersall to take that way, although they had not yet begon it.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Wherefore if it woulde like his grace to [...]lle the Crowne vpon him, they woulde hu [...]y be|ſeech him therevnto. If he woulde giue them a reſolute aunſwere to the contrarie, whiche they woulde be lothe to heare, then muſte they needes ſeeke and ſhould not fayle to find ſome other no|ble man that would.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Theſe wordes much mooued the Protector, whiche elſe as euerie man may wit, woulde ne|uer of likelyhoode haue enclyned therevnto. But when hee ſawe there was none other waye, but that eyther hee muſte take it, or [...]e hee and hys both g [...] from it, he ſayde vnto the Lordes and Commons: Sith we perceyue well that all the Realme is ſo ſet, whereof we bee very ſorie that they was not ſuffer in any wiſe King Edwards line to gouerne them, whome no man earthlye can gouerne agaynſt theyr willes, and we well alſo perceyue, that no man is there, to whome the Crowne can by iuſt tytle apperteyne, as to our ſelfe, as verie right heyre lawfully begotten of the bodie of our moſte deare father Rycharde late Duke of Yorke, to whiche tytle is now ioy|ned your election, the Nobles and Commons of thys Realme, whiche we of all tytles poſſible take for moſte effectuall: We be content and a|gree fauourablye to encline to your petition and requeſt, and according to the ſame,The pro [...] taketh vp [...] him to be king. here we take vpon vs the royall eſtate, pre [...]minence and king|dome of the two noble Realmes, Englande and Fraunce, the tone fro this daye forwarde, by vs and our heyres to rule, gouerne, and defende: the tother by Gods grace, and your good helpe, to get againe and ſubdue, and eſtabliſhe for euer in due obedience vnto thys Realme of Englande, the aduauncement whereof wee neuer aſke of God longer to liue than we intend to procure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 With this there was a greate ſhoute, crying King Rycharde, King Richarde. And then the Lordes went vp to the King (for ſo was he from that tyme called) and the people departed, tal|king dyuerſelye of the matter, euery man as hys fantaſie gaue hym. But much they talked and marueyled of the maner of this dealing, that the matter was on both partes made ſo ſtraunge, as thoughe neyther had euer communed with other EEBO page image 1385 thereof before, when that them ſelfe wy [...] there was no manne ſo dull that h [...]de them, bin hee perceyued well ynough, that all the matter was made betwene them. Howbeit ſome ex [...]d that agayne, and ſayde all muſte be owne at good or|der though: And men muſte ſometyme for the manners ſake, not be a known what they know. For at the conſecration of a Biſhop, euery man [...]teth well by the paying for his Bulles, that he purpoſeth to be one, and though he pay for no|thyng elſe. And yet muſt he be twyce aſked whe|ther he will be Biſhop or no, and he [...]ſt twice ſay nay, and at the thyrde tyme take it, as com|pelled therevnto by his owne wil. And in a ſtage play, all the people [...] right well, that hee that playeth the Sowdaine, is percaſe a ſowter, yet if one ſhoulde can ſo little good, to ſhewe out of ſeaſon what aquaintaunce hee hath with him, and call hym by hys [...] [...]e while he ſtan|deth in his maieſtie, one of hys tormentors myghte happe to breake [...] head, and worthie for marring of the play. And ſo they ſayde, that theſe matters hee kings games, as it were ſtage playes, and for the m [...] part, played vpon ſcaf|foldes. In which poore men be but the lookers on. And they yt wiſe be will meddle no further. For they that ſometime ſtep vp, and play with them, when they cannot playe theyr partes, they diſorder the playe, and doe themſelues no good.

1.18. King Richard the third.

King Richard the third.

EEBO page image 1386 [figure appears here on page 1386]

Compare 1587 edition: 1

Rich. the .iij.


An. reg. 1. This that is [...]ere betweene his mark and his marke * was not writ|en by maiſter Moore in this hiſtorie writ|en by him in Englishe, but [...]s tranſlated [...]ut of this hi| [...]tory which he wrote in latin.

_THE next day, the Potector wt a great trayne, wente to Weſtminſter hall, and there where hee had placed himſelfe in the Co [...]e of the Kinges [...] de| [...] to the audi|ence, that he woulde take vpon him the Crowne in that place there, where the King himſelfe ſit|teth and miniſtreth the lawe, bycauſe hee conſi|dered that it was the chiefeſt duetie of a King to miniſter the lawes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Then with as plesant Oration as he could, he went about to win vnto hym, the nobles, the merchantes, the artificers, and in conclusion all kynde of men, but especially the Lawyers of this realme. And finally to the intent that no ma(n) should hate him for feare, and that his deceytfull clemencie myghte get hym the good will of the people, when he had declared the discommoditie of discorde, and the commodities of concorde and vnitie, he made an open proclamation, that he did put oute of his mynde all enimities, and that he thre did openly pardon all offences co(m)mitted against him. And to the intente that hee myghte shewe a proofe thereof, he commaunded that one Fogge, whome he had long deadly hated, should be brought before hym, who being brought out of the Sanctuarie (for thyther had he fledde for feare of him) in the ſlight of the people, hee tooke hym by the hande. Whiche thyng the Common people reioyced at, and prayſed, but wyſe menne tooke it for a vani| [...]. I [...] his retourne homewarde, whome ſo [...]er [...], he ſaluted. For a mynde that kno|weth it ſelfe guiltie, is in a manner deiected to a ſeruile d [...]cle.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When he had begonne his reigne the daye of Iune, after this mockiſhe election, then was hee Crowned the daye of the ſame moneth. And that ſolemnitie was furniſhed for the moſt parte, with the ſelfe ſame prouiſion that was appoynted for the coronatiõ of his nephue.*

[figure appears here on page 1386]

Compare 1587 edition: 1 [...]om thys [...]ark to this* [...] not founde [...] Sir Thomas Moore, but in maiſter Hall [...]nd Grafton.But heere to ſhewe the manner of his Coro|nation, as the ſame is inſerted in this Pamphlet of Sir Thomas More, by maſter Hall and Ri|chard Grafton, although not found in the ſame Pamphlet, thus we find it by them reported.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Firſt to be ſure of all enimies (as he thoughte) he ſent for fyne thouſande men of the Northe a|gainſt his Coronation, which came vp euill ap|parelled, and worſe harneiſed, in ruſtie harneis, neither defenſable, nor ſcoured to the ſale, which muſtered in Finſeburie field, to the great diſdeine of all the lookers on.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The fourth day of Iuly, he came to the To|wer by water with his wife, and the fifth day he created Thomas Lord Haward Duke of Norf|folke, and Sir Thomas Haward his ſonne, hee created Earle of Surrey, and William Lorde Barkeley was then created Earle of Notting|ham, EEBO page image 1387 and Fraunces Lord Louel, was then made Vicount Louell, and the King his Chamber|layne: and the Lord Stanley was deliuered out of warde, for feare of his ſonne the L. Strange, which was then in Lancaſhire gathering men (as men ſayde) and the ſayde Lord was made Stewarde of the King his houſholde: lykewiſe the Archbyſhoppe of Yorke was deliuered: but Morton Byſhoppe of Elie, was cõmitted to the Duke of Buckingham to keepe in warde, which ſent him to his manor of Brecknock in Wales, from whence hee eſcaped to King Richarde hys confuſion. The ſame nyght, the King made ſe|uenteene Knyghtes of the Bathe, whoſe names enſue.

    Compare 1587 edition: 1
  • Sir Edmond the Duke of Suffolkes ſonne.
  • Sir George Grey, the Erle of Kents ſonne.
  • Sir William, the Lord Souches ſonne.
  • Sir Henry Burganie.
  • Sir Chriſtopher Willoughbie.
  • Sir William Barkeley.
  • Sir Henrie Babington.
  • Sir Thomas Arondell.
  • Sir Thomas Boleyne.
  • Sir Gerueys of Clifton.
  • Sir William Saye.
  • Sir Edmond Bedingfield.
  • Sir William Enderbie.
  • Sir Thomas Lekenor.
  • Sir Thomas of Vrmon.
  • Sir Iohn Browne.
  • Sir William Barkeley.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The next day, being the fifth day of Iulie, the King rode through the Citie of London to|ward Weſtminſter with great pomp, being ac|companied with theſe Dukes, Earles, Lordes, and Knightes, whoſe names followe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Edward Prince of Wales, the Kings onely ſonne.


    Compare 1587 edition: 1
  • The Duke of Norffolke.
  • The Duke of Buckingham.
  • The Duke of Suffolke.


    Compare 1587 edition: 1
  • The Earle of Northumberlande.
  • The Earle of Arondell.
  • The Earle of Kent.
  • The Earle of Surrey.
  • The Earle of Wilſhire.
  • The Earle of Huntingdon.
  • The Earle of Nottingham.
  • The Earle of Warwike.
  • The Earle of Lincolne.


    Compare 1587 edition: 1
  • The Lord Liſle Vicount.
  • The Lord Louell Vicount.
  • The Lord Stanley.
  • The Lord Audeley.
  • The Lord Dakers.
  • The Lord Ferrers of Chertley.
  • The Lord Powes.
  • The Lord Scrope of Vpſale.
  • The Lord Scrope of Bolton.
  • The Lord Gray Codner.
  • The Lord Gray of Wilton.
  • The Lord Sturton.
  • The Lord Cobham.
  • The Lord Morley.
  • The Lord Burganie.
  • The Lord Souche.
  • The Lord Ferrers of Groby.
  • The Lord Welles.
  • The Lord Lomney.
  • The Lord Matreuers.
  • The Lord Harbert.
  • The Lord Becham.


    Compare 1587 edition: 1
  • Sir Iames Titell.
  • Sir William Kniuet.
  • Sir Thomas Aborow.
  • Sir William Standley.
  • Sir William Aparre.
  • Sir George Browne.
  • Sir Robert Middleton.
  • Sir Iohn Henningham.
  • Sir Nicholas Latimer.
  • Sir Thomas Mongomery.
  • Sir Thomas Delamer.
  • Sir Gilbert Debnam.
  • Sir Terrie Robſart.
  • Sir William Brandon.
  • Sir Iohn Sauell.
  • Sir Henry Wentfoord.
  • Sir Edward Standley.
  • Sir Henry Seyntmont.
  • Sir William yong.
  • Sir Thomas Bowſer.
  • Sir Henry Winkefielde.
  • Sir Thomas Wortley.
  • Sir Iohn Seyntlow
  • Sir Charles of Pilkinton.
  • Sir Iames Harington.
  • Sir Iohn Aſheley.
  • Sir Thomas Barkley.
  • Sir Richard Becham.
  • Sir William Hopton.
  • Sir Thomas Percy.
  • Sir Robert Dymocke.
  • Sir Iohn Cheyny.
  • Sir Richard Ludlowe.
  • Sir Iohn Eldrington.
  • Sir William Sands.
  • Sir Richard Dudley.
  • EEBO page image 1388Sir William Seintlowe.
  • Sir Thomas Twaightes.
  • Sir Edmond of Dudley.
  • Sir Raufe Aſhton.
  • Sir Richard Charlington.
  • Sir Thomas Gray.
  • Sir Phillip Barkeley.
  • Sir Robert Harington.
  • Sir Thomas Greſley.
  • Sir Richard Harecourt.
  • Sir Wiliam Noris.
  • Sir Thomas Selenger.
  • Sir Richard Hodleſten.
  • Sir Iohn Conias.
  • Sir William Stoner.
  • Sir Phillip Courtney.
  • Sir William Gaſcoigne.
  • Sir Richard Amedilton.
  • Sir Roger Fynes.
  • Sir George Vere.
  • Sir Henry Percie. Sir Iohn Wood.
  • Sir Iohn Aparre.
  • Sir Iohn Gray. Sir Iohn Danby.
  • Sir Richard Tailebuſhe.
  • Sir Iohn Rider.
  • Sir Iohn Herring.
  • Sir Richard Enderby.
  • Sir Iohn Barkeley.
  • Sir Iames Strangwiſhe.
  • Sir Raufe Carnbrecke.
  • Sir Iohn Conſtable.
  • Sir Robert Eliarde.
  • Sir Richard Darell.
  • Sir Iohn Gilforde. Sir Iohn Lekenor.
  • Sir Iohn Morley.
  • Sir Iohn Hewes.
  • Sir Iohn Boleyne.
  • Sir Edmond Shaa Alderman.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 On the morrowe beeing the ſixte daye of Iu|lye, the King with Quene Anne hys wife, came down out of the White Hall into the great Hall at Weſtminſter, and went directly to the kings bench. And from thence, the king and the Quene going vpon raye clothe barefooted, wente vnto Sainct Edwardes Shrine, and all his nobilitie goyng wyth hym, euery Lorde in his degree. And firſte went the trumpets, and then the Her|raultes of armes in their riche coates, and nexte followed the Croſſe with a ſolemne proceſſion, the Prieſtes hauyng fine ſurpleſſes and graye a|miſſes vpon them. The Abbottes and Byſhops mitred and in riche Copes and euery of them ca|ried theyr Croſiers in their handes. The By|ſhop of Rocheſter bare the Croſſe before the Car|dinall. Then followed the Earle of Huntyng|ton bearyng a paire of guilt ſpurres ſignifiyng Knyghtehoode. Then followed the Earle of Bedforde bearing Sainct Edwardes ſtaffe for a relique. After them came the Earle of Nor|thumberlande bareheaded, wyth the Pointeleſſe ſworde naked in his hande which ſignifyed mer|cye. The Lorde Stanley bare the mace of the Coneſtableſhippe. The Earle of Kent bare the ſeconde ſworde on the right hande of the Kyng naked, wyth a pointe, whyche ſignifyed Iuſtice to the Temporalitie. The Lord Louell bare the thirde ſworde on the lefte hande wyth a pointe, whyche ſignifyed Iuſtice to the Clergye. The Duke of Suffolke followed wyth the Scepter in his hande, whiche ſignifyed peace. The earle of Lincolne bare the Ball and Croſſe, whyche ſignifyed a Monarchie. The Earle of Surrey bare the fourth ſword before the King in a riche ſcabberd, and that is called the ſworde of eſtate. Then went three togither, in the middeſt wente Garter King at armes in his rich cote: and on his left hande wente the Maior of London, bea|ring a mace: and on his righte hande wente the Gentleman Vſſher of the priuie chamber. Then followed the Duke of Norffolke, bearing the Kings Crowne betweene his hands. Then fol|lowed King Richard in his robes of purple vel|uet, and ouer his head a canapie, borne by foure Barons of the fiue portes. And on euery ſide of the King there went one Byſhop, that is to ſay, the Byſhop of Bath, and the Biſhoppe of Dur|ham. Then followed the Duke of Buckingham bearing the Kings trayne, with a white ſtaffe in his hande, ſignifying the office of the high Ste|ward of England. Then there followed a great number of Earles & Barons before ye Queene. And then came ye Erle of Huntington, who bare ye Queenes Scepter, & the Vicount Liſle bea|ryng the rodde with the Doue. And the earle of Wilſhire bare the Queenes Crowne. Then fol|lowed Queene Anne daughter to Richard Erle of Warwicke in robes like to ye King, betweene two Byſhoppes, and a Canapie ouer hir heade borne by the Barons of the Ports. On hir head a riche Coronall ſet wyth ſtones and pearle. Af|ter hir followed the Counteſſe of Richemonde heire to the Duke of Somerſette, whiche bare vp the Queenes traine. After followed the Dut|cheſſe of Suffolke and Norffolke, wyth Coun|teſſes, Baroneſſes, Ladies and many faire Gen|tlewomen. In this order they paſſed through the Pallaice, and entred the Abbey at the Weſt end, and ſo came to their ſeates of eſtate. And after diuers ſongs ſolempnly ſong, they bothe diſcen|ded to the hyghe Aulter and were ſhifted from their robes, and had diuers places open from the middle vpwarde, in whiche places they were an|nointed. Then bothe the King and the Queene chaunged them into clothe of golde and aſcen|ded to their ſeates, where the Cardinall of Caunterburye, and other Byſhoppes them EEBO page image 1389 Crowned according to the cuſtome of ye realme, giuing him the Scepter in the left hande, and the ball with the croſſe in the righte hande, and the Queene had the Scepter in hir right hande, and the rodde with the done in the left hande.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 On euery ſide of the King ſtoode a Duke, and before hym ſtoode the Earle of Surrey with the ſword in his handes. And on euery ſide of the Queene ſtanding a Biſhoppe and a Lady knee|ling.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Cardinall ſong Maſſe, and after paxe, the King and the Queene deſcended, and before the high Aulter they wer both houſeled, with one hoſt deuided betweene them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After Maſſe finiſhed, they both offered at S. Edward his Shrine, and there the King left the Crowne of Sainte Edward, and putte on hys owne Crowne. And ſo in order as they came, they departed to Weſtminſter Hall, and ſo to their chambers for a ſeaſon, during which time, the Duke of Norffolke came into the hall, hys horſe trapped to the ground in cloth of golde, as high Marſhall, and voided the hall.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 About foure of the clocke, the King & Queene entred the hall, and the King ſate in the middle, and the Queene on the left hand of the table, and on euery ſide of hir ſtoode a Counteſſe, holdyng a cloth of pleaſaunce, when ſhe lift to drinke. And on the right hand of the King ſate the Byſhoppe of Caunterburie, the Ladyes ſate all on one ſide, in the middle of the hall. And at the Table a|gainſte them, ſate the Chancellor and all the Lordes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At the table next the euphorde, ſate the Mai|or of London, and at the table behind the Lords, ſate the Barons of the portes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And at the other tables ſate noble and wor|ſhipfull perſonages.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When all perſons were ſet, the D. of Nor|folke Earle Marſhal, the Earle of Surrey, Con|neſtable for that day, the Lorde Stanley Lorde Stewarde, Sir William Hopton Treaſourer, and Sir Thomas Percy comptroller, came in, and ſerued the King ſolemnelie, with one diſhe of golde, and another of ſiluer, and the Queene all in gilte veſſell, and the Biſhop all in ſiluer.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At the ſeconde courſe came into the hall, Sir Robert Dimmocke the Kings Champion, ma|king proclamation, that whoſoeuer woulde ſay, that King Richarde was not lawfull King, hee would fight with him at the vtterance, & threwe downe his gantlet, and then all the hall cryed King Richarde. And ſo he did in three partes of the Hall, and then one broughte him a cuppe of wine couered, and when he hadde dronke, he caſt out the drinke, and departed with the cuppe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that the Heraulds cryed alargeſſe thrice in the hall, and ſo went vp to their ſtage.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At the ende of dynner, the Maior of London ſerued the King and Queene with ſweete wine, and had of each of them a cuppe of golde, with a couer of golde. And by that time that all was done, it was darke nighte. And ſo the King re|turned to his chamber, and euerye man to hys lodging.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When this feaſt was thus finiſhed, the kyng ſente home all the Lordes into their Countreys that woulde departe, excepte the Lord Stanley, whome he reteyned, till he heard what his ſonne the Lorde Strange went about. And to ſuche as went home, hee gaue ſtraighte charge and com|maundement, to ſee their Countreys well or|dered, and that no wrong nor extorcion ſhoulde be done to his ſubiectes. And thus hee taughte o|ther to execute iuſtice and equitie, the contrarie whereof he dayly exerciſed: he alſo with great re|wardes giuen to the Northernemen, whiche he ſente for to his Coronation, [...]te them home to their Countrey with great thankes: whereof dy|uers of them (as they be all of nature very gree|die of authoritie, and ſpecially when they thinke to haue any comforte or fauoure) tooke on them ſo highly, and wroughte ſuche maiſteries, that the King was fayne to ride thither in his fyrſte yeare, and to put ſome in execution, and ſtay the Countrey, or elſe no ſmall miſchiefe had enſued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Nowe fell there miſchieues thicke.Sir Thomas More againe. And as the thing euill gotten is neuer well kepte, thorough all the tyme of his reigne neuer ceaſſed there cen|ell death and ſlaughter, till his owne deſtruction ended it. But as hee finiſhed his tyme with the beſt death and the moſt righteous, that is to wit, his owne, ſo beganne hee with the moſt piteous and wicked, I meane the lamentable murther of his innocent nephues, the yong kyng and his tender brother: whoſe death and final infortune hath natheleſſe comen ſo farre in queſtion, that ſome remayn yet in doubt, whether they were in his dayes deſtroyed or no. Not for that onely that Perkyn Werbecke by manye folkes ma|lice, and moe folkes folly,Perkyn Wer|becke. ſo long ſpace abu|ſing the worlde, was as well with princes as the poorer people, reputed and taken for the younger of theſe two, but for that alſo that all things were in late dayes ſo couertly demeaned, one thyng pretended, and another meant, that there was nothing ſo playne and openly proued,Cloſe dealing is euer ſuſ|pected. but that yet for the common cuſtom of cloſe and couert dealyng, men hadde it euer inwardly ſuſ|pect: as many well counterfaited Iewels make the true myſtruſted. Howbeit concerning the o|pinon, with the occaſions mouyng eyther par|tie, we ſhall haue place more at large to intreate, if we hereafter happen to write the tyme of the late noble Prince of famous memorie King Hẽ|rie the ſeauenth, or percaſe that hiſtory of Perkin EEBO page image 1390 in any compendious proceſſe by it ſelfe. But in the meane time for this preſent matter, I ſhal re|hearſe you the dolorous ende of thoſe babes, not after euery way that I haue heard, but after that way that I haue ſo hearde by ſuche men and by ſuche meanes as me thinketh it were hard, but it ſhould be true.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 King Richard after his Coronation, takyng his way to Glouceſter to viſit in his new [...] ho|nour, the towne of which he bare the name of his olde, deuiſed as he rode, to fulfill the thing whiche he before had intended. And for aſmuche as hys minde gaue him, that his nephewes liuing, men would not recken that he could haue right to the Realme, he thoughte therefore without delay to ridde them,Iohn Greeue. Robert Bra|kenbery Con|neſtable of the Tower. as though the killing of his kinſmen could amend his cauſe, and make him a kindelie King. Wherevpon, he ſent one Iohn Greene, whome hee ſpecially truſted vnto Sir Roberte Brakenbery, Conneſtable of the Tower, with a [figure appears here on page 1390] letter and cred [...]nce and, that the ſame ſir Robert ſhould in any wiſe put the two children to death. This Iohn Green, did his errand vnto Brakẽ|bery, kneeling before our Lady in the tower, who playnely aunſwered, that he would neuer putte them to death to die therefore: with which aun|ſwere, Iohn Greene returning, recoumpted the ſame to King Richard at Warwike yet in hys way. Wherewith he tooke ſuch diſpleaſure and thought, that the ſame night he ſaid vnto a ſecret page of his: An whome ſhall a man truſt? thoſe that I haue broughte vp my ſelfe, thoſe that I had went would moſt ſurely ſerue me, euẽ thoſe fayle me, and at my commaundemente will doe nothing for me. Sir (quoth his page) there ly|eth one on your pa [...]let without, that I dare well ſay, to do your grace pleaſure, the thing wer right harde that he would refuſe, meaning this by Sir Iames Tirrel,Sir Iames Tyrell. which was a man of right goodly perſonage, and for natures giftes worthy to haue ſerued a much better Prince, if he had wel ſerued God, and by grace obteyned aſmuche trothe and good will as he had ſtrength and with.Authoritie loueth to pa [...]. The [...] had an high heart, and ſore longed vpward, not riſing yet ſo faſt as hee had hoped, being [...] and kepte vnder by the meanes of Sir Richarde Ratcliffe, and Sir William Cateſhie, whyche longing for no moe partners of the Princes fa|uoure, and namely not for him, whoſe wide they wiſt woulde beare no peere, kepte him by [...]e d [...]iftes out of all ſecrete truſt, which thing, thys Page well had marked and knowen: wherefore this occaſion offered, of very ſpeciall friende|ſhippe hee tooke hys tyme to put him forwarde, and by ſuche wyſe doe hym good that all the enimies hee hadde excepte the Deuyll, coulde neuer haue doone hym ſo muche h [...]. For vp|on thys pages woordes Kyng Richarde [...]oſ [...]. (For thys communication hadde he ſitting at the draught, a conuenient corpet for ſuche in coun|ſell) and came oute into the pallet chamber, on which he founde in bed ſir Iames, & ſir Thomas Tyrels, of perſon like and brethren of bloud, but nothing of kin in conditions. Then ſaid the king merily to them, what [...]rs he ye in [...] and calling vp ſir Iames, brake to him ſecretely his mynde in this miſcheuous matters. In whiche he founde him nothyng ſtrange. Wherefore on the morow he ſent him to Braken burne with a let|ter, by which he was cõmaunded to deliuer Sir Iames all the keys of the tower for one nighte, to the end he might there accompliſhe the kinges pleaſure, in ſuch thing as he had giuen him com|mandement. After whiche letter deliuered & the keys receyued, ſir Iames appointed the nyghte next enſuyng to deſtroye them, deuiſing before and preparing the meanes. The prince a [...] ſoone as the protectour left that name, and toke himſelf as king, had it ſhewed vnto hym, that he ſhoulde not reigne, but his vncle ſhould haue the crown. At which word, the Prince ſore abaſhed, began to ſigh, and ſayd: Alas, I wold my vncle wold let me haue my life yet, though I leeſe my king|dome. Then he that tolde him the tale, vſed him with good wordes, and put him in the beſt com|fort he could. But forthwith was the prince and his brother both ſhut vp, and all other remoued from them, only one called black Will, or Wil|liam ſlaughter excepte, ſet to ſerue them and ſee them ſure. After whiche time the Prince neuer tyed his points, nor aught rought of himſelf, but with that young babe his brother, lingred with thought and heauineſſe, till this traitetous death deliuered them of that wretchedneſſe. For Sir Iames Tyrell deuiſed that they ſhould be mur|thered in their beds. To the execution whereof, he appoynted Myles Forreſte, one of the foure that kept them, a fellowe fleſhed in murther be|fore time. To him he ioyned one Iohn Dighton his own horſkeeper, a bigge, brode, ſquare, ſtrong EEBO page image 1391 knaue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then all the other beeing remoued from them,The yong [...] and hys [...] mur| [...]d. this Myles Forreſt, and Iohn Dighton about midnight (the ſelie children lying in theyr heddes) came into the chamber, and ſuddaynely lappe them vp amõg the clothes, ſo to bewray| [...]ed them and intangled them, keeping downe by force the fetherbed and pillowes hard vnto theyr mouthes, that within a while, ſmothered and ſtifled, their breath fayling, they gaue vnto God their innocente ſoules into the ioyes of Heauen, leauing to the tormentors their bodyes dead in the bedde. Which after that the wretches perce [...]| [...]ed, firſte by the ſtrugling with the paines of death, and after long lying ſtill to bee throughly dead, they layde theyr bodyes naked out vppon the bed, and fetched Sir Iames to ſee them, whi|che vpon the ſight of them, cauſed thoſe murthe|rers to burie them at the ſtaire foote, meetely deepe in the grounde, vnder a greate heape of ſtones.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 Then rode Sir Iames in great haſt to Kyng Richarde, and ſhewed him all the maner of the murther, who gaue him greate thankes, and (as ſome ſay) there made hym Knight. But he al|lowed not as I haue hearde, the burying in ſo vile a corner, ſaying, that hee would haue them buryed in a better place, bycauſe they were a Kings ſonnes. Loe the honorable courage of a King. Wherevpon they ſay, that a Prieſt of S. Robert Brakenbery tooke vp the bodyes againe, and ſecretely enterred them in ſuche place, as by the occaſion of his deathe, whiche onely knew it, could neuer ſince come to light. Very troth is it, and wel knowen, that at ſuch time as ſir Iames Tirrell was in the Tower, for treaſon cõmitted againſt the moſt famous Prince King Henrye the ſeauenth, both Dighton and he were exami|ned, and confeſſed the murther in manner aboue written, but whether the bodyes were remoued, they could nothing tell. And thus as I haue learned of thẽ that much knewe, and little cauſe had to lie were theſe two noble Princes, theſe in|nocent tender childrẽ, borne of moſt royal bloud, brought vp in great wealthe, likely long to lyue, raigne, and rule in the Realm, by trayterous ti|rannie taken, depriued of their eſtate, ſhortlye ſhut vp in priſon, and priuily ſlayne and mur|thered, their bodies caſt God wot where, by the cruell ambition of their vnnaturall vncle and his diſpiteous tormentors. Which things on e|uery parte well pondered, God neuer gaue thys world a more notable example, neyther in what vnſuretie ſtandeth this worldly weale, or what miſchiefe worketh the proude enterpriſe of an high heart, or finally, what wretched ende enſu|eth ſuch diſpiteous crueltie. For firſt to beginne with the Miniſters, Myles Forreſt, at Saint Mar [...] pe [...]le [...] away. Dighton in|deede yet walketh [...] alyue in good poſſibilitie to be hanged are hee dye. But Sir Iames Tyr|rell dyed at the Tower hill beheaded for treaſon. King Richarde himſelfe, as yee ſhall heereafter heare, ſlayne in the fielde, hacked and hewed of his enimies handes, haried on Horſebacke dead, his heade in deſpite torne and tugged like a curre dogge. And the miſchiefe that hee tooke, within leſſe than three yeares of the miſchiefe that hee did. And yet all the meane time, ſpente in muche payne and trouble outwarde, muche feare, an|guiſh and ſorowe within. For I haue hearde by credible reporte of ſuche as were ſecret with hys Chamberlayne, that after thys abhominable deede done, hee neuer hadde quiet in hys minde.The out and inward trou|bles of tiran [...]. Hee neuer thoughte hymſelfe ſure. Where hee wente abroade, hys eye [...] whitled about, hys body priuily fenced, hys hande euer vppon hys dagger, hys countenaunce and manner lyke one; alwayes readye to ſtrike agayne, hee tooke ill reſt anyghtes, [...]y long wakyng and mu|ſing, ſore weeryed with care and watche, ra|ther ſlumbered than ſlepte, troubled with feare|full dreames, ſuddaynely ſometyme ſtert vppe lepte out of hys bedde, and ranne aboute the chamber, ſo was hys reſtleſſe hearte continual|lie toſſed and tumbled with the tedious impreſ|ſion and ſtormie remembraunce of his abhomi|nable deede. Nowe hadde he outwarde no long [...]yme in reſt. For heerevpon, ſoone after, be|ganne the conſpiracie, or rather good confede|ration, betweene the Duke of Buckingham, and many other Gentlemen agaynſte hym.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The occaſion wherevpon the Kyng and the Duke fell out, is of dyuers folke dyuers wyſe pretended.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 Thys Duke (as I haue for certayne beene enformed) as ſoone as the Duke of Glouceſter, vppon the deathe of Kyng Edwarde, came to Yorke, and there hadde ſolemne funerall ſer|uice for Kyng Edwarde, ſente thither in the moſt ſecrete wiſe he coulde, one Perſall his tru|ſtie ſeruaunte, who came to Iohn Warde a Chamberer of lyke ſecrete truſt with the Duke of Glouceſter, deſiring, that in the moſt cloſe and couerte manner, hee myghte be admitted to the preſence and ſpeeche of hys maiſter. And the Duke of Glouceſter aduertiſed of hys de|ſire, cauſed hym in the dead of the nyghte, after all other folke auoyded, to bee broughte vnto hym in hys ſecrete Chamber, where Perſall after hys maſters recommendation, ſhe|wed hym that hee hadde ſecretely ſente hym to ſhewe hym, that in thys newe worlde, hee woulde take ſuche parte as hee woulde, and wayte vppon hym with a thouſande good fellowes, if neede were. The Meſſenger EEBO page image 1392 ſent backe with thankes, and ſome ſecrete inſtru|ction of the Protectors minde: yet mette him a|gayne with farther meſſage from the Duke hys maſter, within few days after at Nottingham: whither the Protector from Yorke with manye Gentlemen of the North Countrey to ye num|ber of ſixe hundred horſes, was come on his way to Londonwarde, and after ſecret meeting and communication had, eftſoone departed. Where|vpon at Northampton, the Duke met with the Protector hymſelfe with three hundred Horſes, and from thence ſtill continued with hym part|ner of all hys deuiſes, till that after his Corona|tion, they departed as it ſeemed very great friẽds at Glouceſter. From whence aſſoone as the duke came home, he ſo lightly turned from him, and ſo highly conſpired againſte him, that a manne woulde maruell whereof the change grew. And ſurely, the occaſion of their varriance is of diuers men diuerſlie reported. Some haue (I heard ſay) that the Duke alittle before the Coronation, a|mong other things, required of the Protector the Duke of Herefordes lands, to the which hee pre|tended himſelfe iuſt inheritor. And foraſmuch as the title whiche he claymed by inheritance, was ſomewhat interlaced with ye title to the Crowne, by the line of King Henrye before depriued, the Protector conceyued ſuch indignation, that hee reiected the Dukes requeſt with manye ſpitefull and minatorie wordes, whiche ſo wounded hys heart with hatred and miſtruſt, that he neuer af|ter coulde endure to looke a righte on King Ri|chard, but euer feared his own life, ſo farre forth, that when the Protector rode through London towarde his Coronation, hee fayned hymſelfe ſicke, bycauſe he would not ride with hym. And the other taking it in euill part, ſent hym worde to riſe, and come ride, or he would make hym bee carried. Wherevpon, he rode on with euill wyll, and that notwithſtanding on the morrowe, roſe from the feaſt, fayning hymſelfe ſicke, and King Richard ſayde, it was done in hatred and deſpite of hym. And they ſayde that euer after continu|ally, eache of them liued in ſuche hatred and di|ſtruſt of other, that the Duke verily looked to haue bin murthered at Glouceſter. From whych naytheleſſe, hee in faire manner departed. But ſurely ſome right ſecrete at that days denie this: and manye righte wiſe men thinke it vnlikely, (the deepe diſſembling nature of thoſe both men conſidered, and what neede in that greene world the Protector had of the Duke, and in what pe|ril the Duke ſtoode, if hee fell once in ſuſpicion of the Tyrant) yt eyther the Protector would giue the Duke occaſion of diſpleaſure, or the Duke the Protector occaſion of miſtruſt. And verily, men thinke, that if King Richard had anye ſuch opinion conceyued, he would neuer haue ſuffered him to eſcape his hands. Very truth it is, [...] was an high minded man, and euill co [...] beare the glorie of an other, ſo that I haue [...] of ſome that ſay they ſaw it, that the Duke at [...] time as the Crowne was firſt ſet vpon the Pro|tectors head, his eye coulde not abyde the [...] thereof, but wried his head another way. But men ſaye, that he was of troth not well at eaſe, and that both to King Richarde well kno [...], and not ill taken, nor any demaund of the dukes vncurteouſly reiected, but hee both was greate giftes and high beheſtes, in moſt louing a [...] [...]|ſtie manner, departed at Glouceſter. But [...] after his comming home to Brecknocke, ha|uing there in his cuſtodie by the commaunde|ment of King Richarde Doctor Morton, By|ſhop of Elie, who (as ye before heard) was taken in the Counſell at the Tower, waxed with h [...] familiar: whoſe wiſedome abuſed hys pride ſo his owne deliuerance and the Dukes deſtracti|on. The Byſhop was a man of great naturall witte, very well learned, and honorable in beha|uiour, lacking no wiſe wayes to winne fauour. He had bin faſt vpon the parte of King Henrye, while that part was in wealth, and naytheleſſe, lefte it not, nor forſooke it in woe, but fledde the Realme with the Queene and the Prince, while King Edwarde hadde the King in priſon, neuer came home, but to the fielde. After whiche loſte, and that part vtterly ſubdued, the tother for hys faſt fayth and wiſedome, not only was contente to receyue hym, but alſo woed him to come, and had him from thenceforth both in ſecrete truſt, and very ſpeciall fauour, whiche hee nothing de|ceyued. For he being as ye haue heard after king Edwards death firſte taken by the Titante for his troth to the King, founde the meane to ſette this Duke in hys toppe, ioyned Gentlemen to|gither in aide of King Henry, deuiſing firſte the marriage betweene him and King Edwardes daughter, by whiche his faith declared the good ſeruice to both his maſters at once, with infinite benefite to the Realme by the coniunction of thoſe two blouds in one, whoſe ſeueral titles had long enquieted the lande, he fledde the Realme, went to Rome, neuer mynding more to meddle with the world, till the noble Prince King Hen|ry the ſeauenth gate him home againe, made him Archbyſhoppe of Caunterburie, and Chancellor of England, wherevnto the Pope ioyned the ho|nor of Cardinall. Thus lyuing many dayes in as much honor as one man mighte well wiſhe, ended them ſo godly, that his deathe with Gods mercie well changed his life.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 This man therefore as I was about to tell you, by the long and often alternate proofe,


An. reg. 2.

as well of proſperitie, as aduers fortune, hadde got|ten by great experience the very mother and mi|ſtreſſe EEBO page image 1393 of wiſedome, a deepe inſighte in politike worldly driftes. Whereby perceyuing now this Duke glad to comune with him, fedde him with faire words, and many pleaſaunt prayſes. And perceyuing by the proceſſe of their communica|cions, the Dukes pride, nowe and then balke out a little bredde of enuie, towarde the glory of the King, and thereby feeling him ethe to fall out if the matter were well handled: he craftely ſought the wayes to pricke him forwarde, taking al|wayes the occaſion of his commyng, and ſo kee|ping himſelfe ſo cloſe within his boundes, that hee rather ſeemed to followe hym, than to leade him. For when the Duke firſte beganne to prayſe and boaſt the King, and ſhew how much profite the Realme ſhoulde take by his raigne: my Lorde Morton aunſwered: Surely my Lord, follie were it for me to lie, for if I woulde ſweare the contrarie, your Lordſhip woulde not I weene beleeue, but that if the worlde woulde haue gone as I woulde haue wiſhed, Kyng Henries ſonne had hadde the Crowne, and not King Edward. But after that God had ordered him to leeſe it, and King Edwarde to raigne, I was neuer ſo madde that I woulde with a dead man ſtriue againſte the quicke. So was I to King Edward a faithfull Chaplayne, and glad would haue bin that hys chylde hadde ſucceeded him. Howbeit, if the ſecrete iudgemente of God haue otherwiſe prouided, I purpoſe not to ſpurre againſt a pricke, nor labour to ſette vp that God pulleth downe. And as for the late Protector and now King. And euen there he left, ſaying that he had already meddled to muche with the worlde, and woulde from that day meddle with his Booke and hys heades, and no farther. Then longed the Duke ſore to heare what hee woulde haue ſayd, bycauſe he ended with the King, and there ſo ſuddaynely ſtopped, and exhorted hym ſo familiarly betweene them twayne, to be bolde to ſay whatſoeuer he thought, whereof he faith|fully promiſed, there ſhoulde neuer come hurte, and peraduenture more good than hee woulde wene, and that himſelfe intended to vſe his faith|full ſecrete aduiſe and counſell, whiche hee ſayde was the onely cauſe for which he procured of the King to haue him in his cuſtody, where hee might recken himſelfe at home, and elſe had hee bin putte in the handes of them with whome hee ſhould not haue founden the like fauoure. The Byſhop right humbly thanked him, and ſayde, in good faith my Lord, I loue not to talke much of Princes, as thing not all out of perill, though the word be without fault, for aſmuch as it ſhall not bee taken as the partie meante it, but as it pleaſeth the Prince to conſtrue it. And euer I thinke on Eſops tale, that when the Lion hadde proclaymed, that on payne of death, there ſhould none horned beaſt abyde in that wood: one that had in his forhead a bunche of fleſhe, fled awaye a great pace. The Foxe that ſaw hym runne ſo faſt, aſked hym whyther he made all that haſte? And he anſwered, In fayth I neyther wote, nor recke, ſo I were once hence, bicauſe of this pro|clamation made of horned beaſtes. What foole quoth the Foxe, thou mayſt abyde well ynough, the Lion meant not by thee, for it is none horne that is in thine head. No mary (quoth hee) that wote I well ynough. But what and hee call it an horne, where am I then? The Duke laughed merily at the tale, and ſayd, My Lorde, I war|rant you, neyther the Lion nor the Bore ſhall pyke any matter at any thing heere ſpoken, for it ſhall neuer come neere their eare. In good faith Sir ſayde the Byſhop if it did, the thing that I was about to ſay, taken as well (as afore God, I meant) it could deſerue but thanke. And yet taken as I wene it woulde, mighte happen to turne mee to little good, and you to leſſer. Then longed the Duke yet much more to witte what it was, wherevppon the Byſhoppe ſaide, in good fayth my Lorde, as for the late Protector, ſith he is nowe King in poſſeſſion, I purpoſe not to diſpute his title, but for the weale of this Realm, whereof hys grace hath nowe the gouernaunce, and whereof I am my ſelfe one poore member. I was about to wiſhe, that to thoſe good habi|lities whereof he hath already right many, little needing my prayſe: it mighte yet haue pleaſed God, for the better ſtore, to haue giuen hym ſome of ſuche other excellente vertues, meete for the rule of a Realme, as our Lord hathe planted in the perſon of youre grace: and there lefte a|gayne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 The Duke ſomewhat maruelling at his ſud|dayne pauſes,Here endeth Sir Thomas More, and this that followeth is taken out M. of Hall. as though they were but parenthe|ſes, with a high countenaunce ſayd: My Lorde, I euidently perceyue, and no leſſe note your of|ten breathing, and ſuddayne ſtopping in youre communication, ſo that to my intelligence, your words neyther come to any direct or perfect ſen|tence in concluſion, whereby either I might per|ceyue, and haue knowledge what your inwarde intent is now toward the King, or what affec|tion you beare towarde me. For the compariſon of good qualities aſcribed to vs both (for the whi|che I may ſelfe knowledge and recogniſe to haue none, nor looke for no prayſe of any creature for the ſame) maketh me not a little to muſe, thyn|kyng that you haue ſome other priuie imagina|tiõ, by loue or by grudge, engraued and emprin|ted in your hart, which for feare you dare not, or for childiſh ſhamefaſtneſſe, you be abaſhed to diſ|cloſe and reueale, and ſpecially to me being your friend, which on my honour do aſſure you, to hee as ſecrete in this caſe, as the deaffe and dumme EEBO page image 1394 perſon is to the ſinger, or the tree to the hunter. The Byſhop beeing ſomewhat bolder, conſide|ring the Dukes promiſe, but moſt of all anima|ted and encouraged, bycauſe he knew the Duke deſirous to be exalted and magnified, and alſo he perceyued the inwarde hatred and priuie rancor which he bare toward King Richard, was now boldened to open his ſtomacke euen to the very bottome, intending thereby to compaſſe howe to deſtroy, and vtterly confound King Richard, and to depriue him of his dignitie royall, or elſe to ſet the Duke ſo a fyer with the deſire of ambi|tion, that hee himſelfe mighte be ſafe, and eſcape out of all daunger and perill, whiche thing hee brought ſhortly to concluſion, both to the kings deſtruction and the Dukes confuſion, and to his owne ſafegard, and finally, to hys high promo|tion. And ſo (as I ſayde before) vpon truſt and confidence of the Dukes promiſe, the Byſhoppe ſayd: my ſinguler good Lord, ſith the time of my captiuitie, which being in your graces cuſtodie, I may rather call it a liberall libertie, more than a ſtraighte empriſonmente, in auoyding idle|neſſe, mother and nouriſher of all vices, in rea|ding Bookes and auntient Pamphlets, I haue founde this ſentence written, that no manne is borne free, and in libertie of himſelfe onely, for one part of duetie he oweth or ſhould owe to his parents for his procreation by a very natural in|ſtincte and filiall curteſie: another parte, to hys friendes and kinſfolke, for proximitie of bloud, and natural amitie, doth of very duetie chalenge and demaunde: But the natiue Countrey in the whiche hee taſted firſte the ſweete ayres of thys pleaſant and flattering world after his natiuitie, demaundeth as a debt by a naturall bond, ney|ther to bee forgotten, nor yet to be put in obliui|on, which ſaying cauſeth me to conſider in what caſe this Realme my natiue Countrey nowe ſtandeth, and in what eſtate and aſſurance be|fore this time it hath continued: what gouernour we now haue, and what ruler wee mighte haue, for I playnely perceyue the Realme beeing in this caſe, muſt needes decay, and bee broughte to vtter confuſion, and finall exterminion: But one hope I haue encorporate in my breſt, that is, when I conſider, and in my mynd do diligently remember, & dayly behold your noble perſonage, your iuſtice, and indifferencie, your feruent zeale, and ardente loue towarde youre naturall Coun|trey, and in like manner, the loue of your Coun|trey toward you, the great learning, pregnaunt witte, and goodly eloquence, which ſo much doth abounde in the perſon of your grace, I muſte needes thinke this Realme fortunate, yea twice more than fortunate, whiche hath ſuch a Prince in ſtore, meete, and apte to bee a gouernoure, in whoſe perſon beeyng endued with ſo manye princely qualities conſiſteth and reſteth the [...] vndoubted ſimilitude and image of true [...].

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 But on the other ſide, when I call to [...]|rie the good qualities of the late Protector, and nowe called King, ſo violated and ſubuerted by Tyrannie, ſo changed and altered by vſurped authoritie, ſo clouded and ſhadowed by blynde and inſaciable ambition, yea, and ſo ſuddaynely (in manner by a metamorphoſis) tranſformed from politike ciuilitie, to deteſtable tyrannie: I muſt needes ſaye, and iuſtly affirme, that hee is neyther meete to be a king of ſo noble a Realme, nor ſo famous a Realme meete to bee gouerned by ſuche a tyraunt: Was not his firſt enterpriſe to obteyne the Crowne begunne and incepted by the murther of diuers noble valiant, true, and vertuous perſonages: O a holy beginning, to come to a miſcheuous ending, did he not ſecon|darily proceede contrarie to al lawes of honeſtie, ſhamefully againſte his owne naturall mother, being a woman of much honour, and more ver|tue, declaring hir openly to bee a woman giuen to carnall affection, and diſſolute liuing? (whych thing if it had bin true as it was not indeede, e|uery good and naturall childe would haue father mummed at, than to haue blaſted abroade, and eſpecially ſhee beeing aliue.) Declaring farther|more his two breethren, and his two nephewes to bee baſterdes, and to be borne in auoutrie: yet not with all this content: After that hee had ob|teyned the garland for the which he ſo long thir|ſted, hee cauſed the two poore innocentes hys ne|phewes, committed to him for eſpeciall truſt, to be murthered, and ſhamefully to be kylled. The bloud of which ſely and little babes, dayly crie to God, from the earth for vengeaunce. Alas, my heart ſobbeth, to remember this bloudy butcher, and cruell monſter, what ſuretie ſhall be in thys realme to any perſon, either for life or goodes vn|der ſuch a cruell Prince, which regardeth not the deſtruction of his owne bloud, and then leſſe the loſſe of other. And moſt eſpecially as oftentymes it chanceth, where a couetous or a cruell Prince taketh ſuſpicion, the ſmalleſt, ſwaruing that is poſſible (if the thing be miſconſtrued) may be the cauſe of the deſtruction of many giltleſſe perſo|nes: and in eſpeciall of noble and wealthye perſonages, hauing great poſſeſſions and riches: Suche a Lorde is Lucifer when he is entred into the heart of a proude Prince, giuen to couetouſ|neſſe and crueltie. But nowe my Lord to con|clude what I meane toward your noble perſon, I ſaye and affirme, if you loue GOD, youre lygnage, or youre natiue Countrey, you muſt youre ſelfe take vppon you the Crowne and imperiall Diad [...]ne of thys noble Empyre, bothe for the maynetenaunce of the honoure of the ſame (whiche ſo long hathe flouriſhed in EEBO page image 1395 fame and renowne) as alſo for the deliueraunce of your naturall Countreymen, from the bon|dage and thraldome (worſe than the captiuitie of Egypt) of ſo cruell a Tyrant and arrogant op|preſſor. For thus I dare ſaye, if any forreyne Prince or Potentate, yea the Turke hymſelfe woulde take vppon him the regiment heere, and the Crowne, the commons would rather admit and obey hym, than to liue vnder ſuche a bloud-ſupper and childe kyller: but howe muche more ioyful and glad would they be to liue vnder your grace, whome they all knowe to be a ruler meete and conuenient for them, and they to be louyng and obedient ſubiects, meete to liue vnder ſuch a gouernor: deſpiſe not, nor forſake not ſo manifeſt an occaſion ſo louingly offered. And if you your ſelfe knowing the paine and trauaile that apper|teyneth to the office of a King, or for anye other conſideration, will refuſe to take vppon you the Crowne and Scepter of this Realme: Then I adiure you, by the faith that you owe to God, by your honour and by your othe made to Saincte George, patrone of the noble order of the garter (whereof you bee a companyon) and by the loue and affectiõ that you beare to your natiue Coũ|trey, and the people of the ſame, to deuiſe ſome way, how this Realme nowe beeing in miſerie, may by youre high diſcretion and princely poli|cie, bee broughte and reduced to ſome ſuretie and conueniente regimente, vnder ſome good gouer|nour by you to be appoynted: for you are the ve|ry patrone, the only help, refuge, and comfort for the poore amaſed and deſolate commons of thys Realme. For if you could either deuiſe to ſet vp againe the lignage of Lancaſter, or auaunce the eldeſt daughter of King Edward to ſome hygh and puiſſant Prince, not only the new crowned King ſhall ſmall time enioy the glory of his dig|nitie, but alſo all ciuill warre ſhoulde ceaſſe, all domeſticall diſcord ſhould ſleepe, and peace, pro|fite and quietneſſe ſhould be ſet forth and embra|ſed. When the Byſhop had thus ended his ſay|ing, the Duke ſighed and ſpake not of a greate while, which ſore abaſhed the Byſhop, and made him change coulour: which thing when the duke apperceyued, he ſaide, be not afraid my Lord, all promiſes ſhall be kepte, to morow we will com|mon more: lette vs goe to ſupper, ſo that nyghte they cõmoned no more, not a little to the diſqui|eting of the Biſhop, whiche nowe was euen as deſirous to know the Dukes mind and intente, as the Duke longed the day before to knowe hys opinion and meaning. So the next day, the duke ſent for the Byſhop, and rehearſed to him in ma|ner (for he was both wittie and eloquent) all the communication had betweene them before, and ſo pauſed awhile, and after a little ſeaſon, put|ting off his bonet he ſayd: O Lorde God crea|tor of all things, howe muche is this Realme of England, and the people of the ſame bounden to thy goodneſſe, for where we now be in vexation and trouble with greate ſtormes oppreſſed, ſay|ling and toſſing in a deſperate Shippe, without good maſter or gouernoure but by thy help good Lorde I truſt or long time paſſe, that wee ſhall prouide for ſuche a ruler, as ſhall bee both to thy pleaſure, and alſo to the ſecuritie and ſauegarde of this noble Realme. And then hee put on hys bonet ſaying to the Byſhop, my Lord of Ely, whoſe true hart and ſincere affection toward me at all times, I haue euidently perceyued and knowen, and nowe moſt of all in our laſt priuie communication and ſecrete deuiſing, I muſte needes in hart thinke, and with mouth confeſſe and ſay, that you be a ſure friend, a truſty coun|ſellour, a vigilant foreſeer, a verye louer of your Countrey, & a natural Countreyman for which kindneſſe for my part, I moſt louingly render to you my harty thankes now with wordes, heere|after truſting to recompence and remunerate you with deedes, if life and power ſhall ſerue. And ſith at oure laſt communication, you haue diſcloſed, and opened the very ſecretes and priui|ties of youre ſtomacke, touching the Duke of Glouceſter now vſurper of the Crowne, and al|ſo haue a little touched the aduancement of the two noble families of Yorke and Lancaſter: I ſhall likewiſe not only declare and manifeſt vn|to you, al my open actes, attemptes, and doings, but alſo my priuie entents, and ſecret cogitati|ons. To the intent that as you haue vnbuckeled youre bouget of your priuie meanings, & ſecrete purpoſes to me: ſo ſhal all my clowdy workyng, cloſe deuiſes, and ſecrete imaginations, bee (as cleere as the ſunne) reuealed, opened, and made lighteſome to you. And to beginne, I declare: That when King Edwarde was deceaſed, to whome I thought my ſelfe little or nothing be|holden, (although we two hadde maried two ſi|ſters) bycauſe he neither promoted, nor preferred me, as I thought I was worthy, and had deſer|ned, neither fauored nor regarded me, according to my degree and birthe: for ſurely I had by him little authoritie, and leſſe rule, and in effect no|thing at all: which cauſed me leſſe to fauour his children, bycauſe I founde ſmall humanitie, or none in their parent. I then began to ſtudy, and with rype deliberation, to ponder and to conſi|der, howe and in what manner this Realme ſhould be ruled & gouerned. And firſt I remem|bred an olde prouerbe worthy of memorie, that often ruith the Realme, where children rule, and women gouerne. This olde adage ſo ſanke and ſettled in my head, that I thought it a great er|ror, and extreame miſchiefe to the whole realme, either to ſuffer the yong Kyng to rule, or EEBO page image 1396 the Queene his mother to be a gouernoure once him, conſidering that hir breethren, and hir firſte children (although they were not extract of hygh and noble lynage) toke more vpon them, & more exalted themſelues, by reaſon of the Queene, than did the Kings breethren, or anye Duke in his Realme: which in concluſion, turned to their confuſion. Then I beeing perſwaded with my ſelfe in this poynt, thought it neceſſarie both for the publique & profitable wealth of this Realme, and alſo for myne owne commoditie and emo|lument, to take parte with the Duke of Glouce|ſter: whome I aſſure you I thought to bee as cleane without diſſimulation, as tractable with|out iniurie, as merciful without crueltie, as now I know him perfectly to be a diſſembler without veritie, a Tyraunt without pitie, yea, and worſe than the tyraunt Ph [...]leres deſtitute of all trueth and clemencie: and ſo by my meanes, at the firſt Counſayle holden at London, when hee was moſt ſuſpected of that thing that after happened (as you my Lord know well ynough) hee was made Protector and defender, both of the King, and of the Realme, whiche authoritie once got|ten, and the two children partly by policie brou|ght vnder his gouernaunce, bee beeing moued with that gnawing and couetous ſerpente, deſi|red to raigne, and neuer ceaſſed priuily to exhort and require (yea and ſometimes with minatorie tearmes) to perſwade mee and other Lordes, as well ſpirituall as temporall, that hee might take vppon him the Crowne, till the Prince came to the age of foure and twenty yeares, and were able to gouerne the Realme, as a rype and ſufficient King: which thing, when he ſawe mee ſomewhat ſticke at, both for the ſtrangeneſſe of the example (bycauſe no ſuche preſident had bene ſeene) and alſo bycauſe we remembred that men once aſcended to the higheſt tipe of honour and authoritie, will not gladly diſcende againe, hee then brought in inſtruments, autentike doctors, proctors, and notaries of the law, with depoſiti|ons of diuers witneſſes, teſtifying King Ed|wards children to be baſterds, whiche depoſitiõs then I thought to be as true, as now I knowe them to be fayned, and teſtifyed by perſons with rewards vntruely ſubornate. When the ſaid de|poſitions were before vs redde and diligently hearde, he ſtoode vp bareheaded ſaying: Well my lords, euen as I and you ſage and diſcrete coun|ſaylers would that my nephew ſhoulde haue no wrong, ſo I pray you do me nothing but righte. For theſe witneſſes and ſayings of famous doc|tors being true, I am onely the vndubitate heire to Lord Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke, adiudged to bee the verye heire to the Crowne of this Realme, by authoritie of Parliament, whi|che things, ſo by learned men to vs for a veri|tie declared, cauſed me and other to take him for our lawfull and vndoubted Prince and ſoue|raigne Lord. For well wee knew that the Duke of Clarence ſonne, by reaſon of the attaynder [...] his father, was diſabled to inherite, and alſo the Duke himſelfe was named to be a baſterd, as I my ſelfe haue heard ſpoken, and that vpon great preſumptions more times than one: ſo agayne, by my ayde and fauoure, hee of a protector was made a King, and of a ſubiect made a gouernor, at whiche time hee promiſed me on his fidelitie, laying his hande in mine at Baynard Caſtell, that the two yong Princes ſhould liue, and that he would ſo prouide for them, and ſo maynteine them in honorable eſtate, that I and all the Realme ought and ſhoulde bee content. But when he was once Crowned Kyng, and in full poſſeſſion of the whole Realme, he caſt away his olde conditions, as the adder doth hir ſkinne, ve|rifying the olde prouerbe, Honours change man|ners, as the pariſhe Prieſte remembreth that hee was neuer pariſh clearke. For when I my ſelfe ſued to hym for my parte of the Earle of Hare|fords landes whiche his brother King Edwarde wrõgfully deteyned and withheld from me, and alſo required to haue the office of the high Con|neſtableſhip of Englande, as diuers of my noble aunceſters before this time haue hadde, and in long diſcent continued, in this my firſt ſure ſhe|wing his good mind toward me, he did not only firſte delay me, and afterward denay mee, but gaue me ſuch vnkynd words, with ſuch taunts and retauntes, yee in manner checke and checke mate, to the vttermoſt proofe of my pacience, as though I had neuer furthered him, but hindered him, as though I had put him downe, and not ſet hym vp yet all theſe ingratitudes and vnde|ſerued vnkindneſſe I bare cloſely, and ſuffered paciently, and couertly remembred, outwardly diſſimuling that I inwardly thoughte, and ſo with a paynted countenaunce, I paſſed the laſte ſummer in his laſt companie, not without many faire promiſes, but withoute anye good deedes. But when I was credibly enformed of ye death of the two yong innocents, his owne naturall nephewes contrarie to his faith and promiſe, to the which (God be my iudge) I neuer agreed, nor condiſcended. O Lord, how my veynes panted, how my body trembled, and my heart inwardly grudged, in ſomuch, that I ſo abhorred the ſight, and muche more the companie of him, that I coulde no longer abide in his Courte, excepte I ſhould be openly reuenged. The ende whereof was doubtfull, and ſo I fayned a cauſe to de|part, and with a merrie countenaunce and a de|ſpitefull heart, I tooke my leaue humbly of him, (he thinking nothing leſſe, than that I was diſ|pleaſed) and ſo returned to Brecknock to you. EEBO page image 1397 But in that iourney as I returned, whether it were by the inſpiracion of the holy Ghoſt, or by Melanculous diſpoſition, I had diuers and ſun|dry imaginacions howe to depriue this vnnatu|rall vncle, and bloudy Butcher, from his royal ſeate, and princely dignitie. Firſte I fanteſyed, that if I lift to take vppon me the Crowne, and imperiall Scepter of the Realme, nowe was the time propice and conuenient. For now was the way made playne, and the gate opened, and oc|caſion giuen, which now neglected, ſhoulde per|aduenture neuer take ſuch effect and concluſion. For I ſaw he was, diſdeyned of the Lords tem|porall, execrate and accurſed of the Lords Spi|rituall, deteſted of all Gentlemen, and deſpiſed of all the communaltie: ſo that I ſaw my chaunce as perfectly as I ſaw my own image in a glaſſe, that there was no perſon (if I had bin greedy to attempte the enterpriſe) coulde nor ſhoulde haue wonne the ring, or got the gole before mee. And on this poynt I reſted in imagination ſecretely with myſelfe, two dayes at Tewkeſberie. And from thẽce ſo iourneying, I muſed and thought that it was not beſt nor conuenient to take vpon me as a conquerour, for then I knew that al mẽ and eſpecially the nobilitie, woulde with al their power withſtande me, both for reſcuyng of poſ|ſeſſiõs, and tenours, as alſo for ſubuerting of the whole eſtate, lawes, and cuſtomes of ye Realm: Such a power hath a conquerour as you know well inough my Lord. But at the laſt, in al this doubtfull caſe there ſprang a newe branche out of my head, which ſurely I thought ſhould haue broughte forthe faire floures, but the ſunne was ſo hote, that they turned to drie weedes, for I ſuddaynely remembred that Lorde Edmonde Duke of Somerſet my Grandfather, was with King Henrye the ſixte in the two and three de|grees, from Iohn Duke of Lancaſter lawfully begotten: ſo that I thought ſure, my mother be|ing eldeſt daughter to Duke Edmond, that I was nexte heire to King Henrye the ſixte of the houſe of Lancaſter. This title pleaſed well ſuche as I made priuie of my counſaile, but muche more it encouraged my fooliſh deſire, and eleua|ted my ambicious intente, in ſomuche, that I cleerely iudged, and in mine owne minde was determinately reſolued, that I was indubitate heire of the houſe of Lancaſter, and therevppon concluded to make my firſte foundation, and e|rect my new buylding. But whether God ſo or|deyned, or by fortune it ſo chanced, while I was in a maze, other to conclude ſuddaynely on thys title, and to ſet it open amongſt the cõmon peo|ple, or to keepe it ſecret a while, ſee the chance: as I rode betwene Worceter and Bridgenorth, I encountred with the Lady Margaret, Counteſſe of Richmond, now wife to the Lorde Stanley, whiche is the very daughter and [...] heyre, to Lord Iohn Duke of Somerſet, my Grandfa|thers elder brother, whiche was as cleane out of my minde, as though I hadde neuer ſeene hir, ſo that ſhee and hir ſonne the Earle of Richmond, be both bulwarke and portecolice betweene mee and the gate, to enter into the maieſtie royal and getting of the Crowne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 And whẽ we had cõmuned a little concerning hir ſonne, as I ſhal ſhew you after, and were de|parted, ſhe to our Ladie of Worceſter, and I to Shrewſbury: I then new changed, and in ma|ner amazed, began to diſpute with my ſelfe, little conſidering that thus my earneſt title was tur|ned to a tittel not ſo good as Eſt Amen. Eftſoo|nes I imagined whether I were beſt to take vp|on me, by the election of the nobilitie and com|munaltie, which me thought eaſie to be done, the vſurper king, thus being in hatred and abhorred of this whole realm, or to take it by power, which ſtandeth in fortunes chaunce, and difficile to bee atchieued and brought to paſſe. Thus tumbling and toſſing in the waues of ambiguitie, betwene the ſtone and ſacrifice, I conſidered firſt the of|fice, dutie, and payne of a King, whiche ſure|ly thynke, I that no mortall man can iuſtly and truly obſerue, except he be called, elected, & ſpeci|ally appoynted by God as king Dauid, and dy|uers other haue bin. But farther, I remembred that if I once tooke on me the ſcepter, and the go|uernaunce of the realme: That of two extreme enimies I was dayely ſure, but of one truſtye frend (which now a days be gone a pilgrimage) I was neither aſſured, nor credibly aſcertayned, (ſuche is the worldes mutation) for I manifeſt|ly perceiued, that the daughters of king Edward and their alyes, and frendes, whiche be no ſmall number, being both, for his ſake muche beloued, and alſo for the greate iniurie and manifeſte ty|rannie done to them by the newe vſurper, muche lamented and pitied, would neuer ceaſſe to barke if they can not byte at the one ſide of me. S [...]|blably, my couſyn the Earle of Richmond, hys aydes and kinſfolke, whiche be not of little po|wer, will ſurely attẽpt lyke a fierce grandhound, eyther to byte or to pierce mee on the other ſide. So that my lyfe and rule, ſhould euer hang by a haire, neuer in quiet, but euer in doubt of death, or depoſition. And if the ſayde two lynages of Yorke and Lancaſter, whiche ſo long haue ſtri|ued for the Imperiall diademe, ſhoulde ioyne in one againſte mee, then were I ſurely mated, and the game gotten. Wherefore I haue cleere|ly determined, and with my ſelfe concluded, vtterly to relinquiſhe all ſuche fantaſticall i|maginations, concerning the obteyning of the Crowne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 But all ſuche plagues calamities & troubles EEBO page image 1398 (which I feared and ſuſpected) might haue chã|ced on me if I had taken the rule and regiment of this Realme, I ſhall with a reredemayne ſo make them rebound to our common enimie that calleth himſelfe King, that the beſt ſtopper that he hath at tenice, ſhall not well ſtoppe without a faulte: for as I tolde you before, the Counteſſe of Richmonde in my returne from the new na|med King, meeting mee in the high way, pray|ed mee firſte for kinred ſake, ſecondarily for the loue that I bare to my Grandfather Duke Hũ|frey, which was ſworne brother to hir father, to moue the King to bee good to hir ſonne Henrye Earle of Richmond, and to licence him with hys fauour to returne agayne into England: and if it were his pleaſure ſo to doe, ſhee promiſed that the Earle hir ſonne ſhoulde marrie one of Kyng Edwardes daughters, at the appoyntmente of the King, without any thing to bee taken or de|maunded for the ſayde eſpouſals, but onely the Kings fauoure, whiche requeſt I ſoone ouerpaſ|ſed, and gaue hir faire wordes, and ſo departed. But after in my lodging, when I called to me|morie with a deliberate ſtudie, and did circum|ſpectly ponder them, I fully adiudged, that the holy Ghoſt cauſed hir to moue a thing (the ende whereof ſhe could not conſider) both for the ſeen|ritie of the Realme, as alſo for the preferment of hir childe, and the deſtruction and finall confuſi|on of the common enimie King Richard, Whi|che thing, ſhe neither then thought (I am ſure) as I by hir wordes coulde make coniecture, nor I my ſelfe caſt not hir deſire to be ſo profitable to the Realme, as I now doe perceyue, but ſuche a Lord is God, that with a little ſparkle, hee kyn|dleth a great fire, and ſo finally to declare to you the very cõcluſion, to the which I am both bent and ſet, my minde is, and my power and purſe ſhall help, that the Erle of Richmond, very heire of the houſe of Lancaſter (in the quarrell of the which linage, both my father and Graundfather loſt their lyues in battayle) ſhall take to wife La|dy Elizabeth eldeſt daughter to King Edward, by the which marriage both the houſes of Yorke and Lancaſter maye bee ioyned, and vnited in one, to the cleere ſtabliſhmente of the title to the Crowne of this noble Realme. To which con|cluſion, if the mothers of both parties, and eſpe|cially the Earle himſelfe, and the Lady will a|gree, I doubt not but the bragging Bore, which with his tuſkes rayſeth euery mans ſkinne, ſhall not only be brought to confuſion as he hath de|ſerued, but that this empire ſhall euer be certaine of an vndubitate heire, and then ſhall all ciuile and inteſtine warre ceaſe, whiche ſo long hathe continued to the paring of many mẽs crownes, and this Realme ſhall be reduced againe to qui|etneſſe, renoune and glory. This inuentiõ of the Duke manye menne thoughte after, that it was more imagined for the inwarde hatred that we bare to King Richard, than for any [...] that he bare to the Earle of Richmond. But of ſuche doubtfull matter, it is not beſt to iudge for [...]ng to farre from the minde and intent of the auctor: But whatſoeuer hee entended, this deuice once opened to King Richard was the very occaſion, that he was rounded ſhorter by the whole head, without attainder or iudgemente. When the Duke hadde ſaid, the Biſhop whiche fauoured e|uer the houſe of Lancaſter, was wonderous ioy|full, and muche reioyſed to heare this deuice, for nowe came the winde about euen as hee woulde haue it, for all his imaginacion tended to thys effect to haue King Richarde ſubdued, and to haue the lines of king Edward, and King Hen|ry the ſixth agayne raiſed and aduaunced. But Lorde howe hee reioyced to thinke howe that by this marriage the linages of Yorke and Lanca|ſter ſhould be conioyned in one, to the very ſted|faſtneſſe of the publique wealth of this Realme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 And leaſt the Dukes courage ſhoulde ſwage, or his mynde ſhould againe alter, as it did often before, as you may eaſily perceyue by his owne tale. He thought to ſet vp all the ſayles that hee hadde, to the intent that the ſhip of his preten|ſed purpoſe, myghte come ſhortely to ſome ſure port: And ſayde to the duke, My Lorde, ſith by Gods prouiſion and youre incomparable wyſe|dome and policie, this noble coniunction is firſte moued, nowe is it conuenient, yea & neceſſary to conſider what perſonages, & what frends we ſhal firſt make priuie of this high deuice and politike cõcluſiõ. By my truth, quod the duke, we wil be|gin wt the ladie Richmõd, ye erles mother, which knoweth where he is, eyther in captiuitie, or at large in Britayn. For I heard ſay, yt the duke of Britayn reſtored him to libertie, immediatly af|ter the death of king Edward, by whoſe meanes hee was reſtreyned. Sith you will begin that way (ſaid the Biſhop) I haue an old friend with the Counteſſe, a man ſober, ſecret, and well wit|ted, called Reignold Bray, whoſe prudente poli|cie I haue knowen to haue cõpaſſed thyngs of greate importance, for whome I ſhall ſecretely ſend, if it be your pleaſure, and I doubte not hee will gladly come and that with a good will. So with a little diligence, the Byſhop wrote a let|ter to Reignold Bray, requiring him to come to Brecknocke with ſpeede, for great and vrgent cauſes, touching his miſtreſſe: and no other thing was declared in the letter. So the meſſenger rode into Lancaſhire, where Bray was with the Counteſſe, and Lord Thomas Stanley hir huſ|band, and deliuered the letter, which when he had red, he tooke it as a ſigne or preſage of ſome good fortune to come, and ſo with the meſſenger he EEBO page image 1399 came to the Caſtell of Brecknock, where the Duke and the Byſhop declared what thing was deuiſed, both for to ſet the realme in aquires ſted|faſtneſſe; as alſo for the high prefermente of the Erle of Richmond, ſon to his Lady & miſtreſſe: willing hir firſte to compaſſe how to obteyne the good will of Q. Elizabeth, and alſo of hir eldeſt daughter hearing the ſame name: & after fe [...]ely to ſend to hir ſon into Britaine, to declare what high honor was prepared for him, if hee woulde ſweare to marrie the Lady Elizabeth aſſume as he was K. & in royall poſſeſſion of the Realme. Reignold Bray with a glad hearte, forgettyng nothing giuen to him in charge, in greate haſt & with good ſpeede returned to ye counteſſe his La|dy & miſtreſſe. Whẽ Bray was departed, & thys great doubtful veſſel once ſet abroche, ye Byſhop thirſting for nothing more thã for libertie: whẽ he ſaw ye D. pleaſant & wel minded toward him, he told ye Duke, that if hee were in his yle of E|ly he could make many friẽds to further their en|terpriſe, & if he were there & had but foure dayes warning, he little regarded the malice of K. Ri|chard, his countrey was ſo ſtrõg. The D. knew well al this to be true, but yet loth hee was that the B. ſhoulde departe, for he knew well, that us long as the B. was with him, he was ſure of po|litique aduiſe, ſage counſayle, and circumſpect proceeding. And ſo he gaue the B. faire wordes, ſaying, that hee ſhoulde ſhortly depart, and that wel accompanyed for feare of enimies. The B. being as wittie as the D. was wilie, did not tar|rie till the Dukes company were aſſembled, but ſecretly diſguiſed, in a night departed (to ye dukes great diſpleaſure) & came to his ſee of Ely, where he found mony and friends, & ſo ſailed into Flã|ders, where hee did the Earle of Richmond good ſeruice, and neuer returned agayne, till the Earle of Richmond after beeing K. ſente for him, and ſhortly promoted him to the ſea of Canterburye. Thus the B. wound himſelfe from the D. when he had moſt neede of his aide, for if he had taryed ſtil, the D. had not made ſo many blabbes of his counſaile, nor put ſo much cõfidẽce in ye Welch|mẽ, nor yet ſo temerariouſly ſet forward, with|out knowledge of his friendes as hee did, whyche things were his ſuddayne ouerthrowe, as they that knew it did report.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 When Reignold Bray had declared his meſ|ſage & priuie inſtruction to the coũteſſe of Rich|mond his miſtreſſe, no maruell though ſhe were ioyous and glad, both of the good newes and al|ſo for the obteining of ſuche a high friende in hir ſonnes cauſe as the D. was, wherefore ſhe wil|ling not to ſlepe this matter, but to farther it to the vttermoſt of hir power and abilitie, deuiſed a meanes how to breake this matter to Q. Eli|zabeth then beeing in Sanctuarie at Weſt. And the [...], ſhe hauing in hir family at that time for the preſeruatiõ of h [...]r health a certain Welſh|man called Lewes, learned in phiſicke, which for his grauitie and experience, was well knowen, and much eſteemed amongſt great eſtates of the Realm: with whome the vſed ſometime liberal|ly & familiarly to talke, now hauing opportuni|tie and occaſion to breake hir minde vnto him of this weighty matter, declared that the time was come that hir ſonne ſhould be ioyned in mariage with Lady Elizabeth, daughter and heire to K. Edward, and that K. Richard being taken and reputed of all men for the common enimie of the Realme, ſhould out of all honoure and eſtate bee detected, & of his rule & kingdome be cleerely ſpoi|led and expulſed: and required him to goe to Q. Elizabeth (with whome in his facultie he was of counſaile) not as a meſſenger, but as one yt came friendly to viſite & conſolate hir, and as time and place ſhoulde require, to make hir priuie of thys deuiſe, not as a thing concluded, but as a purpoſe by him imagined. This phiſician did not long [...]ger to accompliſh hir deſire, but with good di|ligence repared to the Q. being ſtil in the ſanctu|ary at Weſt. And whẽ he ſaw time propice and conuenient for his purpoſe, he ſaw vnto hir: Ma|dame, although my imaginatiõ be very ſimple, & my deuice more foliſh, yet for the entier affection that I beare toward you & your childrẽ, I am ſo bold to vtter vnto you a ſecrete & priuie conceit yt I haue caſt & cõpaſſed in my fantaſtical braine. Whẽ I wel remẽbred and no leſſe conſidered the greate loſſe & dammage that you haue ſuſteyned by the death of your noble and louing huſbande, & the great doloure and ſorow that you haue ſuf|fered and tollerated, by ye cruell murther of youre innocent children: I can no leſſe do both of boun|den duetie and chriſtian charitie, than dayly to ſtudie, & hourely imagine, not only how to bring your heart to comfort and gladu [...]s, but alſo de|uiſe how to reuẽge the righteous quarell of you & your children on that bloudy bloudſupper, and cruel tyrant K. Richard. And firſt cõſider, what battaile, what manſlaughter, what miſchief hath riſen in this Realme by the diſſention betweene the two noble houſes of Yorke and Lancaſter, which two families (as I haue contriued) if they may bee ioyned in one, I thinke, yea and doubte not, but youre line ſhalbe againe reſtored to the priſtinate eſtate and degree, to your great ioy and cõfort, and to ye vtter cõfuſion of your mortall e|nimie the vſurper K. You know very well Ma|dame, yt of the houſe of Lancaſter, ye erle of Rich|mond is next of bloud, which is liuing, & a luſtie yõg batcheler, & to ye houſe of York your daugh|ters now are heires: if you could agree and inuẽt the meane howe to couple youre eldeſt daughter with the yong erle of Richmond in matrimonie, EEBO page image 1400 no doubt but the vſurper of the Realme ſhoulde be ſhortly depoſed, and your heire againe to hir right reſtored.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Queene had hearde this friendely motion (which was as farre from hir thought, as the man that the rude people ſay is in ye Moone) lord how hir ſpirites reuiued, and how hir hearte lept in hir body for ioy and gladneſſe, and fyrſte giuing lawde to Almightie GOD, as the chiefe author of hyr comfort, ſecondarily to ma|ſter Lewes, as the deuiſer of the good newes and tydyngs, inſtantely beſought hym, that as hee hadde bin the fyrſte inuenter of ſo good an enter|priſe, that nowe hee woulde not relinquiſhe nor deſiſt to follow the ſame: requiring hym farther (bycauſe he was apperteyning to the Counteſſe of Richmonde mother to the Earle Henry) that he would with all diligente celeritie reſort to hir, then lodging in hir huſbandes place, within the Citie of London, and to declare on the Queenes behalfe to the Counteſſe, that all the friends and fautors of King Edwarde hir huſband, ſhoulde aſſiſt and take parte with the Earle of Riche|mond hir ſonne, ſo that he would take a corpo|rall othe after the Kingdome obteined, to eſpouſe and take to wife the Lady Elizabeth hir daugh|ter, or elſe Lady Cecyle, if the eldeſt daughter were not then liuing.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Maiſter Lewes with all dexteritie ſo ſped his buſineſſe, that he made and concluded a final end and determination of this enterpriſe, betweene the two mothers, and bycauſe he was a Phiſiti|on, and out of all ſuſpicion, and miſdeeming, hee was the common curter and dayly meſſenger betweene them, ayding and ſetting forth the in|uented conſpiracie againſt King Richarde. So the Lady Margaret Counteſſe of Richmonde, broughte into a good hope of the preferment of hir ſonne, made Reignold Bray hir moſt faith|full ſeruaunt, chiefe ſoliciter and priuie procurer of this conſpiracie, giuing him in charge ſecrete|ly to enuegle and attract ſuch perſons of nobili|tie to ioyne with hir & take hir part, as he knewe to be ingenious, faithfull, diligent, and of actiui|tie. This Reignold Bray within few dayes, brought vnto his lure, (firſte of all taking of e|uery perſon a ſolemne othe, to be true and ſecret) ſir Giles Daubeney, ſir Iohn Cheyney Knight, Richard Guylford and Thomas Rame Eſqui|ers, and diuers other. The Counteſſe of Riche|mond was not ſo diligente for hir parte, but Q. Elizabeth was as vigilant on the other ſide, and made friends, and appoynted Counſellors to ſet forward and aduaunce hir buſineſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 In the meane ſeaſon, the Counteſſe of Rich|monde tooke into hir ſeruice Chriſtopher Vrſ|wike, an honeſt and a wiſe Prieſte, and after an othe of him for to bee ſecrete taken and ſworne, the vttered to him all hir minde and counſayle, adhibiting to hym the more confidence and trueth that hee all his life had fauoured and ta|ken partee with King Henrye the ſixte, and as a ſpeciall iewell put to hir ſeruice by Sir Le|wes hee hir Phiſition. So the mother ſtudious for the proſperitie of hir ſonne, appoynted this Chri|ſtopher Vrſwike to ſayle into Britaine to the Earle of Richmonde, and to declare and to re|ueale to him all pactes and agreementes be|tweene hir and the Queene agreed and conclu|ded: but ſuddaynely, ſhee remembring that the Duke of Burkingham was one of the firſte in|uentors, and a ſecret founder of thys enterpriſe, determined to ſend ſome perſonage of more eſti|mation than hir Chaplayne, and ſo elected for a meſſenger Hugh Conwey Eſquier, and ſente him into Britaine with a greate ſumme of money to hir ſonne, gyuing him in charge, to declare to the Earle the greate loue and eſpeciall fauoure that the moſt part of the nobilitie of the Realme bare towarde him, the louing heartes and beneuolent mindes whiche the whole com|munaltie of theyr owne free will frankely offe| [...]and liberally exhibited to him, willing and aduiſing him not to neglect ſo good an occaſion apparantly offered, but with all ſpeede and dili|gence to addict and ſettle his mind and ful intẽ|tion how to returne home againe into Englãd, where hee was both wiſhed and looked for, gy|uing him farther monicion and councell to take land and arriuall in the principalitie of Wales, where he ſhould not doubt to finde both and, cõ|fort, & friẽds. Richard Guilford leaſt Hugh Cõ|wey mighte fortune to bee taken or ſtopped at Plimmouth, where he intẽded to take his naui|gatiõ, ſent out of Kẽt Tho. Rame with ye ſame inſtructions: & both made ſuch diligence, and had ſuch wind & weather, ye one by land frõ Calais, & the other by water from Plimmouth, yt within leſſe than an houre, both arriued in ye D. of Bri|taines court, & ſpake with the Erle of Richmõd, which frõ the death of K. Edward, went at hys pleaſure and libertie, & to him counted & manife|ſted ye cauſe & effect of their meſſage and ambaſ|ſade. When ye Erle had receiued this ioyful meſ|ſage, whiche was the more pleaſaunt, bycauſe it was vnloked for, he rendred to Ieſu his ſauioure his moſt humble & harty thãkes, being in firme credence & beliefe yt ſuch things as he with buſie mind & laborious intent had wiſhed and deſired, coulde neuer haue taken any effect, without the help & preferment of almightie God. And nowe being put in comfort of his long longing, he did communicate and breake to the D. of Britaine all his ſecretes, and priuie meſſages, which were to him declared, aduertiſing him that he was en|tered into a ſure and ſtedfaſt hope, to obteyne, EEBO page image 1401 and get the [...]ne a [...]ingdome of the realme of England, deſiring him both of his good wyll and friendly helpe toward the atchieuing of hys officed enterpriſe, promiſing [...] when he came to his intented purpoſe; to render to him againe e|quall kindneſſe and condigne recompence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Although the Duke of Brytaine before that day by Thomas Hutton Ambaſſador from king Richard, had both by money and prayers beene ſolicited and moued to put again into ſafe cuſto|die the Erle of Richmonde, he neuertheleſſe pro|miſed faythfully to ayde him, and his promiſe he truely performed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 1485Wherevpon the Earle with all diligence ſent into England again Hugh Conway,A [...]. reg. 3. and Tho|mas Rame, whiche ſhould declare his comming ſhortly into England, to the intent that al things which by counſaile might be for his purpoſe pro|uided, ſhould be ſpeedily and diligently done, and that all things doubtfull ſhould of his friends bee prudently foreſeene, in auoyding all engines and ſnares which king Richarde had or might ſet in diſturbance of his purpoſe: and hee in the meane ſeaſon woulde make his abode ſtill in Brytaine, till all things neceſſarie for his iourney were pre|pared and brought in a readineſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon, the chiefraines of the coniuration in Englande, began togither many enterpriſes: Some in conuenient fortreſſes put ſtrong garniſons: ſome kept armed men priui|ly, to the intente that when they ſhoulde haue knowledge of the Earles landing, they woulde beginne to ſtyrre vppe the warre: Other did ſecretly moue and ſolicite the people to riſe and make an inſurrection: Other (amongſt whome Iohn Morton Biſhop of Elie then being in Flã|ders was chiefe) by priuie letters and cloked meſ|ſengers, did ſtirre and moue to this new coniura|tion, al ſuch which they certainly knew to haue a rooted hatred, or to beare a cãkred malice toward king Richard and his proceedings.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Although this great enterpriſe were neuer ſo priuily handled, and ſo ſecretly amongſt ſo cir|cumſpect perſons treated, compaſſed and con|ueyed, yet knowledge thereof came to the eares of king Richard, who with the ſodaine chaunce was not a little moued and aſtonied. Firſt by|cauſe he had no hoſt readie prepared, ſecondly, if he ſhoulde raiſe an army ſo ſodainlye, hee knewe not were to meete his enimies, or whither to go, or where to tary. Wherfore he determined to diſ|ſemble the matter, as though hee knew nothing, till hee had aſſembled his hoſte, and in the meane ſeaſon eyther by ye rumor of the cõmon people, or by the diligence of his eſpials to ſearch out all the counſailes, determinations, entents and compaſ|ſes of his cloſe aduerſaries, or elſe by policie to in|tercept and take ſome perſon of the ſame coniu|ration, conſidering that there is [...] [...]e nor hid eſ [...]ll, than that which lurketh in diſſi|mulation of knowledge and intelligence, or is hidden in name and [...] of [...] hu|manitie and feyned kindneſſe.The duke of Buckingham conſpireth a|gaynſt King Richard. And bycauſe hee knewe the Duke of Buckingham to be the chiefe heade and ayde of the coniu [...]tion, he thought it moſte neceſſarie to plucke him from that parte, eyther by fayre promiſes, or open water.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Wherevpon he addreſſed his louing letters to the Duke, full of gentle wordes, and [...]oſt friend|ly ſpeech, giuing further in charge to the meſſen|ger that caried the letter, to promiſe the duke on his behalfe, golden hilles, and ſiluer riuers, and with all gentle and pleaſaunt meanes to per|ſwade and exhorte the Duke to come to the Court.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But the Duke as wily as the King miſ [...]|ſting the fayre flattering wordes, and the ga [...]e promiſes to him ſo ſodainly without any cauſe offred, knowing the craftie caſtes of K. Richards bow, which in diuerſe affayres before time he had ſeene practiſed, required the king to pardon hym, excuſing himſelfe that hee was ſo diſeaſed in hys ſtomacke, that ſkant he could eyther take refecti|on or reſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Richarde not being content with thys excuſe, would in no wiſe admit the ſame, but in|continent directed to the duke other letters, of a more rogher and hawtier ſort, not without tan|ting and byting tearmes, and checking wordes, commaunding him (all excuſes ſet apart) to re|payre wythoute any delaye to hys royall pre|ſence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The duke made to the meſſenger a determi|nate anſwere, that hee woulde not come to hys mortall enimie, whom hee neither loued, nor fa|uoured: and immediately prepared open warre againſt him, and perſwaded al his complices and partakers, that euerie man ſhould in his quarter with all diligence rayſe vp the people and make a commotion. And by this meanes almoſt in one moment Thomas Marques Dorſet came oute of Sanctuarie, where hee ſithe the beginning of King Richarde dayes had continued, whoſe life by the onely helpe of ſir Thomas Louell, was preſerued from all danger and perill in this trou|blous worlde, gathered togither a great bande of men in Yorkeſhire.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Sir Edward Courtney, and Peter his brother Biſhop of Exeter, rayſed an other army in De|uonſhire & Cornwall. In Kent Richard Guil|ford and other gentlemen collected a great com|panie of ſouldiers, and openly began warre. But king Richard which in the meane time had gottẽ togither a great ſtrength and puiſſance, thinking it not moſt for his part beneficiall to diſperſe and deuide his greate armye into ſmall braunches, EEBO page image 1402 and particularly to perſecute any one of the con|iutation by himſelfe, determined all other things being ſet aſide, with his whole puiſſaunce to ſette on the chiefe head, which was the Duke of Buc|kingham. And ſo remouing from London, hee tooke his iourney toward Saliſburie, to the entent that in his iourney hee myght ſet on the Dukes armie, if he might knowe him in any place en|camped or in order of battaile arrayed. The king was ſcarce two dayes iourney from Saliſburie, when the Duke of Buckingham accompanied wyth a great power of wilde Welchmen, whom hee beeing a man of greate courage and ſharpe ſpeeche, in maner againſt theyr wilies had rather there to inforced and compelled by Lordly and ſtrayte commaundement, than by liberall wa|ges and gentle reteynour, whiche thing was the verie occaſion why they left him deſolate, and co|wardly forſooke him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 The Duke wyth all his power marched tho|row the Foreſt of Deane, intending to haue paſ|ſed the riuer Seuerne at Glouceſter, and there to haue ioined his armie with the Courtneis, and o|ther Weſterne men of his confederacie and affi|nitie, which if he had done, no doubt but king Ri|chard had beene in great ieopardie, eyther of pri|uation of his Realme, or loſſe of his life, or both. But ſee the chaunce, before hee coulde attaine to Seuerne ſide, by force of continuall rayne and moyſture, the riuer roſe ſo high that it ouerflowed all the Countrey adioyning, inſomuch that men were drowned in their beds, and houſes with the extreme violence were ouerturned, children were caryed about the fieldes ſwimming in Cradels, beaſtes were drowned on hilles, whiche rage of water laſted continually tenne dayes, inſomuch that in the Coũtrey adioyning they call it to this day the great water, or the Duke of Buckinghãs great water. By this floud the paſſages were ſo cloſed,The great water. that neither the duke could come ouer Se|uerne to his complices, nor they to him: during the which time, the Welchmen lingring ydlely, and without money, vytaile, or wages, ſodainly ſcattered and departed: and for all the Dukes fayre promiſes, threatnings, and enforcements, they woulde in no wiſe neither go further nor a|byde. The Duke being thus left almoſt poſt a|lone, was of neceſſitie compelled to flie, and in his flight was with this ſodaine fortune maruei|louſly diſmayde: and beeing vnpurueyed what counſaile he ſhould take, and what way he ſhuld follow, like a man in diſpayre, not knowing what to doe, of verie truſte and confidence con|ueyed himſelfe into the houſe of Humfrey Bana|ſter his ſeruant beſide Shrewſbury, whom he had tenderly brought vp, and whom he aboue al men loued, fauored, and truſted, now not doubting but that in his extreme neceſſitie he ſhould find him faythfull, ſecrete, and truſtie, intendi [...]g [...] co|uertly to lurke, till either he might rayſe aga [...] [...] new army, or elſe ſhortly to ſayle into Brytaine to the Erle of Richmond.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But when it was knowne to his adher [...], which were readie to giue battaile, that his h [...] was ſcattered, and had left him almoſt alone, and was fled, and could not be founde, they were ſo|dainly amaſed and ſtryken with a ſodaine [...], that euery man like perſons deſperate ſhined for himſelfe and fled, ſome went to Sanctuarie, and to ſolitarie places, ſome fled by Sea, whereof the moſt part within a few dayes after arriued ſ [...]|ly in the Duchie of Brytaine. Among which nũ|ber were theſe perſons, Peter Courtney Biſhop of Exceter, & ſir Edmond Courtney his brother, by king Henrie the ſeuenth after created Earle of Deuonth. Thomas Marques Dorſet, Iohn lord Wells, ſir Iohn Bourchier, ſir Edward Wood|uile, a valiant man in armes, brother to Queene Elizabeth, ſir Robert Willoughbie, ſir Gyles Daubeney, ſir Thomas Arũdel, ſir Iohn Chey|ney and his two brethren, ſir William Barke|ley, ſir William Brandon, and Thomas hys brother, ſir Richarde Edgecombe: all theſe for the moſte parte beeing Knightes, Iohn Hal|well, and Edwarde Ponings, a politike cap|taine.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At this verie ſeaſon, Iohn Morton Biſhop of Ely, and Chriſtofer Vrſwike prieſt, and an o|ther companie of noble men ſoiourned in Flaun|ders, and by letters and meſſengers procured ma|ny enimies agaynſt king Richarde, which vſing a vigilant eye, and a quicke remembrance, being newly come to Saliſburie, hauing perfite notice and knowledge how the duke was fled, and how his complices intended to paſſe out of the realme. Firſt he ſent men of warre to all the next portes and paſſages, to keepe ſtraytly the Sea coaſt, ſo that no perſon ſhould paſſe outwarde, nor take lande within the realme without their aſſent and knowledge. Secondarily he made proclamation, that what perſon could ſhewe and reueale where the Duke of Buckingham was, ſhoulde he high|ly rewarded, if he were a bondman, he ſhoulde be enfranchiſed and ſet at libertie, if he wereof [...] bloud, he ſhould haue a generall pardon, and be rewarded with a thouſand poundes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Furthermore, bycauſe he vnderſtood by Tho|mas Hurtõ, which (as you haue herd) was new|ly returned out of Brytaine, that Frances Duke of Britain, not onely refuſed to keepe the Erle of Richmond as a priſoner, at his contemplation, and for his ſake, but alſo that he was readie to aid and ſuccour the ſayde Earle, with men, money, and all things neceſſarie for his tranſporting in|to England: he therefore rigged & ſent out ſhape of warre, well furniſhed and decked wyth men EEBO page image 1403 and artyll [...]rie, to ſkoure and keepe that parte of the ſea that lyeth ouer agaynſt Brytayne, to the entent [...] that if the Earle of Richmonde woulde adventure to ſayle towarde Englande, either he ſhould be taken captiue, or be beaten and driuen from the coaſt of England.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And moreouer, to the entent that euery coaſt, way, paſſage, and corner, ſhoulde bee diligently watched and kept, he ſet at euery doubtfull and ſuſpected place men of warre, to ſeeke, ſearch, and inquire, if anye creature coulde tell tydings of the Duke of Buckingham, or of any of his con|federation, adherentes, fantours or partakers.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 [...]ey Ba| [...]r ſeruant [...] the Duke [...] Bucking|ham betrayed [...] [...]er.While this buſie ſearche was diligently ap|plyed and put in execution, Humfrey Banaſter (were it more for feare of lyfe and loſſe of goodes, or attracted and prouoked by the auaricious de|ſire of the thouſande poundes) hee bewrayed hys gueſt and maiſter to Iohn Mitton then Sherife of Shropſhire, which ſodainly with a ſtrong po|wer of men in harneſſe apprehended the Duke in a little groue adioyning to the manſion of Hum|frey Banaſter, and in greate haſte and euyll ſpeede, conueyed hym apparayled in a pylled blacke Cloake to the towne of Shrewſburie, where King Rycharde then kepte hys houſe|holde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Whether this Banaſter bewrayed the duke more for feare than couetous, many menne doe doubt: but ſure it is, that ſhortly after he had be|trayed the Duke his maiſter, his ſonne and heyre waxed mad, and ſo died in a B [...] [...]lie, his eldeſt daughter of excellent beautie, was ſodainly ſtry|ken with a foule leaprie, his ſecond ſonne marue|louſly deformed of his limmes, and made lame, his yonger ſonne in a ſmall puddle was ſtrangled and drowned, and he being of extreeme age, ar|raigned, and found guiltie of a murther, and by his cleargie ſaued. And as for his thouſand pound king Richard gaue him not one farthing, ſaying that he which would be vntrue to ſo good a mai|ſter, would be falſe to all other: howbeit ſome ſay that hee had a ſmall office or a farme to ſtop hys mouth withall. The duke being by certaine of the kings counſaile diligently vpon interrogatories examined what things hee knewe preiudiciall to the Kings perſon, opened and declared frankly, & freely all the coniuration wythout diſſembling or gloſing, truſting bycauſe hee had trulye and plainely reuealed and confeſſed all things that were of him requyred, that he ſhould haue licence to ſpeake to the king, whiche (whether it were to ſue for pardon and grace, or whether hee beeing brought to hys preſence, woulde haue ſtycked him with a dagger as men then iudged) hee ſore deſired and required. But when he had confeſſed the whole fact and conſpiracie, vpon Alſoulne day without arraignment or iudgement, hee was at Saliſburie in the open market place,The Duke of Buckingham beheaded. on a newe ſcaffold behedded and put to death.

[figure appears here on page 1403]

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This death (as a reward) the Duke of Buc|kingham receyued at the hands of king Richard, whom he before in his affayres, purpoſes and en|terpriſes, had holpen, ſuſteyned and ſet forwarde, aboue all Gods forbode.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 By this all men may eaſily perceyue, that hee not onely loſeth both his labor, trauaile, and in|duſtrie, and further ſteyneth and ſpotteth his line with a perpetuall ignominie & reproche, which in euill and miſchiefe aſſyſteth and aydeth an euill diſpoſed perſon, conſidering for the moſte part, that hee for his friendly fauour ſhoulde receyue ſome great diſpleaſure or importunate chaunce. Beſide that, God of his iuſtice in concluſion ap|poynteth to him a condigne paine and affliction for his merits and deſerts.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Whyle theſe things were thus handled and ordred in England, Henrie Earle of Richmonde EEBO page image 1304 prepared an army of fiue thouſand manly Bry|tonnes, and fortie well furniſhed ſhips.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When all things were prepared in a readi|neſſe, and the day of departing & ſetting forwarde was appoynted, whiche was the .xij. day of the Moneth of October, the whole armie went on ſhipbourd, and halſed vp their ſayles, and wyth a proſperous wind tooke the ſea: but toward night the wind chaunged, and the weather turned, and ſo huge and terrible a tempeſt ſo ſodainly aroſe, that with the verie power and ſtrength of the ſtorme, the ſhips were diſparcled, ſeuered and ſe|parate a ſunder: ſome by force were driuen into Normandie, ſome were compelled to returne a|gaine into Brytaine. The ſhip wherein the erle of Richmond was, aſſociate onely with one other Barke, was all night toſſed and turmoyled.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the morning after, when the rage of the furious tempeſt was aſſwaged, and the yre of the bluſtring winde was ſome deale appeaſed, about the houre of noone the ſame day, the Erle appro|ched to the South part of the realm of England, euen at the mouth of the Hauen of Pole, in the Countie of Dorcet, where he might plainly per|ceyue all the Sea bankes and ſhores, garniſhed and furniſhed with men of warre and ſouldiers, appoynted and deputed there to defende hys arri|ual and landing (as before is mentioned.) Wher|fore he gaue ſtraight charge, and ſore commaun|demẽt, that no perſon ſhuld once preſume to take lande, and goe to the Shore, vntill ſuche tyme as the whole Nauie were aſſembled and come togither.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And while hee taryed and lyngered, hee ſent out a Shipbote towarde the lande ſide, to knowe whether they which ſtood there in ſuch a number, and ſo well furniſhed in apparell defenſiue, were his foes and enimies, or elſe his friends and com|forters. They that were ſent to enquire, were in|ſtantly deſired of the men of warre keeping the coaſt (which therof were before inſtructed and ad|moniſhed) to diſcend & take lande, affirming that they were appointed by the duke of Buckingham there to awayt and tarie for the arriuall and lan|ding of the Erle of Richmonde, and to conduct him ſafely into the campe, where the Duke not farre of laye incamped with a mightie armie, and an hoſt of great ſtrength and power, to the intent that the Duke and the Earle ioyning in puiſſaunces and forces togither, might proſecute and chaſe King Richarde being deſtitute of men. and in maner deſperate, and ſo by that meanes, and their owne labors, to obteyne the end of their enterprice which they had before begon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Richmonde ſuſpecting theyr flattering requeſt to be but a fraude (as it was in deede) after hee perceyued none of his ſhippes to appeare in ſight, hee w [...]yed vp his Ancors, hal|ſed vp his Say [...]s, and hauing a pr [...] [...] ſtreynable winde, and a f [...]he [...] God to delyuer him from that pa [...] and [...] [...]|die, arriued ſafe and in all [...]c [...] the D [...]|chie of Normandy, where he [...] and ſ [...]ace hys ſouldiers and people, tooke his recration by the ſpace of three dayes, and clearely determined with part of his companie to paſſe all by la [...] a|gaine into Brytaine. And in the meane ſeaſon he ſent Ambaſſadors to the Frenche king, called Charles the eight which newly ſucceeded his fa|ther king Lewes the eleuenth, not long before de|parted to God, requ [...]ng of him a ſafeconduct & licence to paſſe through his country of Norman|die into Brytaine.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The yong King hauing compaſſion of the miſfortune of the Earle of Richmond, not duely gently graunted and aſſigned to him a paſport, but alſo liberally diſburſed to him a great ſumme of money for his conduct and expences neceſſarie in his long iourney and paſſage. But the Earle truſting in the French kings humanitie, aduen|tured to ſende his ſhippes home into Brytaine, and to ſet forward himſelf by land on his iorney, making no great haſt til his meſſengers were re|turned, which being with that benefit ſo comfor|ted, and with hope of proſperous ſucceſſe ſo enco|raged, marched towarde Brytayne, wyth all dyligence entending there to conſult further with his louers and friendes of his affayres and enterprices.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When hee was returned againe into Bry|tayne, hee was certifyed by credible informa|tion that the Duke of Buckingham had loſte hys heade, and that the Marques Dorcet, and a greate number of Noble men of Englande, had a lyttle before enquyred and ſearched for hym there, and were nowe returned to Van|nes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When he had heard theſe newes thus repor|ted, he firſt ſorrowed and lamented his [...] at|tempt and ſetting forwarde of his friendes, and in eſpecial of the Nobilitie, not to haue more for|tunately ſucceeded. Secondarily, he re [...]ed on the other part, that God had ſent him [...] manye valiant and prudent Captaynes to bee [...] com|paniõs in his martiall enterpriſes, truſting ſure|lye and nothing doubting in his owne opini|on, but that all his buſineſſe ſhoulde hee wiſely compaſſed, and brought to a good concluſion. Wherefore he determining with all diligence to ſet forwarde his new begon buſineſſe, departed to Renes, and ſent certain of his priuie ſeruitors to conduct and bring the Marques and other noble men to his preſence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When they knew that hee was ſafe returned into Brytayne, Lorde howe they reioyced, for before that tyme they myſſed him, and knewe EEBO page image 1405 not in what part of the world to make inquirie or ſearch for him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 For they doubted and no leſſe feared leaſt he had taken lande in Englande, and fallen in the handes of King Richarde, in whoſe perſon they knew well was neyther mercie nor compaſſion. Wherefore in all ſpeedie maner they galoped to|ward him, & him reuerendly ſaluted, which mee|ting after great ioy and ſolace, and no ſmal than|kes giuen and rendred on both partes, they adui|ſedly debated and commoned of their great buſi|neſſe and weightie enterpriſe, in the which ſeaſon the feaſt of the Natiuitie of our Sauiour Chriſt happened, on which day all the Engliſh Lordes went with their ſolemnitie to the chiefe Churche of the Citie, and there eche gaue fayth and pro|miſe to other.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Erle himſelfe firſt tooke a corporall othe on his honour, promiſing that incontinent after he ſhoulde be poſſeſſed of the Crowne and digni|tie of the Realme of Englande, be would be con|ioyned in matrimonie with the Ladie Elizabeth daughter to king Edwarde the fourth. Then all the companie ſware to him fealtie, and did to him homage as though he had beene that tyme the crowned king, and annoynted Prince, promiſing faythfully, and firmly aſſuring, that they would not onely leaſe theyr worldly ſubſtaunce, but al|ſo be deprited of their lyues and worldly felicitie, rather than to ſuffer king Richarde that tyraunt longer to rule and raigne ouer them. Which ſo|lemne othes made and taken, the Earle of Rich|monde declared and communicated all theſe do|ings to Fraunces Duke of Brytayne, deſyring and moſt heartily requiring him to ayd him with a greater armie to conduct him into his Coun|trey, whiche ſo ſore longed and looked for his re|turne, and to the which he was by the more part of the nobilitie and comunaltie called and deſired, (which with Gods ayde, and the Dukes com|fort) he doubted not in ſhort time to obtaine, re|quiring him farther to preſt to him a conuenient ſum of mony, affyrming that all ſuch ſummes of money whiche hee had receyued of his eſpeciall friends, were ſpent and conſumed in preparation of his laſte iourney made towarde Englande, which ſummes of money after his enterpriſe once atchieued, he in the worde of a Prince, faythful|ly promiſed to repay and reſtore againe. The Duke promiſed hym ayde and helpe, vpon con|fidence whereof hee rigged his ſhippes, and ſette foorth hys Nauye well decked with ordinance, and warlikely furniſhed wyth all things neceſ|ſarie, to the intent to ſaile forward ſhortly, and to loſe no time.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon, king Richard apprehen|ded in diuerſe partes of the realme certain gentle|men of the Erle of Richmonds faction, and con|federation, whiche eyther intended to ſayle into Brytayne towarde him, or elſe at his landing to aſſyſt and ayde him. Amongſt whom ſir George Browne, ſir Roger Clifforde, and foure other were put to execution at London, and ſir Tho|mas Senetliger which had maried the Duches of Exceter the kings owne ſiſter, & Thomas Ram, and dyuerſe other were executed at Exeter. Be|ſide theſe perſons, diuerſe of his houſhold ſeruants whõ either he ſuſpected, or doubted, were by great crueltie put to ſhamefull death.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After this, he called a Parliament,The Erle of Richemond attaynted in Parlament. in the which he attaynted the Erle of Richmond and all other perſons which were fled out of the realme for feare, or any other cauſe, as enimies to him, and to their naturall Countrey, and all their landes, goods, and poſſeſſions, were confiſcate and ſeaſed to the kings vſe. And yet not content with thys pray, whiche no doubt was of no ſmall valour and moment, hee layde on the peoples neckes a great tax and tallage, and ſurely neceſſitie to that acte in maner him compelled. For what wyth purging and declaring his innocencie concerning the murther of his Nephewes toward the world, and what with coſt to obteyne the loue and fa|uour of the comunaltie (which outwardly gloſed, and openly diſſembled with him) he gaue prodi|gally ſo many & ſo great rewards, that now both he lacked, & ſcarce wiſt honeſtly how to borow.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In this troublous ſeaſon, nothing was more maruelled at, thã that the Lord Stanley had not bene taken, and reputed as an enimie to the King, conſidering the working of the La|die Margaret his wife, mother to the Earle of Richmond: but foraſmuch as the enterpriſe of a woman was of him reputed of no regard or eſti|mation, and that the Lord Thomas hir huſband had purged himſelf ſufficiently to be innocent of all doings and attempts by hir perpetrated & cõ|mitted, it was giuen him in charge to kepe hir in ſome ſecrete place at home, without hauing any ſeruant or companie, ſo that from thenceforth ſhe ſhuld neuer ſend letter or meſſenger vnto hir ſon, nor any of his friends or cõfederates, by the which the king might be moleſted or troubled, or anye hurt or preiudice might bee attempted agaynſte his realme and comunaltie. Which commaun|demẽt was a while put in execution and accom|pliſhed according to his dreadfull commaunde|ment. Yet the wilde worme of vengeance wa|uering in his heade, coulde not bee content wyth the death of dyuerſe gentlemen ſuſpected of trea|ſon, but alſo he muſt extende his blondy furie a|gaynſt a poore gentlemã called Collingborne, for making a ſmall rime of three of his vnfortunate counſaylers, which were the Lord Louell, ſir Ri|chard Ratcliffe his miſchieuous Minion, and ſir Williã Cateſby his ſecrete ſeducer, which meetre EEBO page image 1406 or ryme was thus.

Compare 1587 edition: 1
The Cat, the Rat, and Louell our Dogge,
Rule all England vnder an Hogge.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Meaning by the hog, the dreadful wild Bore, which was the kings cogniſance, but bycauſe the firſt line ended in dogge, the Metrician could not obſeruing the regiments of metre, end the ſeconde verſe in Bore, but called the Bore an hog. This Poetical ſcholemaiſter corrector of Breeues and Longs,Collingburne executed. cauſed Collingborne to bee abbreuiate ſhorter by the head, and to be deuided into foure quarters.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Collingborns inditementHere is to be noted, that beſide the rime which is reported by ſome to be the only cauſe for which this gentleman ſuffred, I finde in a regyſter booke of Inditements concerning felonyes and treaſons by ſundrie perſons committed, that the ſayde Collingborne by the name of Wil|lyam Collyngborne late of Lidyarde in the Countie of Wilkſhire eſquier and other his aſſo|ciates were indited in London for that that they about the tenth day of Iulie, in this ſecond yeare of King Richardes raigne in the Pariſhe of Saint Botulphes in Portſoken warde had ſoli|cited and requeſted one Thomas Yate, offring to him for his paynes eyght pounde, to goe ouer into Brytayne vnto Henrie Erle of Richmond, Thomas Marques Dorſet, Iohn Cheyney Eſ|quier, and others (whiche in the laſt Parliament holden at Weſtminſter had beene attainted of ſundrie high treaſons by them practiſed wythin the kings dominion) to declare vnto them that they ſhoulde doe verie well to returne into Eng|lande with all ſuch power as they might get be|fore the feaſt of Saint Luke the Euangeliſt next enſuing, for ſo they might receyue all the whole reuenues of the realme due at the feaſt of Saint Michaell nexte before the ſayde feaſt of Saint Luke, and that if that ſayde Earle of Richmonde and his partakers, following the counſaile of the ſayde Collingborne, would arriue at the hauen of Pole in Dorcetſhire, he the ſayd Collingborne and other his aſſociates, woulde cauſe the people to riſe in armes, and to leuie warre agaynſt king Richarde, taking part wyth the ſayde Earle and his friendes, ſo that all things ſhoulde be at theyr commaundements.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Moreouer, to moue the ſayde Earle to ſende the ſayde Iohn Cheyney vnto the French King, to aduertiſe him that his Ambaſſadours ſent in|to England ſhould be dallyed with, only to driue of the time till the winter ſeaſon were paſt, and that then in the beginning of Sommer king Ri|charde ment to make warre into Fraunce inua|ding that realme with all his puiſſance, and ſo by this meanes to perſwade the French king to ayd the Erle of Richmonde & his partakers in their quarell againſt king Richard. Further that the ſayd William Collingborne beeing confederate with the ſayd Erle & other his adherents, aſwell within the Realme as without, the .xviij. day of Iu [...], in the ſaid ſecond yeare, within the Pariſhe of S. Gregories in Faringdon ward within, had deuiſed certaine bylles and wrytings in tyme, is the ende that the ſame beeing publiſhed, myghte ſtirre the people to a commotion againſt the king and thoſe billes and writings in rime ſo deuiſes & written, the ſame Collingborne the day and yere laſt mentioned, had faſtened and ſet vppon dy|uerſe dooers of the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paule, for the more ſpeedie furthering of hys intended purpoſe. Thus farre the Inditement. But whether he was guiltie in part or in all, I haue not to ſay.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 King Richard being thus diſquieted in [...], and doubtfull for the ſuretie of his owne eſtate, called to remembraunce that confederations, ho|neſt bandes, and pactes of amitie concluded and had betwixt Princes and gouernours, are the ef|ficient cauſe that Realmes and common weal|thes are ſtrengthned with double power, that is with ayde of friendes abroade, and their owne forces at home. Wherevpon he deuiſed howe to conclude a league and amitie with his neigh|bour the King of Scottes, who not long before had made diuerſe incurſions and roades into the Realme of Englande. And although he had not much gotten, yet verily hee loſt not much, and nowe euen as King Richard could haue wiſhed he of himſelfe made ſuyte for peace or truce to be bad betwixt him and king Richarde, who wyl|lingly giuing eare to that ſuyte, Commiſſioners were appoynted to meet aboute the treatie there|of,Pag. 404 405 as in the Hiſtorie of Scotlande it maye ap|peare, at length agreed vpon a truce for three yeares,a truce betwixt England and Scotland. and withall for a further encreaſe of fyrme frindſhippe and ſure amitie (betwixt hym and the King of Scottes) King Richarde en|tered into a treatie alſo of alliaunce for the con|cluding of a maryage betwyxt the Duke of Rotheſay, eldeſt ſonne to the King of Scottes, and the Ladie Anne de la Poole daughter to Iohn Duke of Suffolke and the Duches Anne, Siſter to King Richarde, whiche Siſter hee ſo muche fauoured, that ſtudying by all wayes and meanes poſſible howe to aduaunce hir lynage, hee did not onely thus ſeeke to preferre hir daughter in maryage, but alſo after the death of hys ſonne, hee proclaymed Iohn Earle of Lyncolne hir ſonne and hys Ne|phewe, heyre apparant to the Crowne of Eng|lande, diſinheriting King Edwards daughters, whoſe brethren (as yee haue heard) hee moſte wickedly had cauſed to be murthered and made away.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The King of Scottes ſtanding in neede of EEBO page image 1407 friendes, althoughe not ſo greatlye as King Richarde did willyngly conſent to that motion of maryage, fyrſt droched by King Richarde, in ſomuche that it tooke effect,A marriage [...]cluded be|twixt the [...]ce of Roth [...] and Duke [...]ffolkes king [...]. and by Commiſſi|oners was paſſed and concluded, in maner as in the Hyſtorie of Scotlande it likewyſe appea|reth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But albeit that by this league and amitie thus couenanted and concluded, it mighte bee thought, that all conſpiracies, coniurations, and confederacies agaynſt King Richarde had beene extinct, eſpecially conſidering the Duke of Buc|kingham and his allyes were diſpatched oute of the way, ſome by death, and ſome by flight and baniſhment into farre Countreys, yet King Ri|charde more doubting than truſting to his owne people and friendes, was continually vexed and troubled in mynde for feare of the Earle of Richmondes returne, which dayly dreade and hourely agonie, cauſed him to liue in dolefull miſerie, euer vnquiet, and in maner in conti|nuall calamitie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Wherefore he intending to be relieued and to haue an ende of all his doubtfull daungers, de|termined clearely to extyrpate and plucke vp by the rootes all the matter and grounde of his feare and doubtes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Wherefore after long and deliberate con|ſultation had, nothing was for his purpoſe and intent thought eyther more neceſſarie or ex|pedient than once againe with price, prayer, and rewardes, to attempt the Duke of Brytayne, in whoſe territorie the Earle of Richmonde then abode, to delyuer the ſayde Earle into his hands, by which onely meanes he ſhoulde be diſcharged of all feare of perill, and brought to reſt and qui|etneſſe both of bodie and mynde. Wherefore in|continent he ſent certayne Ambaſſadours to the Duke of Brytayne, whiche tooke vpon them, (beſyde the greate and ample rewardes that they brought wyth them into Brytaynt) that king Richarde ſhoulde yearely pay and aunſwere the Duke of all the reuenues rentes, and profites of the ſeigniories, landes, and poſſeſſions, as well belonging and apperteyning to the Earle of Richmonde, as to any other Noble or Gentle|man, which then were in the Earles companie, if hee after that tyme woulde keepe them in con|tinuall Pryſon, and reſtrayne them from ly|bertie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Ambaſſadors furniſhed with theſe and other inſtructions, arryued in Brytain, and came to the Dukes houſe, where with him they coulde haue no matter of communication concernyng their weightie affayres, by reaſon that hee beeyng faint and weakned by a long and dayly infirmi|tie, began a little ſo war ydle and weake in hys wit and remembrance. For whiche cauſe Peter Lan [...]yle his chiefe Treaſorer, a man [...]oth of pregnant wit and great authority, ruled and ad|iudged all things at his pleaſure and commaun|dement, for which cauſe (as men ſet into autho|rity bee not beſt beloued) he excited & prouoked a|gaynſt him the malice and euill will of the nobi|litie of Brytaine, which afterward for diuers great offences by him duryng his authoritie perpetrate committed, by their meanes was brought to death and confuſion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Engliſh Ambaſſadors moued their meſ|ſage and requeſt to Peter Landoyſe,Peter Landol [...] and to him declared their maiſters commaũdement, inſtant|ly requiring, and humbly deſiring him (in whoſe power it lay to do all things in Brytayn) that he woulde friendly aſſent to the requeſt of King Richarde, offring to hym the ſame rewardes and landes, that they ſhoulde haue offred to the Duke.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This Peter whiche was no leſſe diſdeyned than hated almoſt of all the people of Brytayne, thought that if he did aſſ [...] and ſa [...]ſfie king Ri|chardes petition and deſire, he ſhould be of power and abilitie ſufficiently to withſtande and re [...]e [...] the malicious attempts and diſdainfull inuenti|ons of his enuious aduerſaries. Wherefore hee faithfully promiſed to accompliſh king Richards requeſt and deſire, ſo that he kept promiſe wyth him, that he might be able to withſtand the can|kerd malier of his ſecrete enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This act that he promiſed to doe, was not for any grudge or malice that he bare to the Erle of Richmond: for (as you haue heard before) he deli|uered him from the perill of death at S. Malos, when he was in great doubt of life, and ieopardy [...] but as cauſe riſeth we euer offende, and that cur|ſed hunger of golde, and execrable thyrſt of lucre, and inwarde feare of loſſe of authoritie, driueth the blinde mindes of couetous men, and ambiti|ous perſons to euilles and myſchiefes innume|rable, not remembring loſſe of name, obloquie of the people, nor in concluſion the puniſhment of God for their merites and deſerts.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But fortune was ſo fauourable to the pub|lique wealth of the Realme of Englande, that this deadly and dolorous compact tooke none ef|fect or place) For while Poſtes ranne, and let|ters were ſent to and fro for the finiſhing of this greate enterpryce betweene King Richarde and Peter Landoyſe, Iohn Morton Biſhop of Ely ſoiourning then in Flaunders, was of all this craftie conueyaunce certifyed by hys ſecrete and ſure friendes: Wherefore hee ſent Chriſtopher Vrſwike (whiche at that verie ſea|ſon was come out of Brytayne into Flaunders) to declare to the Earle of Richmonde howe all the deceyte and craftie working was conueyed and compaſſed, giuing him in charge to coun|ſayle EEBO page image 1408 and aduiſe the Earle in all haſte poſſible with all his companie to retire out of Brytayne into Fraunce.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When theſe newes were brought to the erle, he then kept houſe in Vannes, and incontinent diſpatched again Chriſtofer Vrſwike, to Charles the French king, requiring him that hee and his, might ſafely paſſe into Fraunce, which deſyre be|ing obteyned, the meſſenger ſhortly returned to his Lorde and Prince. The Erle well percey|uing that it was expedient and neceſſarie, wyth all ſpeede and diligence, to looke to this weighty matter, calling verie fewe to counſaile, hee made inquirie and ſearche of all ſecrete and bywayes, and ſent before all his noble men, as though for a certaine familiaritie and kindneſſe they ſhoulde viſite and comfort the Duke, which then for re|creation and chaunge of ayre, lay on the borders and confines of Fraunce. And ſecretely hee gaue charge to the Earle of Pembroke whiche was the leader and conductor of his companie, that when they approched the Marches and limittes of Brytayne, they ſhoulde diuert and take the next way into Fraunce.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The noble menne ſomewhat ſuſpitions of things newly imagined, withoute any tarying, ſkouring the wayes as faſt as theyr horſes could runne, came out of the Duchie of Brytayne, in|to ye Duchy of Aniou in the dominion of France, where they taryed the Earles comming, which two dayes after departed out of Vannes, onely accompanied with fiue ſeruitours, as though hee had gone ſecretly to viſite a familiar friend of his, in a ſmall village adioyning. No man ſuſpec|ted that he would depart, conſidering that a great multitude of Engliſhe men were left and conti|nued in the Citie, but after that he had paſſed di|rectly fiue miles forwarde, he ſodainly turned in|to a ſolitarie woodde next adioyning, where clo|thing himſelfe in the ſimple coate of his poore ſer|uant, made and appoynted his ſayd miniſter, lea|der and maiſter of his ſmall companie, and he as humble page diligently followeth and ſerueth his counterfeyte gouernour, neyther reſting nor themſelues refreſhing, except the bayting of their horſes, tyll they by wayes vnknowne, now thys way, now turning that way, came to their com|panie, abiding them in Angiers.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The fourth day after the Erle of Richmonde was thus departed, that craftie marchant Peter Landoyſe, thruſting ſtill after his pray, promiſed by king Richarde, was readie to ſet forward hys crew of ſouldiors, which he priuily had conſigned with certaine truſtie captaines for that only pur|poſe appoynted and elected, to performe and at|chieue his pretenſed enterpriſe, diſſembling and feyning them to be conducted and hyred by hym to ſerue the Earle of Richmonde, and hym to conduct in hys returne towarde his natiue coun|trey, meaning none other thing but to ap|prehende him, and the other noble men in hys con|tinue, which no ſuche fraude ſuſpected, nor [...] any treaſon ymagined, vnware and vnproui|ded, and deſtitute of al ayde, and them to caſt and commit ſodainly into continuall captiuitie and bondage, to the intent that by this his wretched & naughtie acte, he myght ſatiſfie the charitable re|queſt, and louing deſire of good king Richarde, more for his owne profite than king Richardes gaine.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But when this craftie diſſembler Peter Lan|doyſe, which was no wilier than an olde Foxe, perceyued that the Earle was departed, (thin|king that to bee true that he ymagined) Lorde howe currours ranne into euery coaſt, how light horſemen galloped in euery ſtreete, to follow and deteyne him, if by any poſſibilitie he could be met with and ouertaken, and him to apprehende and bring captiue into the Citie of Vannes. The horſemen made ſuche diligence, and with ſuche celeritie ſet forwarde theyr iourney, that nothing was more likely than they to haue obteyned, yea and ſeaſed theyr pray. For the Earle of Rich|monde was not entered into the Realme of Fraunce, ſcarce one houre, but the folowers came to the limits and confines of Brytaine, and durſt aduenture no further, but vainly without their deſire ſorrowfully returned.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 At which ſeaſon were left at Vannes aboute the number of three C. Engliſh men, which not being called to counſaile, & vnware of this enter|priſe, but knowing of the Earles ſodaine depar|ture, were ſo incontinently aſtonied, that in ma|ner they were al in diſpayre both of him and their owne ſuretie and ſauegarde. But fortune tur|ned hir ſaile, and otherwiſe it happened than their feare them encombred. For the Duke of Bry|tayne nowe being ſomewhat recouered, was ſore diſpleaſed, and nothing contented that the Earle of Richmond was in his dominion ſo vncourte|ouſly tracted and entreated, that he ſhoulde be by fraud and vntruth compelled to leaue and flie out of his Duchie and Countrey, contrary to his ho|nour. Wherefore he tooke great diſpleaſure with Peter Landoyſe his Treaſorer, to whome (al|though he knew not and was ignoraunt that all the drift was driuen and deuiſed by him) he layde the fault and imputed the crime. Wherefore he ſent for Edward Wooduile, and Edwarde Po|nings valiaunt Eſquiers of Englande, and dely|uered vnto them money ſufficient for theyr con|duct, willing them to cõuey the reſt of the Eng|liſh men being in Brytaine, to the Erle of Rich|monds preſence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Erle was thus furnished, and appoynted with his trustie companie, & was escaped all EEBO page image 1409 all the daungers, Labirinthes, and snares that were set for him, no maruayle though hee were iocund and glad of the prosperous successe that happened in his affayres. Wherefore, least hee should seeme to be blotted with the note of ingratitude, hee sent diuers of his Gentlemen to the Duke of Britayne, the which should publish and declare to him on the behalfe of the Earle, that he and his, were onelye by his benefite and fauour conserued and deliuered from the imminent dau(n)ger that they were lyke to be trapped in. Wherefore at that time he rendred to him his most hartie thankes in wordes, trusting and not doubting but in time to come liberally to recompence him with actes and deedes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After this the Earle tooke his iourney to Charles the French king, lying then at Langes vpon the ryuer of Leyre, to whom after greate thankes giuen for manifolde pleasures by him to the Earle shewed, he disclosed and manifested the cause and occasion of his accesse and repayre to his person.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that, he required of him helpe and ſucces, to the intent that by his immortall benefit to him at that time ſhewed, hee might ſafely returne in the nobilitie of his realm, of whõ he was general|ly called to take vpon him the crowne and ſ [...]p|ter of the Realme, they much hated and abho [...] the tyrannie of king Richarde. King Charles promiſed him ayde and comfort and haue him [...] of good courage, and make good cheere, for he aſ|ſured him that he would gladly ſhew to [...]are hys beneuolent minde & bountifull liberalitie. Which king from thence remoued to Mounta [...]gis, lea|ding with him the Erle of Richmond, and all the noble perſonages of his retinne and faction.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While the Earle was thus attendant in the French court, Iohn Vere Erle of Oxforde which as you haue heard before was by king Edward kept in priſon within the Caſtell of Hammes) ſo perſwaded Iames Blunte Captaine of the ſame Fortreſſe, and ſir Iohn Forteſcew Porter of the towne of Calays, that he himſelfe was not one|ly diſmiſſed and ſet at libertie, but they alſo aban|doning and leauing theyr fruitful offices, condiſ|cended to go with him into Fraunce to the Earle of Richmonde, and to take his part. But Iames Blunt, like a wiſe captain bicauſe he left his wife remayning in the Caſtell before his departure, he fortified the ſame both with new munitions and newe Souldiours.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Erle of Richmonde ſaw the Earle of Oxforde, hee was rauiſhed with an incredible gladneſſe, that he being a man of ſo high nobility, at ſuch knowledge & practiſes in feates of warre, and ſo conſtant, truſtie and aſſured (which alway had ſtudied for the maintenance and preferment of the houſe of Lancaſter) was nowe by Gods prouiſion deliuered out of captiuitie and impri|ſonment, and in time ſo neceſſarie and conueni|ent [...]ome to his ayde, ſuccour and aduancement, in whom more ſince than any other he might put his truſt and confidence, and take leſſe paine and trauaile in his owne perſon. For it was not hyd from him, that ſuche as euer had taken parte with King Edwarde before thys tyme, came to [...] ſeruice, eyther for malice that they bare to King Richarde, or elſe for feare to liue vn|der hys [...]ell rull and [...]rannous gouernance.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Not long after the French King returned a|gaine to Paris, whom the Earle of Richmond followed, [...]ding there to ſolicite his matter to the concluſion. Wherevpon hee beſought King Charles to take vpon him the whole tuition and de [...] [...] him and his cauſe, ſo that hee and hys comp [...] [...] by his meanes ayded and com|forted, ſhoulde confeſſe and ſaye, theyr wealth, victorie and aduancement to haue flowed & bud|ded forth of his bountifulneſſe & liberalitie, which they would God willing ſhortly re [...]ite.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon diuerſe Engliſh men which eith [...] fled out of Englãd for feare, or were at Paris to learne and ſtudie good literature and betweene doctrine, [...] voluntarily and ſubmit|ted themſelues to the erle of Richmonde, & vowed and ſware to take his [...]. Amongſt whom was Richard For a prieſt [...] of great wit and no leſſe learning, whom the Earle [...] recei|ued into ſecret familiaritie, and in bri [...] time e|rected and aduaunced him to high dignities and promotions, and in concluſion he made hide Bi|ſhop of Wincheſter.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon, king Richarde was cre|dibly aduertiſed, what promiſes and othes the Erle and his confederates had made and ſworne togither at Reunes, & how by the Erles meanes all the Engliſh men were paſſed out of Brytain into France. Wherefore being ſore diſmayd, and in a maner diſperate, bicauſe his craftie chieuance tooke none effect in Brytayne, ymagined and de|uiſed how to infringe and diſturbe the Erles pur|poſe by another meane, ſo that by the mariage of Ladie Elizabeth his Neece, he ſhould pretend no clayme nor tytle to the crowne. For he thought if that mariage fayled, the Erles chiefe combe had bene clearly cut. And bycauſe that he being blin|ded with the ambitious deſire of rule before thys tyme in obteyning the kingdome, had commyt|ted and done manye cu [...]fed actes, and deteſtable ty [...]ies, yet according to the o [...]. Prouerbe, let him take the Bull that ſtale a way the Calfe, he thought all factes by him committed in times paſſed to be but of ſmall moment and not to bee regarded in compariſon of that miſchieuous ima|gination, which he now newly began & attẽpted.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 There came into his vngracious mind a thing EEBO page image 1410 not onely beteſtable to be ſpoken of in the remem|brance of man but much more cruell and abho|minable to be put in execution. For when he re|uolued in his wauering mind, how greate foun|taine of miſchiefe towarde him ſhoulde ſpring, if the Earle of Richmonde ſhoulde bee aduaunced to the mariage of his nere, which thing he heard ſay by the rumour of the people, that no ſmall number of wiſe and wit [...] perſonages [...] [...]ry|ſed to compaſſe and bringed to concluſi [...], he there|ly determined to reconcile to his fauour his bro|thers wife Queene Elizabeth, eyther by fayre wordes, or liberall promiſes, firmely beleeuing hir fauour once obteynes, that ſhee woulde not ſticke ſo commit (and louingly credite) to hym the rule and gouernance both of hir & hir daugh|ter,A ſubtil and lewde practiſe of king Ri|chard. and ſo by that mennes the Erle of Richmõd of the affinitie of his Nece, ſhoulde be vtterly de|frauded and beguiled.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And if no ingenerous remedie could bee other|wiſe inuented, to ſaue the innumerable miſchiefs which were euen at hande, and like to fall, if it ſhoulde happen Queene Anne his wife to depart out of this preſent life, then hee himſelfe woulde rather take to wife his couſin and Nece the La|die Elizabeth, than for lacke of that aff [...]e the whole Realme ſhoulde runne to ruine, a [...] who ſayde, that if he once fell from his eſtate and dig|nitie, the ruine of the Realme muſt needes ſhort|ly enſue and follow. Wherefore hee ſent to the Queene being in Sanctuarie, dyuerſe and often meſſengers, which firſt ſhoulde excuſe and purge him of all things before agaynſt hir attempted or procured, and after ſhoulde ſo largely promiſe promotions innumerable, and benefites, not onelye to hir, but alſo to hir ſonne Lorde Tho|mas Marques Dorcet, that they ſhoulde bring hir, if it were poſſible into ſome wanhope, or as men ſay, into a fooles Paradiſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Meſſengers being men both of wit and grauitie, ſo perſwaded the Queene with greate and pregnant reaſons, what with fayre & large promiſes, that ſhe began ſomewhat to relent, and to giue to them no deafe eare, inſomuch that ſhee faythfully promiſed to ſubmitte and yeelde hir|ſelfe fullye and frankely to the Kings will and pleaſure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And ſo ſhe putting in obliuion the murther of hir innocent children, the infamie and diſhonor ſpoken by the king hir huſband, the lyuing in ad|nontrie layde to hir charge, the baſtarding of hir daughters, forgetting alſo the faythfull promiſe and open othe made to the Counteſſe of Rich|monde mother to the Earle Henrie, blynded by auaricious affection, and ſeduced by flattering words,The [...] con|ſtauncie of Queene Eliza|beth. firſt deliuered into King Richards hands hir fiue daughters, as Lambes once againe com|mitted to the cuſtodie of the rauenous Woolfe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After she sent letters to the Marques hir sonne being then at Paris with the Erle of Richmond, willing him in any wyse to leaue the Earle, and without delay to repayre into Englande, where for him were prouided great honours, and honourable promotions, ascerteyning him further, that all offences on both parties were forgotten and forgyuen, and both he and shee highly incorporated in the Kings heart. Surely the inconstancie of this woman were muche to bee marueyled at, if all women had beene founde constant, but let men speak, yet women of the very bond of nature will follow their owne kinde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that king Richarde had thus with glorious promises and flattering wordes, pleased and appeased the mutable mynde of Queene Elizabeth, which knewe nothing lesse than that hee most intended, he caused all his brothers daughters to be conueyed into hys Palayce wyth solemne receyuing, as though with his nowe familiar and louing interteynment they shoulde forget, and in theyr myndes blotte oute the olde committed iniurie, and late executed tyrannie. Nowe nothing was contrariant and obstacle to his deuilishe purpose, but that his mancion was not voyde of his wife, whiche thing hee in anye wise adiudged necessarie to be done. But there was one thing that so muche feared and stayed him from committing thys abominable murther, bycause (as you haue heard before) hee beganne to counterfeyte the Image of a good and well disposed person, and therefore hee was afearde least the sodaine death of his wyfe once openly knowne, he shoulde lease the good and credible opinion which the people had of him, without desert, conceyued and reported.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But in concluſion, euill Counſayle preuay|led in a wytte lately mynded to myſchiefe, and turned from all goodneſſe. So that hys bu [...]ea|cious deſire ouercame hys honeſt feare, And fyrſt to enter into the gates of hys imagined en|terprice, he abſteyned doth from the be [...] and com|panie of his wife.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After he complayned to diuerſe noblemen of the realme, of the infortunate ſterilitie and harmo|neſſe of his wife, bycauſe ſhee brought forth no fruite and generation of hir bodie. And in eſpeci|all he recounted to Thomas Rotheram Archbi|ſhop of Yorke (whome lately hee had delyuered out of warde and captiuitie) theſe impe [...]mentes of his Queene and diuerſe other, thinking that he woulde reueale to hir all theſe things, truſhing the ſequele hereof to take hys effect, that ſhee hearing this grudge of hir huſband, and taking therefore an inward thought, would not long liue in this world.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Of this the Biſhop gathered (whiche well knewe the complexion and vſage of the King) EEBO page image 1411 that the Queenes dayes where ſhort, and that he declared to certaine of his ſecret friendes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 [...] ſpred [...]e a the [...]es deathAfter this be procured a common rumor, but he would not haue the authour knowne, to bee publiſhed and ſpred abroade a [...]ng the common people, that the Queene was deade, to the [...]ent that ſhee taking ſome conceyte of this ſtraunge fame, ſhoulde fall into ſome ſodaine ſickneſſe or grieuous maladie, and to proue if afterward ſhee ſhoulde fortune by that or anye other wayes to leaſe hir life, whether the people would impute hir death to the thought or ſickneſſe, or thereof would lay the blame to him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 When the Queene heard tell that ſo horrible a rumor of hir death was ſprung amongeſt the comunaltie, ſhe ſore ſuſpected & iudged the wor [...] to be almoſt at an ende with hir, and in that ſo|rowful agonie, ſhe with lamentable countenance and ſorrowfull cheare, repayred to the preſence of the king hir huſband, demaunding of him, what it ſhoulde meane that hee had iudged hir worthes to die. The king anſwered hir with fayre words, and with ſmiling and flattering leaſings com|forted hir, and bidde hir bee of good cheare, for to his knowledge ſhe ſhould haue none other cauſe: But howſoeuer that it fortuned, either by inward though and penſiueneſſe of heart, or by infection of poyſon (which is affyrmed to bee moſt likely) within few dayes after the Queene departed and of this tranſitorie life, [...]e Queene [...]e [...] King [...] the [...] ſodainely [...] and was with due ſolem|nitie buried in the Church of S. Peter at Weſt|minſter.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This is the ſame Anne, one of the daughters of the Earle of Warwicke, which (as you ha [...] heard before) at the requeſt of Lewes the French king, was maried to Prince Edwarde, ſonne to king Henrie the ſixth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The king thus (according to his long deſire) loſed out of the bandes of matrimonie, began to caſt a fooliſh fantaſie to Ladie Elizabeth his nece, making much ſuyte to to haue hir ioyned wyth him in lawfull matrimonie. But bycauſe al men and the mayden hirſelfe moſt of all, deteſted and abhorred, this vnlawfull, and in maner vnnatu|rall copulation, hee determined to prolong and deferre ye matter, till he were in a more quietnes. For all that verie ſeaſon he was oppreſſed wyth great, we [...]ightie, and vbrgene cauſes, and buſineſ|ſes on euerie ſide, conſidering that dayly par [...] of the Nobilitie myled into Fraunce to the Earle of Richmond: Other priuily fauoured and arden certaine of the coniuration, ſo that of hys ſhorte ende, fewe or none were in doubt. And the com|mon people for the moſte part were brought to ſuch deſperation, that many of them had rather be reputed and taken of him in the number of hys enimies, than to abyde the chaunce and hazarde to haue theyr goodes taken as a ſpoyle of victo|rie by his enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Amongſt the noble men whom he moſt miſ|truſted thoſe were the principall, Thomas lord Stanley, ſir William Stanley his brother, Gil|bert Talbot, was [...] hundred other, of whoſe pur|poſes although king Richard wer not ignorant, yet he gaue neyther conference nor credence to a|nye one of them, and leaſt of all to the Lorde Stanley, bycauſe hee was ioyned in matrimonie with the Ladie Margaret, mother to the Earle of Richmonde, as afterwarde apparantly yee may perceyue. For when the ſayde Lord Stan|ley woulde haue departed into his Countrey to viſite his familie, and to recreate and refreſh his ſpirites (as he openly ſayde) but the truth was, to the intent to be in a perfite readineſſe to receyue the Earle of Richmond at his firſt arriuall in Englande: the king in no wiſe woulde ſuffer him to depart, before he had left as an hoſtage in the Court, George Stanley Lorde Straunge, his firſt begotten ſonne and heyre.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While king Richard was thus troubled and vexed with imaginations of the troublous tyme that was like to come: Lo euen ſodenly he heard newes that ſite was ſpring oute, of the ſmoke, and the warre freſhly begonne, and that the Ca|ſtell of Hermines was deliuered into the handes of the Earle of Richmonde, by the meanes of the Earle of Oxford, and that not onely he, but alſo Iames Blunt Captaine of the Caſtell, were [...] into Fraunce to ayde the Earle Henrie. Where|fore he thinking it great policie to withſtande the fleſhbrunt, ſent the moſt part of the garniſon of Calais, to recouer againe by force the Caſtell of Hammes. They which were in the Caſtel per|ceyuing theyr aduerſaries to approche, prepares munitions and Engines for theyr defence, and ſent alſo to the Earle of Richmonde, to aduertiſe him of their ſodaine inuaſion, requiring him of haſtie ayde and ſpeedie factor.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Eaſt ſleeping not this firſt begonne aſ|ſault, ſent the Earle of Oxforde, wyth an elec|ted companie of Souldiours to rayſe the ſiege, and reſh [...] the Caſtell: whiche at theyr fyrſts arriuing, [...]hed their campe not farre from there enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And while king Rychardes men gaue [...]g [...]|lant eye, wayting leaſt the Earle of Oxford ſhoulde take any aduauntage of them that laye on that ſyde of the Caſtell, Thomas Brandon with thirtie approued men of warre by a mariſh whiche laye on the other ſide, entered into the Caſtell.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Souldiours within greatly encoura|ged, and muche comforted by thys newe ſuc|cour and ayde, grieued the enimyes, by ſhooting from the walles more than they were accuſto|med to doe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 EEBO page image 1412And they of the Caſtell vexed theyr enimies on the fore part: the Earle of Oxforde no leſſe moleſted and vnquieted them on the other part, whiche was the occaſion that King Richardes men offered of theyr owne mere motion, licence to all being within the Caſtel to depart in ſafety, with bagge and baggage, nothing excepted: whiche condition the Earle of Oxforde com|ming onelye for that purpoſe to delyuer his lo|uing friendes out of all perill and daunger, and chiefely of all, his olde Hoſteſſe Iane Blunte, wife to Iames Blunte the Captaine, woulde in no wiſe forſake or refuſe: and ſo leauing the ca|ſtell bare and vngarniſhed, both of vitaile and Artelerie, came ſafely to the Earle of Richmond ſoiourning in Paris.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 During this time, King Richarde was cre|dibly infourmed of his inquiſitours and eſpialles, that the Earle of Richmond was with long ſute in the Court of Fraunce ſore wearied, and deſy|ring great ayde, coulde obteyne ſmall reliefe: In ſomuch that all things went ſo farre backwards, that ſuche things as were with great diligence, and no leſſe deliberation purpoſed, and determi|ned to be ſet forwarde, were nowe daſhed and o|uerthrowne to the grounde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 King Richarde either being to light of cree|dence, or ſeduced and deluded by his craftie tale|tellers, greatly reioyced as though he had obtey|ned the ouer hande of his enimies with trium|phant victorie, and thought himſelfe neuer ſo fearely deliuered of all feare and dreadfull imagi|nations, ſo that hee needed nowe no more once for that cauſe eyther to wake, or to breake his golden ſleepe. Wherefore hee called home againe his Shippes of warre, whiche hee had appoynted to keepe the narrowe Seas, and diſ|patched all ſuche ſouldiours as he had deputed to keepe certaine garniſons, and to ſtoppe certaine paſſages (as you haue hearde before.) Yet leaſte he might for lacke of prouiſion be ſodainly trap|ped, he ſtraightly charged and gaue in commaũ|dement to all noblemen, and eſpecially ſuche as inhabited neare to the ſea coaſt, and on the fron|tiers of Wales, that according to the vſage of the Countrey, they ſhoulde keepe diligent watche and ſtrong warde, to the intent that his aduer|ſaries in no wiſe ſhould haue any place oportune, eaſily to take lande, without defence or rebutting backe. For the cuſtome of ye Countrey adioining neare to the Sea is, (eſpeciallye in the tyme of warre) on euery hill or high place to erect a Bea|ken with a great Lanterne in the toppe, whiche may bee ſeene and diſcerned a great ſpace of. And when the noyſe is once bruyted that the enimies approche neare the lande, they ſodainelye putte fyre in the Lanternes, and make ſhoutes and outcryes from Towne to Towne, and from Village to Village. Some [...] in [...] place to place, admoniſhing the people to be rea|die to reſiſt the [...]eop [...]rdie, and defend [...] the perill. And by this policie the ſame is ſome [...] to merie Citie and Towne, inſomuch that [...] the Citizens as the rurall people bee in more [...] aſſembled and armed to repulſe and put backe the newe arriued enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Nowe to returne to our purpoſe, King Ry|chard thus ſomewhat eaſed of hys accuſt [...] penſiueneſſe, beganne to be ſomewhat more me|ryer, and tooke leſſe thought and care for outward enimies than he was woont to doe, as who ſay, that hee with politique prouiſion ſhoulde with|ſtande the deſtinie whiche b [...]ng ouer his heade, and was ordeyned in briefe tyme ſodainly to fall. Such is the force and puiſſance ordaine iuſtice, that euery man ſhall leſſe regarde, leſſe prouide, leſſe be in doubt of all things, when he [...] neareſt puniſhment, and next to his in [...]nce for his offences and crymes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 About this ſeaſon, while the Earle of Rich|monde was deſiring ayde of the Frenche kinge, certeyne noble men were there appoynted to [...] the realme of Fraunce during the minoritie of King Charles, which amongſt themſelues were not of one opinion. Of which diſſ [...], Le|wis Duke of Orleans was the chiefe [...]er, which bycauſe hee had maryed Ladie Ioane [...]|ſter to the French king, tooke vpon him aboue o|ther the rule and adminiſtration of the [...] Realme. By reaſon of which controuerſie, [...] one man was ſuffered to rule all [...] the Earle of Richmonde was compelled to [...] ſuyte to euery one of the Counſaile ſeuerally one after another, requyring and deſiring them of [...] and reliefe in his weightie buſineſſe, and ſo by|cauſe was prolonged and deferred.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 During which time, Thomas Marques Dor|cet, which was (as you haue heard) [...] by his mother to returne againe into Englande partly diſpayring in the good ſucceſſe of the Earle of Richmond, and partly ouercome and vanquiſhed with the fayre gloſing promiſes of king Richarde ſecretely in the night ſeaſon ſt [...]le co [...] of Paris, and with all diligent expedition, tooke his iour|ney towarde Flaunders.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When relation of his departure was [...] to the erle of Richmond, and the other noble [...] no marualle though they were affo [...] & great|ly amaſed. Yet that notwithſtanding, they re|quired of the French king, that it myght bee [...]|full to them in his name, and by his commaun|dement, to take and ſtay their companion, confe|derate, and partaker of all their counſaile, in what place within his realm and territorie ſo euer they coulde finde him. Which petition once obtey|ned, they ſent out Currours into euerye parte, EEBO page image 1413 amongſt whom Humfrey Eh [...]ary playing the part of a good Bloudhound, followed the tra [...] of the flier ſo euen by the ſent, that he ouertooke and apprehended him not farre from Co [...]pligue, and ſo what with reaſon, and what with fayre promiſes, being perſwaded, he returned againe to his companions.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Richmonde vnburdened of this miſaduenture leaſt by lyngering of dayes, and prolonging of tyme, he might leaſe the great oportunitie of things to him offered and mini|ſtred: alſo leaſt hee ſhoulde further wounde and moleſt the myndes of hys faythfull and aſſured friendes, whiche dayly dyd [...] and [...]ie for his comming, determyned no longer to pro [...]ra [...] and deferre the tyme, but wyth all diligence and celeritie to attempt hys begonne enterprice: and ſo obteyning of King Charles a ſmall [...] of men, and borrowing certaine ſummes of mo|ney of him, and of dyuerſe other hys pryuate friendes, (for the whiche hee left as debter, or more likelyer as a pledge or hoſtage) Lord Tho|mas Marques Dorſet (whome he halfe [...]a [...] ru|ſted) and ſir Iohn Bourchier, hee departed from the Frenche Courte, and came to the Citie of Roan.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 While he taried there making prouiſion at Harflete in the mouth of the riuer of Seyne for all thinges neceſſary for his nauye, tidinges were brought to him that king Richarde being with|out children, and now Widower, entended ſhort|ly to marye the Ladie Elizabeth his brothers daughter, and to preferre the Ladie Cicile hir ſiſter to a manne founde in a Clowde, and of an vnknowne lynage and familie. Hee tooke theſe newes as a matter of no ſmall moment (and ſo all things conſidered) it was of no leſſe impor|taunce than he tooke it for. For this thing one|ly tooke away from him and al his Companions theyr hope and courage, that they had to ob|teyne an happie enterpriſe. And therefore no marueyle though it nipped him at the verie ſto|macke: when he thought that by no poſſibilie hee might attaine the maryage of any of King Ed|wardes daughters, whiche was the ſtrongeſt foundation of his buylding, by reaſon whereof he iudged that al his friendes in England would abandon and ſhrinke from hym. Wherefore ma|king not many of his counſaile, after diuerſe con|ſultations he determined not yet to ſet forwarde, but to tary and attempt howe to get more ayde, more friends, and more ſtronger ſuccors.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And amongſt all other, it was thought moſt expedient to allure by affinitie in his ayde as a companion in armes, ſir Walter Herbert, a man of an auncient ſtocke, and great power amongſt the Welchmen, whiche had with hym a fayre Lady to hys ſyſter, of age ripe to be coupled with him [...]m [...]imonie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And for the atchieuing of this purpoſe, meſ|ſengers were ſecretly ſent to Henrie erle of Nor|thumberlande (which had before maried another ſiſter of ſir Walter Herbertes) to the intent that he ſhould ſet forward all this deuice and purpoſe, but the wayes were ſo narowly watched and ſo many ſpyes [...]ayed, that the Meſſenger procee|ded not in his iourney and buſineſſe. But in the meane ſeaſon, there came to the Earle a more ioyfull meſſage from Morgan Kidwelly, lear|ned in the temporall law, whiche declared that Rice an Thomas, a man of no leſſe valiaunt|neſſe than affinitie, and Iohn Sauage an ap|proued Captaine, woulde with all theyr power be partaker of his quarell. And that Reigno [...]de Bre [...] collected and gotten togither no ſmall ſumme of money for the payment of the wages to the Souldiours and men of warre admoni|ſhing him alſo to make quicke expedition, and to take his courſe directly into Wales.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Richmonde bycauſe he would no longer lynger and wearie his friendes, liuing continually betweene hope and feare, determined in all conuenient haſt to ſet forwarde, and cauſed to his ſhips armor, weapons, vitaile, and al other ordinances expedient for warre.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that all, thing was in a readineſſe, the Earle being accompanied onely with two thou|ſande men, and a ſmall number of ſhippes, weyed vp his Ancors, and halfed vppe his ſayles in the Moneth of Auguſt, and ſayled from Harfleete with ſo proſperous a winde, that the ſeuenth day after his departure, hee arriued in Wales in the Euening, at a place called Mylforde Hauen,Mylford Hauen and incontinent tooke lande, and came to a place called Dalle, where he heard ſay that a cer|taine companie of his aduerſaries were layde in garriſon to defend his arriuall all the laſt winter. And the Earle at the Sunne riſing remoued to Herford weſt, being diſtant from Dalle not fully ten myles, where he was ioyfully receyued of the people, & he arriued there ſo ſodainly, that he was come and entred the Towne at the ſame time when the Citizens had but knowledge of hys comming.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Here he herd newes which were as vntrue as they truely were reported to him in Normandy, that Rice ap Thomas, and Iohn Sauage with bodie and goodes, were determined to ayde king Richard.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While he and his companie were ſomewhat aſtonied of theſe newe tydyngs, there came ſuch meſſage from the Inhabitauntes of the towne of Pembrooke, that refreſhed and reuiued theyr frozen heartes and daunted courages. For Ar|nolde Butler a valiaunt Captaine, whiche fyrſt aſking pardon for hys offences before tyme EEBO page image 1414 committed agaynſt the Earle of Richmonde, and that obteyned, declared to hym that the Pembrochians were readie to ſerue and gyue theyr attendaunce on theyr naturall and imme|diate Lorde, Iaſper Earle of Pembrooke. The Earle of Richmonde hauing his armie thus en|creaſed, departed from Herford well to the [...] of Cardigan beeing fiue miles diſtance from thence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While the ſouldiours were refreſhing and trim|ming themſelues in their campe, ſtraunge things ſprong among them without any certain autho|ur, [figure appears here on page 1414] that ſir Walter Herbert whiche lay wyth a great crewe of men at Carmarden, was nowe with a greate armie readie to approche and byd them battaile. With whiche newes the armie was ſore troubled, and euerie man aſſayed hys armure and prooued his weapon, and were preſt to defende theyr enimies. And as they were in this fearefull doubt, certaine horſemen which the Earle had ſent to make inquirie and ſearche, re|turned and reported all the Countrey to be quiet, and no let nor impediment to be layde or caſt in their iourney.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And euen at the ſame time, the whole armie was greatlye recomforted, by reaſon that the comming of Richarde Griffyth, a man of great nobilitie, the which notwithſtãding that he was confederate with ſir Walter Herbert, and Ri|charde ap Thomas, yet at that verie inſtant he came to the Erle of Richmond with all his com|panie whiche were of no great number. After him the ſame day came Iohn Morgan with hys men.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Then the Earle aduaunced forward in good haſt, making no repoſe or abode in any one place. And to the entent to paſſe forward with ſure and ſhorte expedition, he aſſaulted euerie place where his enimies had ſet any men of warre, whiche with ſmal force, and leſſe difficultie he briefly did ouercome and vanquiſhe. And ſodainly he was by his eſpials aſcertayned, that ſir Walter Her|bert, and Rice ap Thomas were in harneſſe be|fore him, readie to encounter with his armie, and to ſtoppe theyr paſſage. Wherfore like a va|liant Captain, he firſt determined to ſet on them, and eyther to deſtroy or to take them into his fa|uour, and after with all his power and paiſſance to giue battaile to his mortal enimie K. Richard. But to the intent his friendes ſhoulde knowe in what readineſſe he was, & how he proceeded for|ward, he ſent of his moſt ſecret & faithfull ſeruãts with letters and inſtructions to the Ladie Mar|garet his mother, to the lord Stanley & his bro|ther, to ſir Gilbert Talbot, and to other his truſty friends, declaring to them that he being ſuccored and bolpen with the ayd and reliefe of his friends, intended to paſſe ouer the Riuer of Seuerne at Shreweſburie, and ſo to paſſe directly to the Ci|tie of London, requiring them, as his ſpecial truſt and confidence was fixed in the hope of their fi|delitie, that they woulde meete him by the way with all diligent preparation, to the entent that he and they at time and place conuenient, myght communicate togither the deepeneſſe of all hys doubtfull and weyghtie buſineſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Meſſengers were diſpatched with theſe commaundements and admonitions, hee marched forward towarde Shrewſburie, and in his paſſing, there met and ſaluted him Rice ap Thomas with a goodly bande of Welchmen, which making an oth and promiſe to the Earle, ſubmitted himſelfe wholy to his order and com|maundement. For the Earle of Richmond two days before made to him promiſe, that if he wold ſweare to take his part and be obedient to him, he wold make him chief gouernor of Wales, which part as hee faythfully promiſed and graunted, EEBO page image 1415 ſo after that hee had obteyned and poſſeſ [...]d the realme and Diademe, hee liberally perfourmed and accompliſhed the ſame.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane time, the Meſſengers that were ſent diligently executed theyr charge, and hiden with rewardes of them ſo whom they were ſent, returned to him the ſame day that hee entred into Shrewſburie, and made relatiõs to him that his friends were readie in all poynts to do all things for him, which eyther they ought or might [...].

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Erle Henrie brought in good hope with his pleaſant meſſage, continued forth his inten|ded iourney, and came to a little Towne cal|led Newporte, and pytching hys Campe on a little hyll adioyning, repoſed himſelfe there that night.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In the Euening the ſame day, came to him ſir Gylbert Talbot, with the whole power of the yong Earle of Shrewſbury than being in ward, whiche were accounted to the number of two thouſande men. And thus his power encrea|ſing, he arryued at the Towne of Stafforde, and there pawſed. To whome came ſir William Stanley, accompanied with a fewe perſons: and after that the Earle and hee had communed no long time togither, he reuerted to his Souldiers which he had aſſembled togither to ſerue the erle, which frõ thẽce departed to Lichfield, & lay with|out the walles in his campe all the night. The next morning he entred into the towne, and was with all honor like a prince receyued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 A day or two before, the Lorde Stanley ha|uing in his hande almoſt fiue thouſand men, lod|ged in the ſame towne, but hearing that the erle of Richmonde was marching thitherward, gaue to him place, diſlodging him and his, and repay|red to a towne called Aderſtone, there abiding the comming of the Earle, and this wilye Foxe did this acte to auoyde all ſuſpition, being afrayde leaſt if he ſhould be ſeene openly to bee a fa [...]our or ayder to the Earle his ſonne in lawe before the day of the battayle, that king Richard, which yet did not vtterly putte in him diffidence and nuſtruſt, woulde put to ſome cruell death hys ſon and heyre apparant George Lord Strange, whome King Richarde (as you haue hearde before) kept wyth him as a pledge or hoſtage, to the intent that the Lorde Stanley hys fa|ther, ſhoulde attempt nothing preiudiciall to him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Richarde at this ſeaſon keeping hys houſe in the Caſtell of Notingham, was infor|med that the Earle of Richmonde, with ſuch ba|niſhed men as fled out of Englande to him, were nowe arryued in Wales, and that all things ne|ceſſary to his enterprice were vnprouided, vnpur|ueyed, and verie weake, nothing meete to with|ſtande the power of suche as the King had appoynted to meete him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 This rumor so inflated his minde, that in maner disdayning to heare speake of so small a companie, determined at the firs to take little or no regarde to this so small a sparcle, declaring the Earle to be innocent and vnwise, bycause that he rashly attempted such a great enterprise, with so small and thinne a number of warlike persons, and therefore he gaue a definitiue sentence, that when he came to that poynt that he should bee compelled to fight agaynst this wyll, he eyther should be apprehended aliue, or else by all likelyhoode he shoulde of necessitie come to a shameful confusion: and that he trusted to bee shortly done by sir Walter Herbert, and Rice ap Thomas, which then ruled Wales with egall power and like authoritie. But yet he reuoluing and casting in his minde, that a small warre begonne and winked at and not regarded, may turn to a great broyle and trouble, and that it was prudent policie not to contemne and disdaine the little small power and weaknesse of the enimie, be it neuer so small, thought it necessarie to prouide for afterclaps that myght happen and chaunce. Wherefore hee sent to Iohn Duke of Norffolke, Henry Earle of Northumberlande, Thomas Earle of Surrey, and to other of his especiall and trustie friendes of the Nobilitie, which he iudged more to preferre and esteeme his welth and honor than theyr owne ryches and pryuate commoditie, wyllyng them to muster and view all theyr seruauntes and tenants, and to elect and choose the most couragious and actiue persons of the whole number, and with them to repayre to his presence with all speede and diligence. Alſo hee wrote to Robert Brukenburie Lieutenant of the Tower, commaunding him with his power to come to his armie, and to bring with him as fellowes in armes, Sir Thomas Bourchier, and ſir Walter Hungerford, and diuerſe other knights & eſquiers in whom be caſt no ſmall ſuſpi [...]ion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While he was thus ordering his affayres, [...]y|dings came that the Earle of Richmonde was paſſed Seuerne, and come to Shrewſburie with|out any de [...]nt or encom [...]. At which meſſage he was ſore mooued and broyled wyth Melancholie and [...]olour, and cryed out, aſking vengeance of them, that contrarie to theyr othe and promiſe had ſo deceyued him. For whiche cauſe he began to haue diffidence in other, inſo|much that he determined himſelfe oute of hande the ſame day to meete with and reſiſt hys ad|uerſaries. And in all haſte ſente out eſpialles to view and eſpie what waye his enimies kept and paſſed. They diligentlye doing theyr duetie, ſhortly after returned, declaring to the king that the Earle was encamped at the towne of Lich|fielde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 EEBO page image 1416When hee had perfite knowledge where the Earle with his armie was ſo [...]oiourning, be hauing continuall repayre of his ſubiectes to him, began incontinently without delay to marſhal and put in order his battayles (like a valiaunt Captayne and politike leader) and firſt he made his battails to ſet forward, fiue and fiue in a ranke, marching towarde that way where his enimies (as was to him reported) entended to paſſe. In the middle part, of the [...] [...]ee appoynted the [...]ea [...]e and cariage apperteyning to the enimie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then he (enuironed wyth hys Garde) with a frowning countenaunce and cruell vyſage, mountes on a greate whyte Courſer, and follo|wed with his footesmenne, the wings of Horſe|men coaſting and raunging on euerie ſyde, and keeping this array, hee with great pompe entred the Towne of Leyceſter after the Sunne ſet.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Richmonde rayſed his campe, and departed from Lichfielde to the Towne of Tamworth thereto neare adioyning and in the midde way paſſing, there ſaluted him ſir Wal|ter Hungerforde, and ſir Thomas [...]ouerchier, knightes, and dyuerſe other whiche yeelded and ſubmitted them to his pleaſure. For they beeing aduertiſed that king Richarde had thẽ in ſuſpitiõ and ieaolouſie, & little beyonde ſtonie Stratforde left and forſooke priuily their Captaine Robert Brakenburie, and in wandring by night, and in maner by vnknowne pathes & vncertaine wayes ſearching, at the laſt come to Erle Henrie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 A ſtraunge chaunce that happened to the Earle of Richmonde.Diuerſe other noble perſonages, which in|wardly hated king Richard worſe than a Toad or a Serpent, did likewiſe reſort to him with all their power and ſtrength.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 There happened in this progreſſion to the erle of Richmond a ſtrange [...]ance worthie to be no|ted: for albeit he was a man of valiant courage, and that his armie encreaſed, and dayly more and more be waxed mightier & ſtronger, yet hee was not a little afeard, bicauſe he in no wiſe coulde be aſſured of his father in law Thomas Lord Stã|ley, which for feare of the deſtruction of the Lord Straunge his ſonne (as you haue heed) as yet in|clined to neither partie. For if he had gone to the Earle, and that notified to king Richarde, hys ſonne had beene ſhortly executed. Wherefore he accompanyed wyth twentie lyght horſemen lyngered in hys iourney, as a manne muſing and ymagyning what was beſt to bee done. And the more to aggrauate his penſiueneſſe, it was ſhewed hym, that King Richarde was at hande, with a ſtrong power and a greate armie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While he thus heauily dragged behinde hys hoſt, the whole armie came before the Towne of Tamworth, and when hee for the deepe darke|neſſe could not perceyue the ſteppes of them that paſſe [...] before, and had wandred hither and thither, ſeaking after his companie, and yet not once hearing any noyſe or whiſpe [...]g of th [...] [...] turned to a verie little Village, being about three myles from his armie, taking great [...], and muche fearing leaſt he ſhoulde be aſ [...]ed, [...] trapped by king Richardes aſk oute watch. There hee taryed all nyght, not once aduauncing to aſke or demaunde a queſtion of any [...], hee [...]eing no more amazed with the ieopardie and perill that was paſſed, than with thys pre|ſent chaunce, ſore feared that it ſhoulde be a pr [...]|gnoſtication or ſigne of ſome infortunate plagu [...] afterwarde to ſucceede. As hee was not m [...] being abſent from his armie, likewiſe hys [...] much marueyled, and no leſſe mourned for hys ſodaine abſence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The next morning early in the dawning if the day he returned and by the conduct of g [...] fortune, eſpied and came to his armie, excuſing himſelfe, not to haue gone out of the way by ig|norance, but ye for a policie deuiſed for the [...]oyce, he went from his campe to receyue ſome glad meſſage from certaine of hys priuie friendes and ſecret alyes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This excuſe made, he priuily departed again from his hoſt to the Towne of A [...]erſtone, where the Lorde Stanley and ſir William his brother with their handes were abyding. There the Earle came firſt to his father in lawe, in a lyttle Cloſe where he ſaluted him, and ſir William his brother, and after dyuerſe and many friendlye embracinges, eche reioyced of the ſtate of other, and is dainly were ſurpriſed with great ioy, com|fort, and hope of fortunate ſucceſſe at all their af|fayres and doings.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Afterwarde, they conſulted togyther howe to giue battayle to king Richarde if he would a|bide, whom they knew not to be farre off with an huge hoſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the Euening of the ſame day, Sir Iohn Sauage, ſir Brian Sanforde, Sir Simon Dig|by, and many other, leauing King Richard, tur|ned and came to the part of the Earle of Riche|monde, with an elect companie of men. Which refuſall of King Richardes parte, by menne of ſuche experience, did augment and increaſe both the good hope, and the puiſſaunce of the Earle of Richmond.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon, King Richard (which was appoynted now to finiſh his laſt labour by the verie diuine iuſtice and prouidence of God, which called him to condigne puniſhment for his miſchieuous deſertes) marched to a place [...]te for two battails to encounter, by a village called Boſworth, not farre from Leyceſter, and there he pitched his field on a hill called Anne Beame, re|freſhed hys Souldiours and tooke his reſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 EEBO page image 1417 The dreame of King Ri|chard the thirde.The fame wente, that he had the ſame night a dreadfull and a terrible dreame, for it ſeemed to him beyng a ſleepe, that he did ſee dyuers y|mages lyke terrible deuyls, whyche pulled and haled hym, not ſuffering him to take any quiet or reſt. The whiche ſtraunge viſion not ſo ſo|daynly ſtrake his hearte wyth a ſodayne feare, but it ſtuffed his heade and troubled his mynde wyth many buſy and dreadfull imaginations. For incontinent after, his heart beyng almoſte damped, he pronoſticated before the doubtefull chaunce of the battayle to come, not vſing the a|lacritie and mirth of mynde and of countenance as he was accuſtomed to doe before he came to|ward the battayle. And leaſt that it myghte bee ſuſpected that he was abaſhed for fear of his eni|mies, and for that cauſe looked ſo piteouſly, hee recited and declared to his familiar friends in the mornyng, his wounderfull viſyon and fearefull dreame. But I thynke thys was no dreame, but a punction and pricke of hys ſinfull conſci|ence, for the conſcience is ſo muche more char|ged and aggrauate as the offence is greater and more heynous in degree, whyche pricke of con|ſcience, although it ſtryke not alway, yet at the laſte daye of extreme lyfe, it is wonte to ſhewe and repreſente to vs oure faultes and offences, and the paynes and puniſhementes whych hang ouer our heads for the committing of the ſame, to the intente that at that inſtant, wee for oure deſertes beyng penitent and repentaunt, maye be compelled lamenting and bewayling our ſins lyke forſakers of this worlde, iocunde to depart out of this miſerable lyfe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Nowe to returne agayne to our purpoſe, the nexte daye after, kyng Richard beyng furniſhed with men and all abiliments of warre, bringing all his men out of their campe into the playn, or|dered his fore warde in a meruaylous lengthe, in whyche he appointed both horſemen and foot|men, to the intent to imprinte in the harts of thẽ that looked a farre off, a ſodaine terror and dead|ly feare, for the greate multitude of the armed ſouldiours: and in the fore fronte hee placed the Archers, lyke a ſtrong fortifyed trenche or bul|warke: Ouer this battayle was captaine, Iohn duke of Norffolke, with whome was Thomas Erle of Surrey his ſonne. After this long vent|garde, folowed king Richarde hymſelfe, with a ſtrong companie of choſen and approued men of warre, hauing horſemen for wings on both the ſides of his battayle.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that the Earle of Richmonde was de|parted from the communication of his friendes, as you haue heard before, he began to be of a bet|ter ſtomacke, and of a more valiante courage, and with all diligence, pitched his field iuſt by the camp of his enimies, and there he lodged ye night.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In the morning betime, he cauſed his men to put on theyr armoure, and apparrell themſelues ready to fight and giue battayle, and ſent to the Lord Stanley (which was now come with hys hand in a place indifferent betweene both the ar|mies) re [...]uiring him with his men to approche neere to his army, and to helpe to ſet the ſoldiers in array hee anſwered that the Earle ſhoulde ſet his owne men in a good order of battaile, whyle he would array his company, and come to hym in time conuenient. Whiche aunſwere made o|therwiſe than the Earle thought or would haue iudged, conſidering the oportunitie of the tyme, and the weight of the buſineſſe, and although hee was therewithal a little vexed, began ſomewhat to hang the head, yet he without any time delay|ing, compelled of neceſſitie, after this manner in|ſtructed and ordered his men. He made his for|ward ſomewhat ſingle and ſlender, according to the ſmall number of his people.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 In the frount he placed the archers of whome he made Captayne Iohn Earle of Oxford. To the right wing of the battaile, he appoynted Sir Gilberte Talbot to be the leader. To the lefte wing, hee aſſigned Sir Iohn Sauage, who had broughte thither with him a crewe of righte able perſonages, cladde in white coates and hoodes, whiche muſtered in the eyes of their aduerſaries right brimly. The Earle of Richmond himſelfe, with the ayde of the Lorde Stanley, gouerned the battaile, accompanyed with the Earle of Pembroke, hauing a good companie of horſemẽ, and a ſmall number of footemenne: For all hys whole number exceeded not fiue thouſand men beſide the power of the Stanleys, whereof three thouſand were in the fielde, vnder the Standert of Sir William Stanley: The Kings number was double ſo much and more. When bothe theſe armies were thus ordered, and all men rea|dy to ſet forward, king Richard called his chief|taines togither, and to them ſaide:The Oration of K. Richard the third. Moſt faithful and aſſured fellowes, moſt truſtie and wel belo|ued friendes, and elected Captaynes, by whoſe wiſedome and policye, I haue obteyned the Crowne, and type of this famous Realme, and noble region by whoſe puiſſance and valiantnes I haue enioyed and poſſeſſed the ſtate royall and dignitie of the ſame, mangre the ill will, and [...]|dicions attemptes of all my cancred enimies, and inſidious aduerſaries, by whoſe prudent and politike coũſaile, I haue ſo gouerned my realme, people, & ſubiectes, that I haue omitted nothing apperteyning to the office of a iuſt Prince, nor you haue pretermitted nothing belonging to the duetie of wiſe and ſage counſailers. So that I may ſay, and truely affirme, that your approued fidelitie and tried conſtancy, maketh mee to be|leeue firmely, and thinke that I am an vndoub|ted EEBO page image 1418 King, and an indubitate Prince. And al|though in the adeption and obteyning of ye Gar|land, I beeyng ſeduced, and prouoked by ſiniſter counſaile, and diabolicall temptation, did com|mit a wicked and deteſtable acte. Yet I haue with ſtraite penaunce and ſalt teares (as I truſt) expiated and cleerely purged the ſame offence, which abhominable crime I require you offrẽd|ſhip as cleerely to forget, as I dayly remember to deplore and lament the ſame. If ye will nowe diligently call to remembraunce in what caſe & perplexitie we now ſtand, and in what doubt|full perill we be nowe intricked? I doubt not, but you in heart will thinke, and with mouthe con|feſſe, that if euer amitie and faith preuailed be|tweene Prince and ſubiects, or betweene ſubiect and ſubiect: or if euer bond of alegiãce obliged the vaſſall to loue and ſerue his naturall ſoueraigne Lord, or if any obligation of duetie bounde anye Prince to aide and defend his ſubiects? All theſe loues, bondes, and dueties of neceſſitie are now thys daye to bee tryed, ſhewed and put in expe|rience. For if wiſe men ſaye true, there is ſome policie in getting, but muche more in keeping, the one being but fortunes chaũce, and the other high witte and policie, for whiche cauſe, I with you, and you with me, muſt needs this day take labour and payne, to keepe & defend with force, that preheminence and poſſeſſion, which by your prudente deuiſes I haue gotten and obteyned. I doubt not but you know, how the Deuill conti|nuall enimie to humane nature, diſturber of cõ|cord, and ſower of ſedition, hath entred into the heart of an vnknowen Welchman whoſe fa|ther I neuer knew, nor him perſonally ſaw) ex|citing him to aſpire and couet oure Realme, Crowne, and dignitie, and thereof cleerely to de|priue and ſpoyle vs and our poſteritie: ye ſee far|ther, howe a companie of traytors, theefes, out|lawes, and runnegates of our owne nation, bee aiders and partakers of his feate and enterpriſe, ready at hand to ouercome and oppreſſe vs: You ſee alſo, what a number of beggerly Britaines and faint harted frenchmen be with him arriued to deſtroy vs, our wiues and children. Whyche imminent miſchiefes and apparante inconueni|ences, if we wil withſtand and refell, wee muſte liue togither like breethren, fighte togither lyke Lions, and feare not to die togither like menne. And obſeruing and keeping this rule and pre|cept, beleeue mee, the fearefull hare neuer fled fa|ſter before the greedy greyhounde, nor the ſillie larke before ye ſparowhanke, nor the ſimple ſheepe before the rauenous wolf, than your proud brag|ging aduerſaries aſtonied and amaſed with the only ſight of your manly viſages, wil flee, runne, and ſkyr out of the field. For if you conſider and wiſely ponder all things in your minde, you ſhal perceyue, that we haue manifeſt cauſes, and ap|parant tokens of triumph and victory.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 And to begyn with the Earle of Richmonde capitayne of this rebellion, he is a Welſh mi [...]|ſoppe, a man of ſmall courage and of leſſe expe|rience in martiall actes and feates of Warre, broughte vp by my brothers meanes and myne lyke a captiue in a cloſe cage in the court of Frã|cis duke of Britayn, and neuer ſawe armie, nor was exerciſed in martiall affayres, by reaſon whereof he neyther can nor is able by his owne will or experience to guyde or rule an hoſte. For in the witte and policie of the capitayn, conſiſteth the chiefe adeption of the victorie & ouerthrow of the enimies. Secondarily feare not, and put a|waye all doubtes, for when the traytoures and runagates of our realme, ſhall ſee vs with ban|ner diſplayed come againſt them, remembryng their othe promyſe and fidelitie made vnto vs, as to their ſoueraigne lorde and anoynted king, they ſhal be ſo pricked & ſtimulate in the bottome of their ſcrupulous conſciences, that they for very remorſe and dread of the diuine plague, wil either ſhamefully flee, or humbly ſubmit themſelues to our grace and mercie. And as for the Frenchmẽ and Britons, their valiantneſſe is ſuch, that our noble progenitors, and your valiant par [...] [...]s haue them oftner vanquiſhed & ouercome in one mo|neth, thã they in the beginnining imagined poſ|ſible to cõpaſſe and finiſh in a whole yere. What wil you make of them, braggers without auda|citie, drunkards without diſcretiõ, ribalds with|out reaſon, cowards without reſiſting, & in cõ|cluſion, the moſt effeminate and laſciuious peo|ple, yt euer ſhewed themſelues in front of batail, tentymes more couragious to flee & eſcape, than once to aſſault the breaſt of our ſtrõg & populous armie. Wherfore conſidering all theſe auaunta|ges, expell out of your thoughts all doubts, and auoyd out of your mynds all feare, and like vali|ant champions anounce forth your ſtanderdes, and aſſay whether your enimies can decide and try the title of battaile by dint of ſword, auance (I ſay agayne) forward my captains, in whom lacketh neither policie, wiſedome, nor puiſſance. Euery one giue but one ſure ſtripe, and ſurely the iourney is ours What preuayleth a hãdful to a whole realm? deſiring you for the loue that you beare to me, and the affection that you haue to your natiue and naturall countrey, & to the ſafe|gard of your Prince and your ſelf, that you wyl this day take to you your accuſtomed corage & couragious ſpirites, for the defence and ſafegard of vs al. And as for me, I aſſure you, this day I wil triumph by glorious victorie, or ſuffer death for immortal fame. For they be maymed & oute of the palace of fame diſgraded, dying withoute renoune, which do not aſmuche preferre and ex|alte the perpetuall honour of theyr natiue coun|trey, as their owne mortall and tranſitorie lyfe. EEBO page image 1419 Now ſent George to borow, let vs ſet forwarde and remember well, that I am hee whiche ſhall with high aduancementes, rewarde and preferre the valiaunt and hardy champions, and puniſhe and torment the ſhamefull cowards and dread|full daſtardes. This exhortation encouraged all ſuch as fauoured him, but ſuche as were preſence more for dread than loue, kiſſed them openly, whome they inwardlye hated, other ſware out|wardly to take part with ſuch, whoſe death they ſecretely compaſſed, and inwardly imagined, o|ther promiſed to inuade the Kinges enimies, whiche fledde and fought with fierce courage a|gainſt the King: other ſtande ſtill and looked on, intẽding to take part with the victors and ouer|commers. So was his people to him vnſure and vnfaithful at his end, as he was to his nephewes vntrue and vnnaturall in his beginning.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Earle of Richmond knew by hys forriders that the King was ſo neere embattay|led, he rode about his army, from ranke to ranke, from wing to wing, giuing comfortable words to all men, and that finiſhed (being armed at all peeces ſauing his helmette) mounted on a little hill, ſo that all his people mighte ſee and beholde him perfectly, to their greate reioycing: For hee was a mã of no great ſtature, but ſo formed and decorated with all giftes and liniaments of na|ture, that he ſeemed more an Angelicall creature, than a terreſtriall perſonage, his countenaunce and aſpect was cheerefull and couragious, hys heare yellow like the burniſhed golde, hys eyes gray ſhining and quicke, prompte and ready in aunſwering, but of ſuche ſobrietie, that it coulde neuer be iudged whither he were more dull than quicke in ſpeaking (ſuch was his temperaunce.) And when he had ouerlooked his army ouer eue|ry ſide, he pawſed awhile, and after with a lowde voyce and bolde ſpirit, ſpake to his companyons theſe or like words following.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 The Oration [...] King Hen| [...] the ſeuẽth.If euer God gaue victorie to men fighting in a iuſt quarrell, or if he euer aided ſuche as made warre for the wealth and tuition of theyr owne naturall and nutritiue Countrey, or if hee euer ſuccoured them whiche aduentured their lyues for the reliefe of innocentes, ſuppreſſing of male|factors and apparante offendors, no doubte my fellowes and friendes, but hee of his bountifull goodneſſe, will this day ſend vs triumphant vic|torie, and a luckie iourney ouer our proude ene|mies, and arrogant aduerſaries: for if you remẽ|ber and conſider the very cauſe of our iuſt quar|rell, you ſhall apparantly perceyue the ſame to be true, godly, and vertuous. In the whiche I doubt not, but God will rather ayde vs (yea and fight for vs) than ſee vs vanquiſhed and ouer|throwẽ by ſuch as neither fear him nor his laws, nor yet regard iuſtice or honeſtie. Our cauſe is ſo iuſt, that no enterpriſe can be of more vertue, both by the lawes diuine and ciuill, for what can be a more honeſt, goodly, or godly quarrell, than to fight againſt a Captaine, being an homicyde and murtherer of his owne bloud or progenie, an extreame deſtroyer of his nobilitie, and to hys and our Countrey and the poore ſubiectes of the ſame, a deadly malle, a fyrie brand, and a burthen vntollerable the beſyde him conſider, who bee of hys band and company, ſuch as by murther and vn|trueth committed againſt their owne kinne and linage, yea againſt their Prince and ſoueraigne Lord, haue diſherited mee and you, and wrong|fully deteyne and vſurp our lawfull patrimonie and lyneall inheritance. For he that calleth hym ſelfe King, keepeth from me the Crowne and re|gimente of this noble Realme and Countrey, contrarie to all iuſtice and equitie. Likewiſe, hys mates and friendes occupie youre landes, cutte downe your woods, and deſtroy your manours, letting your wiues and children raunge abroade for theyr liuing: which perſons for their penance and puniſhmente I doubt not, but God of hys goodneſſe will eyther deliuer into our hands, as a greate gaine and booty, or cauſe them beeyng greeued and compuncted with the pricke of theyr corrupt conſciences cowardly to flie, and not a|bide the battaile: beſide this I aſſure you, that there be yonder in the great battaile, men brou|ght thither for feare, and not for loue, ſouldyers by force compelled, and not with good will aſ|ſembled, perſons which deſire rather the deſtruc|tion than ſaluation of theyr maiſter and Cap|tayne: And finally a multitude, whereof ye moſt part will be our friends, and the leaſt part our e|nimies. For truely I doubt which is greater, the malice of the Soldyers toward theyr Captaine, or the feare of him conceyued of his people: for ſurely this rule is infallible, that as ill men day|lye couet to deſtroy the good, ſo God appoin|teth the good men to confound the ill, and of all worldly goodes the greateſt is, to ſuppreſſe Ty|rants, and relieue innocents, whereof the one is as much hated, as the other is beloued. If thys be true (as Clearkes Preache) who will ſpare yonder Tyrant Richarde Duke of Glouceſter, vntruely calling himſelfe King, conſidering that hee hath violated, and broken both the lawe of God and man? what vertue is in him whyche was the confuſion of his brother, and murtherer of his nephewes? what mercy is in him that [...]e [...]|eth his truſtie friends as well as his extreame e|nimies? Who can haue confidence in hym wh [...]|che putteth diffidence in all menne? If you [...]e not red, I haue heard of Clearkes ſay, yt Tar|quine the proude for the vice of the body loſt the Kingdome of Rome, and the name of Tarquine baniſhed the Citie for euer: yet was not hys EEBO page image 1420 faulte ſo deteſtable as the facte of cruell Nero, whiche ſlewe his owne mother, and opened hyr entrayles, to beholde the place of his conception. Behold yõder Richard, which is both Tarquine and Nero: Yea a Tyrant more than Nero, for he hath not only murthered his nephewe beeyng his King and ſoueraigne Lorde, baſtarded hys noble breethren, and defamed the wombe of hys vertuous and womanly mother, but alſo com|paſſed all the meanes and wayes that he coulde inuent, howe to defile and carnally knowe hys owne neece, vnder the pretence of a cloked ma|trimonie, whiche Lady I haue ſworne and pro|miſed to take to my make and wife, as you all knowe and beleeue. If this cauſe be not iuſt, and this quarrell godly, let God the giuer of victory, iudge and determine. We haue (thankes bee gy|uen to Chriſt) eſcaped the ſecret treaſons in Bri|taine, and auoyded the ſubtill ſnares of our frau|dulent enimies there, paſſed the troublous Seas in good and quiet ſafegard, and without reſiſtãce haue penetrate the ample region and large coũ|trey of Wales, and are now come to the place, whiche wee ſo muche deſired, for long wee haue ſoughte the furious Bore, and nowe wee haue found him. Wherefore let vs not feare to enter into the toyle where we may ſurely ſley him, for God knoweth that we haue liued in the vales of miſerie, toſſing oure Shippes in daungerous ſtormes: lette vs not nowe dread to ſet vp oure ſailes in faire weather, hauing with vs both him and good fortune. If wee hadde come to conquer Wales and had atchieued it, our prayſe had bin great, and our gayne more: but if wee win thys battayle, the whole riche Realme of Englande, with the Lords and rulers of the ſame, ſhall bee ours, the profit ſhall be ours, and the honour ſhall be ours. Therefore laboure for youre gaine, and ſweate for youre right: while wee were in Bry|tayne, we had ſmall liuings, and little plentie of wealth or welfare, nowe is the time come to get abundance of riches, and copy of profit, whyche is the reward of your ſeruice, and merit of youre payne. And this remember with your ſelues, that before vs be our enimies, and on eyther ſyde of vs be ſuche, as I neyther ſurely truſte, nor greatly beleeue, backwarde we cannot flie: So that heere wee ſtand lyke Sheepe in a folde, cir|cumcepted and compaſſed betweene our enimies and our doubtfull friends. Therefore let all feare bee ſet aſide, and like ſworne breethren, lette vs ioyne in one, for this day ſhall bee the end of oure trauayle, and the gaine of our laboure, eyther by honorable deathe or famous victorie: And as I truſt, the battayle ſhall not bee ſo ſowre, as the profit ſhall bee ſweete. Remember that victorie is not gotten with the multitude of menne, but with the courages of heartes and valiantneſſe of mindes. The ſmaller that our number [...] ye mo [...] glory is to vs if we vanquiſh, if we be ouercome, yet no lande is to bee attributed, to the victors, conſidering that ten men foughte againſte one: and if wee ſo die ſo glorious a death in ſo g [...] a quarrell, neyther freting tinne, nor ran [...]dyng obliuion, ſhall bee able to darken or thee o [...]e of the booke of fame either oure names, or oure godly attempt. And this one thing I aſſure you, that in ſo iuſt and good a cauſe, and ſo notable a quarrell, you ſhall finde mee this daye, rather a dead carrion vpon the colde grounde, than a free priſoner on a carpet in a Ladyes chamber. Let vs therefore fight like inuincible Giants, and ſet on our enimies like vntimorous Tygers, and baniſhe all feare like ramping Lyons. And now aduance forwarde true men againſt [...]ra [...]ors, pitifull perſons againſt murtherers, true inhe|ritors againſte vſurpers, the ſcourges of God a|gainſte tyraunts, diſplay my baner with a good courage, march forth like ſtrong and robuſtious champions, and begin the battaile like hardye conquerors: the battaile is at bande, and the vic|torie approcheth, and if we ſhamefully recule, or cowardly flee, we and all our ſequele be deſtroy|ed, and diſhonored for euer. This is the daye of gayne, and this is the time of loſſe, get this daye victorie, and bee conquerers, and leſe this dayes battayle and bee villaynes, and therefore in the name of God and Saint George, let euery man couragiouſly aduance forth his ſtandeth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe cheerefull words he ſet forth with ſuch geſture of his body, and ſmiling countenaunce, as though already he hadde vanquiſhed his eni|mies, and gotten the ſpoyle.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 He hadde ſcantly finiſhed his ſaying,The battayle betweene [...] Richard, a [...] King Hen|rie the ſen [...]. but the one army eſpyed the other, lord howe haſtely the ſoldiers buckled their healmes, howe quickly the archers bente their bowes and fruſhed their fea|thers, how readily the bilmen ſhoke their billes, and proued their ſlaues, ready to approche and ioyne, when the terrible trumpet ſhoulde ſounde the bloudy blaſt to victorie or death. Betweene both armies, ther was a great marreſſe then (but at this preſent, by reaſon of diches caſt, it is gro|wen to be firme ground) which ye Earle of Rich|mond left on his right hand, for this intent, that it ſhould be on that ſide a defence for hys parte, and in ſo doing, he hadde the ſunne at his backe, and in the faces of his enimies. When Kyng Richard ſawe the Earles companie was paſſed the marreſſe, he commaunded with all haſt to ſet vppon them: then the trumpettes blewe, and the ſoldiers ſhowed, and the Kings archers coura|giouſly let flie their arrowes, the Earles bownẽ ſtoode not ſtill, but payed them home agayne. The terrible ſhot once paſſed, the armies ioyned, and came to handſtrokes, where neyther ſword EEBO page image 1421 nor bill was ſpared: at whiche encounter, the L. Stanley ioyned with the Earle. The Earle of Oxford in the meane ſeaſon, fearing leaſt whyle his company was fighting, they ſhould be com|paſſed and circumuented with the multitude of the enimies, gaue commaundemente in euerye ranke, that no man ſhould be ſo hardy, as g [...] a|bout tenne foote from the ſtandard, which com|maundemente once knowen, they knitte them|ſelues togither, and ceaſſed a little from figh|ting: the aduerſaries ſuddaynely abuſhed at the matter, and miſtruſting ſome fraude or deceyte, began alſo to pauſe, and lefte ſtriking, and not a|gainſt the willes of many, whiche had leuer haue had the King deſtroyed, than ſaued, and the [...]re they foughte very fayntly, or ſtoode ſtill. The Earle of Oxforde bringing all his band togy|ther on the one parte, ſet on his enimies freſhely againe: the aduerſaries perceyuing that, placed their men ſlender and thinne before, and thycke and broad behinde beginning againe hardely the battayle. While ye two forwardes thus mortal|ly fought, eache intending to vanquiſh and co [...]| [...]ince the other, King Richard was admoniſhed by his explorators and eſpials, that the Earle of Richmond accompanyed with a ſmall mem|ber of men of armes, was not farre off, and as he approched and marched toward him, he per|fectly knewe his perſonage, by certayne demon|ſtrations and tokens, which hee had learned and knowen of other. And beeing inflamed with [...]re, and ve [...]d with [...] [...]ice he putte hys ſpurres to his Horſe, and too [...] and of the ſyde of the range of his battayle, leauing the au [...]|garde fighting, and like a hungrye Lion, ranne with ſpeare in reſt toward him. The Earle of Richmond perceyued well the King furiouſlye comming towarde him, and bycauſe the whole hope of his wealth and purpoſe was to be deter|mined by battayle, he gladly profered to encoũ|ter with him body to body, and man to man. K. Richard ſet on ſo ſharply at the firſte br [...]uie, that hee ouerthrowe the E [...]iles Standerd, and [...] Sir William Brandon this Standard bea [...] (which was father to Sir Charles Brandon by King Henry the eyghte, created Duke of Suf|folke) and [...]ched haue to hand with [...] Iohn Cheyui [...], a man of greate force and ſtrength [...], which would haue reſiſted him, and yt ſaid Iohn was by him [...]lly [...]rth own, and to hee making open paſſage by di [...] of ſworde as hee went forward, the Erle of Richmond withſtood his violence, and kept him at the ſwords poynt, without aduantage, longer than his companiõs either thought or iudged which being almoſt [...] deſpaire of victory, were ſud [...]ly recomfor|ted by ſir Williã Stanley, whyche came to his ſuccou [...]s with three thouſand tall men, at which very inſtant, King Richards men wi [...] [...]en backe and [...]de, and he himſelfe manfully figh|ting in the middle of his [...]li [...]s, who [...]e and brog [...] to his [...] as he worthly had de [...]

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Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon, the Earle of Oxforde, with the ayde of the Lorde Stanley, [...]e [...] long fight, diſcomfited the forward at King Ri|chard, whereof a get a to [...]er were ſtayne in the chaſe and fight, by ye greateſt number which compelled by feare of the King and not of theyr meete voluntarie motion came to the field, gaue neuer a ſtroke, & hauing no harme nor damage, ſa [...]ly departed, whiche [...] h [...]her in hope to ſee the king proſpect and pro [...] [...] that hee ſhoulde be ſhamefully con [...]u [...] and brought to [...]yne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In this battayle dyed [...] about the num|ber of a thouſande perſons: And of the nob [...] were, ſlayne Iohn Duke of Norfolke, whyche was [...]ed by diuers to refraine ſtou [...] ye fiel [...] EEBO page image 1422 in ſo muche that the night before he ſhoulde ſette forwarde towarde the King, one wrote on hys gate.

Compare 1587 edition: 1
Iacke of Norffolke be not to bolde
For Dikon thy maſter is boughte and ſolde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Yet al this notwithſtãding, he regarded more his othe, his honor and promiſe made to Kyng Richard, lyke a Gentleman & as a faithfull ſub|iect to his Prince, abſented not himſelfe from his maiſter, but as he faithfully liued vnder him, ſo he manfully dyed with him, to his greate fame and lande.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 There were ſlayne beſyde hym, Water Lord Ferrers of Chartley, Sir Richarde Rad|cliffe, and Roberte Brakenburie, Lieutenante of the Tower, and not many Gentlemen moe. Sir William Cateſbey, learned in the lawes of the Realme, and one of the chiefe counſaylers to the late King, with diuers other, were two days af|ter beheaded at Leyceſter. Amongſt them that ran away, were Sir Francis Vicount Louell, and Humfrey Stafford, and Thomas Stafford his brother, whiche tooke Sanctuary in Saincte Iohns at Glouceſter. Of captiues and priſoners there was a great number, for after the death of King Richard was knowen and publiſhed, eue|ry man in manner vna [...]ning himſelfe, and ca|ſting away his abilimentes of warre, meekely ſubmitted themſelues to the obeyſance and rule of the Earle of Richmond of the which, ye more part had gladly ſo done in the beginning, if they mighte haue conueniently eſcaped from Kyng Richards eſpials, which hauing as cleeres eyes as Linx, and open eares as Mydas, [...]aunged and ſearched in euery quarter. Amongſt theſe was Henrye the fourth Earle of Northumberlande, which whether it was by the commaundemente of King Richarde, putting diffidence in him, or he did it for the loue and fauour that he bare vn|to the Earle, ſtoode ſtill with a great company, and intermitted not in the battaile, whyche was incontinently receiued into fauoure, and made of the counſayle. But Thomas Howard Earle of Sufrey which ſubmitted himſelfe there, was not taken to grace, bycauſe his father was chiefe counſayler, and hee greatly familiar with Kyng Richard, but committed to the Tower of Lon|don, where he long remayned in concluſion deliuered, and for his trueth and fidelitie after promoted to high honors, offices and dignities. On the Earle of Richmondes part, were ſlayne ſcarce one hundred perſons, amongſt whom the principal was Sir William Brãdon his ſtan|derd bearer.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This battaile was foughte at Boſworth in Leyceſterſhire, the two and twentith daye of Auguſt, in the yeare of our redemption .1489. the whole conflicte endured litle aboue two houres.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Richard as the fame went, mighte haue eſcaped and gotten ſafegard by fleeing. For whẽ they which were next about his perſon ſaw and perceyued at the firſte ioyning of the battayle the ſouldiers fayntly and nothing [...] to ſet on their enimies, and not only that, but al|ſo that ſome withdrewe themſelues priuily one of the preaſe and departed, they began to [...]+pect fraude and to ſmell treaſon, and not only ex|horted, but determinately aduiſed him to [...] himſelfe by flight: and when the loſſe of the bat|taile was imminent and apparãt, they brought to him a ſwift and a light horſe, to conuey hym away.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 He whiche was not ignorant of the grudge and ill will that the commõ people bate toward him, caſting away all hope of fortunate ſucceſſe and happie chance to come, aunſwered (as men ſay) that on that day he would make an ende of all battailes, or elſe there finiſhe his life. Suche a great audacitie and ſuch a ſtout ſtomacke [...]g|ned in his body, for ſurely he knew that to be the day in the which it ſhould be decided and deter|mined whither he ſhould peaceably obteyne and enioy his kingdome during his life, or elſe vtter|ly forgoe and be depriued of the ſame, with whi|che to much hardineſſe, he being ouercome, haſti|ly cloſed his helmet, and entred fiercely into the hard battaile, to the intent to obteyne that daye a quiet raigne and regimente, or elſe to finiſhe there his vnquiet life, and vnfortunate [...]er|naunce. And ſo this miſe [...] at ye ſame very [...]te, hadde like chaunce and fortune, as happeneth to ſuch which in place of right iuſtice and [...]ie, folowing their ſẽſual appetite, loue, & vſe to [...]m|brace miſchiefe, tyrannie, and vnthriftn [...]ſſe. Surely theſe be examples of more [...], tho [...] mãs tong can expreſſe, to feare an [...]ne ſuche euill perſons, as will not lyue one [...]ce [...] from doing and exerciſing [...] [...]ſ|chiefe for outragious liuing.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Earle had thus obteyned [...], and ſlayne his mortall enimie, he [...] downe and rendred to almightie God his harty [...]s, with depute and godly oriſons, be [...] hys [...] to ſende him grace to aduarice and de|fende the Catholike faith, and to mainteyne iu|ſtice and concord amongſt his ſubiects and peo|ple, by God now to his gouernaunce committed and aſſigned.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Which prayer finished, hee replenished with incomperable gladnesse, ascended vppe to the toppe of a little Mountaine, where hee not onely praysed and lawded his valiane soldiers, but also gaue vnto them his harty thankes, with promise EEBO page image 1423 promise of condigne recompence for their fidelitie and valiante factes, willing and commannding all the hurt and wounded persons, to be cured, and the dead carcases to bee delivered to the sepulture. Then the people reioyced, and clapped theyr hands crying vp to heauen, King Henry King Henry.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Lord Stanley sawe the good will and gladnesse of the people, he toke the crown of King Richard whiche was founde amongst the spoyle in the field, and set it on the Earles head, as though he had ben elected king by the voice of the people, in auncient tymes past in dyuers realmes it hath bene accustomed: and this was the firste signe and token of his good lucke and felicitie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 I must put you heere in remembrance, howe that king Richard putting some diffidence in the Lord Stanley, whiche had with him as an hostage the Lord Strange, his eldest sonne, which lorde Stanley (as ye haue heard before) ioyned not at the fyrst with his sonne in lawes armye, for feare that king Richard wold haue slayn the Lord Straunge his heyre. When king Richard was come to Bosworth, he sente a pursiuant to the lorde Stanley, commaundyng him to aduaunce forward with his companie, and to come to his presence, which thing if he refused to do, he sware by Christes passion, that he woulde stryke off his sonnes head before he dyned. The Lorde Stanley anſwered the purſuant that the king did ſo, he had more ſonnes lyue, and as to come to hym, he was not then ſo determined. When king Richarde hearde this an ſwete, he commaun|ded the lorde Straunge incontinent to be [...]|ded, which was at that very ſame ſeaſon, when both the armies had ſight eche of other. The coũ|ſaylors of king Richard poudering the time and cauſe, knowing alſo the Lorde Straunge to be innocẽt of his fathers offence, perſuading the K. that it was now tyme to fyght, and not [...] for execution, aduiſing him to kepe the lord Strange as a priſoner till the battayle were ended, & then at leyſure his pleaſure myght be accompliſhed. So (as God wold) king Richard brake his holy othe, and the Lorde was deliuered to the kepers of the kinges Tentes, to be kepte as a priſoner: which when the fielde was done, and theyr mai|ſter ſlaine, and proclamation made to knowe where the chyld was, they ſubmitted themſelues as priſoners to the Lorde Strange, and he gent|ly receiued them, and brought them to the newe proclaymed King, where of him and of his fa|ther, hee was receued with great ioy and glad|neſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 After this whole campe remoued wyth bagge and baggage, and the same night in the Euening King Henry with great pompe came to the Towne of Lycester. Where as well for the refreshyng of hys people and souldiours, as for preparing all thyngs necessarie for his iourney towarde London, hee rested and reposed himself twoo dayes. In the meane season, the deade corps of king Rycharde was as shamefully caryed to the Towne of Leycester, as he gorgeously the day before wyth pompe & pryde departed out of the same Towne. For his body was naked and dyspoiled to the skin, and nothing left about him, not so much as a clowte to couer hys priuie members, and was trussed behinde a Pursyuant of armes called Blaunche Senglier, or White Bore, like a Hog or Calfe, the head and armes hanging on the one side of the horse, and the legs on the other side, and all besprinckled with mire & bloude was broughte to the gray Friers Churche within the Towne, & there lay like a miserable spectacle: but surely considering hys mischieuous actes and vngracious dooyngs, men may worthely wonder at suche a caytiue: and in the sayde Churche he was wyth no lesse funerall pompe and solemnitie enterred, than he woulde to be done at the buriyng of his innocent Nephewes, whom he caused cruelly to be murthered, & unnaturally to be quelled.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When hys deathe was knowne, fewe lamented, and manye reioysed: the proude bragging white Bore (whiche was his badge) was violently rased and plucked downe from euery sight and place where it might be espied, so ill was his life, that men wished the memorie of hym to be buried wyth hys carren corpse. Hee reigned twoo yeares, twoo moneths, and one day.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 As he was ſmall [...] of ſtature, ſo was he of bodie greatly de [...]ed, the one ſhuld [...] higher than the other, his [...] ſmall, but his countenãnce was cruell, and ſuche, that at the firſte aſpect a ma [...] [...] iudge it to ſauour and ſmell of ma|lice, fraude and deceit: when he ſtode muſing, he woulde byte and chawe buſily his nether lippe, as who ſayde, that his fierce nature in his cruell bo|die, alwais chafed, ſtirred, and was euer vnquiet: beſyde that, the dagger whiche he ware, he wold when he ſtudyed, with his hande plucke vp and downe in the ſheath to the mids, neuer drawing it fully out: he was of a ready, pregnant & quicke witte, wyly to fayne, and apt to diſſemble: he had a proude mynde and an arrogant ſtomacke, the whiche accompanied him euen to his death, ra|ther chuſing to ſuffer the ſame by dint of ſword, than being forſaken and left helpleſſe of hys vn|faithfull companyons, to preſerue by cowardly flight, ſuche a frayle and vncertayn lyfe, whiche by malice, ſicknes, or condigne puniſhment was lyke ſhortly to come to confuſion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 EEBO page image 1424Thus ended this Prince his mortall life, with infarny & diſhonor, whiche neuer preferred fame or honeſtie before ambition, tyrannie and miſ|chiefe. And if hee had continued ſtill Protector, and ſuffered his Nephewes to haue liued and raigned, no doubt but the Realm had proſpered, and he much prayſed and beloued, as he is nowe abhorred, and had in hatted but to God whyche knew his inwarde thoughtes at the houre of hys death, I remitte the puniſhment of his offences committed in his life.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Henry the ſeauenth cauſed a Tombe to bee made and ſet vp ouer the place where hee was buried in the Churche of the grey Frier [...] at Leyceſter, with a picture of alablaſter, repreſen|ting his perſon, doing that honor to his enemie, vpon a princely regard and pitifull zeale whyche King Richard (moued of an ypocriticall ſhewe of counterfaite pitie) did to King Henry ye ſixte, whome he had firſt cruelly murthered, and after in the ſecond yeare of his vſurped raigne, cau|ſed his corpes to bee remoued from Chertſey vnto Windeſore, and there ſolemnely enter|red.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 And nowe to conclude wyth this c [...]ell Ty|rant king Richarde, wee maye conſider in what ſorte the ambitious deſire to rule and gouerne in the houſe of Yorke, was puniſhed by Goc [...]tu [...] prouidence: for although that the right myghte ſeeme to remayne in the perſon of Richard duke of Yorke, flayne at Wakefielde, yet may there bee a faulte worthyly reputed in hym ſo to ſeeke to preuent the tyme appoynted hym by autho|ritie of Parliamente to attayne to the Crowne, entayled to hym and hys iſſue, in whome alſo, and not onely in hymſelfe that offence (as may bee thoughte) was duely puniſhed: for although his eldeſt fonne Edwarde the fourthe, beeyng a Prince right prouidente and circumſpect for the suretie of hys owne estate and his children, in so muche, that not contented to cut off all his armed and apparant enimyes, he also of a iealous feare, made away his brother the Duke of Clarence, and so thoughte to make it all sure. But Gods vengeaunce myght not bee disappoynted, for as ye haue partely hearde, he didde but further therby the destruction of his issue in takyng awaye hym that onely myghte haue stayed the Turkishe crueltie of his brother of Gloucester, who enraged for desire of the kingdome, berefte his innocent nephues of their lyues and estates. And as it thus well appeared, that the house of Yorke shewed it selfe more bloudye in seeking to obteyne the kyngdom, than that of Lancaster in vsurping it: So it came to passe, that the Lords vengeaunce appeared more heauie towardes the same than towardes the other, not ceassyng to tyll the whole issue male of the sayd Richarde duke of Yorke was extinguished. For suche is Gods Iustice, to leaue no vnrepentant wickednes vnpunished, as especially in thys caytife Richarde the thirde, not deseruing so muche as the name of a man, muche lesse of a kyng, moste manifestly appeared.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But nowe of learned menne that lyued, and wrote in the dayes of this vsurper and hys nephew king Edward the fyfth, these we fynde recorded by Iohn Bale: firste Iohn Penketh an Augustine Frier of Warington in Lancashire, a right suttle fellow in disputation, folowing the footesteppes of his Maister Iohn Duns, whom he chiefly studied. He wrote diuers treatises, and made that infamous sermon at Poules crosse, in fauour of the Duke of Gloucester then protector, to the disinheriting of Edward the fifth, his laufull king and gouernour: Iohn Kent or Cayley borne in South wales: George Riplay first a Chanon of Bridlington, and after a Carmelite Frier in Boston, a greate Mathematician, Rhetorician and Poet: Iohn Spyne a Carmelite Frier of Bristowe, that proceeded Doctour of diuinitie in Cambridge, and suche lyke.

1.19. King Henry the ſeuenth.

EEBO page image 1425

King Henry the ſeuenth.

[figure appears here on page 1425]

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Henry the .vij. Anno. re. 1. _KIng Hẽry hauing thus got the victorie at Boſ|worth, & ſlayn his mor|tal enemie there in field, he ſente before his depar|ture from Leyceſter, ſir Rob. Willoughby kni|ghte, to the manour of Sheriffehuton in the coũtie of York, for Edward Plantagenet Earle of Warwik, ſon and heire to George duke of Clarence then being of the age of xv. yeares, whom king Richard had kept there as priſoner during the tyme of his vſurped reigne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Sir Robert Willoughby receyuing the yong Earle of the Conſtable of that Caſtel, conueyed him to London, wher he was ſhut vp in the To|wer,The Earle of Warvvicke ſet and heare to George duke at Clarence conuerted to [...]e Tovver. for doubt leaſt ſome vnquiet and euill diſpo|ſed perſons might inuent ſome occaſion of newe trouble by this yong Gentleman, and therefore king Henry thought good to haue him ſure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 There was beſide him in the caſtell of She|riffehut in the Ladye Elizabeth eldeſt daugh|ter to Kyng Edward the fourth, whome Kyng Rycharde, as yee haue hearde, meant to haue marryed, but God otherwyſe ordeyned for hir, and preſerued hir from that vnlawfull copula|tion and inceſtuous bedde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Shortly after, ſhe being accompanyed with a greate number as wel of noble men, as hono|rable matrones, was wyth good ſpeed conueyed to London, and brought to hir mother. In the meane ſeaſon kyng Henry remoued forwarde by ſoft iourneys toward London, the people com|myng in from all ſides to behold him, and ex|ceedingly reioycing at his preſence,King Henrye [...]reth to London. as by their voyces and geſtures it well appeared.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At his approching nere to the citie, the Mayre and his brethren, with other worſhipfull Citi|zens, being cloathed in violet, met him at Shor|diche, and reuerently ſaluted hym, and ſo wyth greate pompe and triumph, he rode through the citie to the cathedrall Churche of Saint Paule, where he offred three ſtandards: In the one was the image of Saint George, in an other was a red fyerie dragon beaten vpon white and greene ſarcenet, and in the third was paynted a Dunne cowe, vpon yealow tarterne. After his prayers ſayd, and Te deum ſong, he departed to the Bi|ſhops palaice, and there ſoiorned a ſeaſon. Anon after, he aſſembled togither ye ſage counſellors of the realme, in which counſel lyke a Prince of iuſt fayth and true of promiſe, to anoyde all ciuile diſcorde, he apointed a day to ioyne in mariage with the Lady Elizabeth, heire of the houſe of York, with his noble perſonage, heire to the liue of Lancaſter, whiche thing not onely reioyced the heartes of the nobles and Gentlemen of the realme, but alſo gayned the fauours and good willes of all the commons.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 After this, with great pompe he rowed vnto Weſtminſter, and there the thirtith day of Oc|tober, was with all ceremonies accuſtomed, a|noynted, and crowned king, by the whole aſſent as well of the commons as of the nobilitie,Henry the ſe|uenth crovv|ned King. and cleped Henry the ſeuenth of that name, whiche was in the yeare of the worlde .5452. and after the birth of our Lorde .1485. in the .xlvj. yeare of Frederike the thirde then Emperour of Almayne Maximilian his ſonne being newly elected K. of Romaines,1485 in the ſeconde yeare of Charles the eyght then king of Fraunce, and in the .xxv. of king Iames, then ruling the realm of Scotland. For the eſtabliſhing of all things, as well tou|ching the preſeruation of his owne eſtate, as the commendable adminiſtration of iuſtice and pre|ferrement of the common wealth of his realme, he called his hygh court of Parliament at Weſt|minſter the ſeuenth day of Nouember,A Parliament at VVeſtmiv|ſter, and a ge|nerall Pardo [...] wherein was attainted Richarde late Duke of Glouce|ſter, calling and namyng himſelfe by vſurpati|on, King Richard the thirde: likewiſe there was attainted as chiefe ayders and aſſiſtants to him in the battayle at Boſworth, auaunced againſte the preſent Kyng, Iohn late Duke of Norf|folke, Thomas Earle of Surrey, Francis Lo|uell knyght Vicont Louell. Water Deuereux knight late lorde Ferrers, Iohn lorde Souche, Robert Harrington, Richarde Charleton, Ri|chard Ratcliffe, William Barkley of Weley, Robert Midleton, Iames Harrington, Roberte Brakẽbury, Thomas Pilkinton, Walter Hop|ton, William Cateſby, Roger Wake, Williã Sapcote of the countie of Huntington, Hum|frey Stafforde, William Clerke of Wenlocke, Geoffrey Sainte Germaine, Richarde Wat|kyns Herraulde of Armes, Rycharde Reuell of Darbyſhire, Thomas Pulter of the countie of Kente, Iohn Walche, otherwyſe called Ha|ſtynges, Iohn Kendall late Secretarie of the ſayde Richarde late Duke of Glouceſter, Iohn Bucke, Andrewe Rat, and Willyam Bramp|ton of Burforde, in whiche atteynder neuerthe|leſſe there were dyuers clauſes and Prouiſos for the benefyte of their wiues and other perſons EEBO page image 1426 that hadde or myghte clayme any ryghte, title, or intereſt lawfully vnto any caſtels, manours, lordſhips, townes, townſhips, honors, lands, te|nementes, rentes, ſeruices, fee fermes, annuities, knightes fees, aduouſons, reuerſions, remainders, and other hereditaments, wherof the ſaid perſons atteynted were poſſeſſed or ſeyſed, to the vſes of ſuche other perſons, with a ſpeciall prouiſo alſo, that the ſayd atteynder ſhould not be preiudiciall to Iohn Cateſby knight, Tho. Reuell, and Wil|liam Aſhby eſquiers, in, of, and vpon the manor of Kirkeby vpon Wretheke in the Countie of Leyceſter, nor in of and vppon any other landes and tenementes in Kirkby aforeſayde, Melton, Somerby, Throp [...]eghfield, and Godeby, whiche they had of the gift & feoffement of Tho. Dau|uers, and Iohn Lye. And further notwith|ſtanding this attainder, dyuers of the ſayde per|ſons afterwardes were not only by the Kig par|doned, but alſo reſtored to their lands & liuings: and moreouer in this preſente Parliamente, hee cauſed poclamation to be made, that al mẽ, were pardoned and acquited of their offences, whiche woulde ſubmit themſelues to his mercy, and re|ceiue an othe to be true and faithfull vnto hym: whervpon many that came out of Sainctuaries and other places were receiued to grace, and ad|mitted for his ſubiectes. After this, hee began to remember his eſpeciall frends, of whom ſome he aduaunced to honor and dignitie, and ſome hee enriched with goodes and poſſeſſions, euery man according to his deſerts and merites. And to be|gin, his vncle Iaſper erle of Pembroke, he crea|ted duke of Bedford: Tho. lorde Stanley was created erle of Darby, & the L. Chandew of Bri|tain his eſpecial frend, he made erle of Bath: Sir Giles Daubency was made lord Daubeney: ſir Robert Willoughby was made L. Brooke: And Edward Stafforde eldeſt ſonne to Henrye late Duke of Buckingham, he reſtored to his name, dignitie and poſſeſſions, which by king Richard were confiſcate and attainted.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Beſide this, in this parliament was this nota|ble acte aſſented to and concluded as followeth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3

To the pleaſure of Almightye God, wealth, proſperitie and ſuretie of this Realme of Eng|land, and to the ſingular comfort of all the kin|ges ſubiectes of the ſame, in auoyding all ambi|guitie and queſtions:An acte for the eſtablishing of the Crovvne. Be it ordeined, eſtabliſhed, and enacted by this preſent parliament, that the inheritance of the crowne of this realme of En|gland, and alſo of Fraunce, with all the preemi|nẽce, and dignitie royal to the ſame apertaining and all other ſeigniories to the king belongyng, beyond the ſea, wt the appurtenãces therto in any wiſe due or apertaining, ſhal reſt remain & abide in the moſt royal perſon of our nowe ſoueraigne lord K. Henry the ſeuẽth, and in the heires of his body laufully coming, perpetually, with ye grace of god ſo to endure, & in none other.
And beſide this act, al atteynders of this K. enacted by king Edward and Kyng Richard were adnichilate, and the recorde of the ſame adiudged to be defa|ced, and all perſones attented for his cauſe and occaſion were reſtored to their goods landes and poſſeſſions.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Diuers acts alſo made in this time of king Ed|ward and king Richard were reuoked, and other adiudged more expedient for the cõmon wealthe were put in their places and concluded. After the diſſolution of this parliament, the king remem|bring his frends left in hoſtage beyonde the ſeas, that is to wit, the Marques Dorſet, and ſir Io. Bourchier, he with all conueniẽt ſpede redemed them, & ſente alſo into Flanders for Iohn Mor|ton Biſhop of Ely. Theſe actes performed, he choſe to bee of his counſayle, a conuenient num|ber of right graue and wyſe counſellours.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Although by this meanes al things ſeemed to be brought in good and perfect order, yet ther lac|ked a wreſt to the harpe, to ſet all the ſtrings in a monacorde and perfecte tune, which was the matrimonie to be finiſhed betwene the king and the Lady Elizabeth, daughter to king Edward, which like a good Prince, according to his othe, & promiſe,

King Henrye the ſeuenthe ta|keth to vvife Elizabeth el|deſte daughter of Edvvard the fourthe.


did both ſolemniſe & coſummate ſhorte|ly after, that is to ſaye, on the .xviij. day of Ia|nuarie, by reaſon of whych mariage, peace was thought to deſcende out of heauen into Englãd, conſidering that the lynes of Lancaſter & Yorke were now brought into one knot, and connexed togither, of whoſe two bodies, one heire myghte ſucceede to rule and enioye the whole monarchie and realme of Englande. Shortly after, for the better preſeruation of his royall perſon, he con|ſtituted and ordeyned a certaine number, as well of good Archers, as of dyuers other perſons, har|die, ſtrong, and actiue, to giue dayly attendance on his perſone, whome he named yeomen of his garde,Yeomen of the garde firſte brought in. which preſident men thought that he ler|ned of the French king, when he was in France.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 For it is not remembred, that any Kyng of Englande before that daye vſed any ſuch furni|ture of dayly ſouldiours.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 In the ſame yeare a newe kynde of ſickneſſe inuaded ſodeynly the people of this lande,Another parlia|ment the ſame yeare. paſ|ſing thorough the ſame from the one ende to the other. It began about the .xxj. of September, and continued till the latter end of October, be|yng ſo ſharpe and deadly, that the lyke was ne|uer hearde of to any mannes remembrance be|fore that tyme. For ſodeynely a deadely bur|nyng ſweate ſo aſſayled theyr bodies,The ſvveating ſickeneſſe. and di|ſtempered their bloud wyth a moſte ardent heat, that ſcarſe one amongſt an hundred that ſickned did eſcape with life: for all in maner as ſoone as EEBO page image 1427 the ſweat tooke them, or within a ſhort tyme af|ter yelded vp the ghoſt: beſyde the great number which deceaſſed within the citie of London two Mayres ſucceſſiuely died within viij. days & .vj. Aldermẽ. At length by the diligent obſeruatiõ of thoſe that eſcaped (whiche marking what things had done thẽ good, & holpen to their deliuerance, vſed the lyke agayne: when they fell into the ſame diſeaſe,A remedye for [...]e ſvveating [...]ſſe. the ſecond or thirde tyme, as to dy|uers it chaunced, a remedie was founde for that mortall maladie, which was this: If a man on the daye tyme were taken with the ſweate, then ſhould he ſtreight lye downe withal his clothes and garments, and continue in hys ſweat .xxiiij. houres, after ſo moderate a ſort as might bee. If in the nyghte hee chaunced to be taken, then ſhoulde he not ryſe out of his bedde for the ſpace of .xxiiij. houres, ſo caſtyng the cloathes that he myght in no wyſe prouoke the ſweate, but ſo lye temperately, that the water mighte diſtyll out ſoftly of the owne accord, and to abſtein from all meat if he might ſo long ſuffer hunger, & to take no more drinke neyther hot nor colde, thã wold moderatly quench & aſſuage his thirſtie appetite. And thus with lukewarme drinke, temperate heate, and meaſurable clothes manye eſcaped: fewe whiche vſed this order after it was founde out dyed of that ſweat. Mary one point diligẽt|ly aboue all other in this cure is to be obſerued, that he neuer put out his hande or feete out of the bed, to refreſhe or coole himſelf, which to do is no leſſe ieopardie than ſhort and preſent death.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thus this diſeaſe comming in the firſt yeare of king Henries reigne, was iudged (of ſome) to be a token and ſigne of a troublous reigne of the ſame king, as the profe partly afterwardes ſhe|wed it ſelfe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The king ſtanding in neede of money to diſ|charge ſuche debtes, and to maynteyn ſuch port as was behouefull, ſente the Lorde Treaſourer with Maiſter Reignold Bray, and others, vnto the Lord Mayre of London, requiryng of the Citie a preſt of ſixe thouſand markes. Whervp|on the ſayd Lord Mayre and his brethren, with the Commons of the Citie, graunted a preaſt of two thouſande poundes, whiche was leuyed of the companies, and not of the wardes: and in the yeare next enſuyng, it was well and tru|ly agayne repayde euery penny, to the good con|tentation and ſatiſfying of them that diſbur|ſed it.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The king conſidering that the ſuretie of his royall eſtate and defence of the realme conſiſted chiefly in good lawes and ordinaunces to bee hadde and obſerued among his people, ſummo|ned eftſoones his highe courte of Parliamente, therein to deuiſe and eſtabliſhe ſome profitable actes and ſtatutes, for the wealth and commo|ditie of his people, and then after hauyng ſette thinges in quiet about London, hee tooke his iorney into the North partes, there to purge all the dregges of malicious treaſon that myghte reſt in the heartes of vnquiet perſons, and name|ly in Yorkeſhire, where the people bare more fa|uour vnto king Richarde in his lyfe tyme, than thoſe of any other part of the realm had cõmon|ly doon. He kept the feaſt of Eaſter at Lincolne, where hee was certified that the Lorde Louell and Humfrey Stafforde, and Thomas Staf|forde, his brother were departed out of the San|ctuarie at Colcheſter, to what place or whether no man as yet could tell.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The King little regarding the matter, kept on his iourney, and came to Yorke, where as ſoone as he was once ſetled, it was openly ſhewed and declared for a truthe to the King hymſelfe,A rebellion made by the Lord Louell and others. that Frauncis Lorde Louell was at hande wyth a ſtrong and mightye power of men, and woulde with all diligence inuade the citie, alſo that the forenamed Staffords were in Worceſterſhire,Humfrey Staf|forde. Thomas Staf|forde. & had reyſed a greate bande of the countrey people and commons there, and hadde caſte lottes what parte ſhould aſſault the gates, what men ſhould ſcale the walles of the Citie of Worceſter, and who ſhould let the paſſages for lettyng of reſcues and aiders.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Kyng coulde not beleeue thys reporte to bee true at the firſte, but after that by Letters of credence ſente from hys friendes, hee was fully perſwaded that it was too true, hee was put in no ſmall feare, and not without greate cauſe, for hee wiſely conſidered, that hee neyther hadde any competent army ready, nor conuenient fur|niture to arme them that were preſent. And alſo hee was in ſuche place, where hee coulde not aſ|ſemble anye power, but of thoſe whome hee ſore miſtruſted, as friendes to them that were moſte his enemies, the memorie of King Richarde as yet being not amongſt thẽ forgotten nor worne out of minde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But bycauſe the matter required quicke ex|pedition, hee appoynted the Duke of Bedforde wyth three thouſande men not altogyther the beſte armed (for theyr breaſt plates for the moſt parte were of tanned leather,) to marche foorth agaynſt the Lorde Louell, and to ſette vppon him without any lingring of tyme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Duke haſtyng forwarde, approchyng to the Campe of hys enimyes, and before hee woulde aſſayle them, hee cauſed the Herraldes to make proclamation, that all thoſe that wold departe from theyr armure, and ſubmitte them|ſelues as ſubiectes vnto theyr naturall Prince and ſoueraigne Lorde, ſhould be pardoned of all former offences.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Lord Louel vppon this Proclamation, EEBO page image 1428 eyther putting myſtruſt in hys Souldiours, or fearyng himſelfe in his owne behalfe, fled priui|ly in a nyght from his companie, and lefte them as a flocke of ſheepe without a ſhepeherd: which departure when his armie vnderſtoode, it put the ſouldiours in ſuche diſpayre of atchieuing anye further enterpriſe, that they immediatly put off their armour, and came directly vnto the Duke, euery man humbly ſubmitting himſelfe, and de|ſiring pardon of his offences.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 So in this wyſe was that dangerous ſtorme and cruell rage of thoſe furious rebelles appea|ſed, whiche was doubted to haue growne to the deſtruction of many a man. The Lord Louell the procurer of this buſineſſe, eſcapyng awaye, got him into Lancaſhyre, and there for a certain ſpace laye lurkyng in ſecrete with Sir Thomas Broughton knight, which in thoſe parties was a man of no ſmall authoritie & power. Sir Hum|frey Stafforde alſo hearyng what hadde happe|ned to the Lorde Louell,Sir Humfrey Stafforde taken out of Colnehã Sanctuary, and executed. in great diſpleaſure and ſorrowe, and for feare lefte his enterpryſe, and in lyke manner fledde, and tooke Sainctuarie at C [...]ham, a village not paſte two myles from Abyndon. But bycauſe that Sainctuarie was not a ſufficient defence (as was proued before the Iuſtices of the Kings benche) for traytours, hee was taken from that place, and broughte to the Tower, and after put to execution at Tyborne: but his brother Thomas that was with hym, was pardoned, bycauſe hee was thought not to haue attempted anye thyng of hym ſelfe other|wyſe than by the euill counſell and perſwaſion of his elder brother.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 An. reg. 2. After that the Kyng hadde quieted all theſe commotions and tumultes, and reformed the rude & brabblyng people of the North partes, he retourned to London, and ſhortly after he went to Wincheſter,The birth of Prince Arthur. where his wyfe Queene Eli|zabeth was brought to bedde of a fayre Prince, named at his baptiſme Arthur.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In thys meane tyme, of a ſmall matter and the ſame altogether falſe and fayned, there was an open path made and beaten foorth, for a grea|ter inconuenience to enſue: the whyche matter myghte ſeeme verye ſtraunge howe ſuche trou|ble and myſchiefe ſhoulde growe thereof, if the tyme were not conſydered, in whyche it happe|ned: for in thoſe dayes manye perſons, ey|ther borne in the wombe of continuall diſſen|tion, or nouryſhed wyth the mylke of Ciuile ſedition, coulde not forbeare theyr vſuall Cu|ſtome of mouyng ſtryfe, and ſowyng debate, euer gladde to haue any occaſion, thoughe ne|uer ſo ſmall, to ſtyrre vprores of warre, and ſlaughter of people.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Amongeſt other ſuche monſters and lym|mes of the Diuell, there was one Sir Richard Symond Prieſt, a man of baſe byrthe,Sir Richarde Simond a Prieſte. and yet well learned, but not ſo learned as wyly, nor ſo wylye as vngracious, delightyng in fraude and deceyte, euen from hys youthe vppe, had a ſcho|ler called Lamberte Symenell,Lambert [...]+nell the co [...]|terf [...]t Earle of VVarvvicke one of a gentle nature and pregnaunt witte, to bee the organe and chiefe Inſtrument, by the whych he might conueye and bryng to paſſe hys myſchie [...]s attempte.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The diuell chiefe maiſter of ſuche practiſes, put in the venemous brayne of this diſloyal and trayterous Prieſte, to deuyſe howe hee myghte make his Scholler the foreſayde Lamberte to bee reputed as ryght inheritour to the Crowne of thys realme: namely for that the fame went that Kyng Edwardes chyldren were not dead, but fledde ſecretely into ſome ſtraunge place, and there to be lyuyng: and that Edward earle of Warwyke, ſonne and heyre to the Duke of Clarence, either was, or ſhortly ſhuld be put vn|to death.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe rumors though they ſemed not to be grounded of any lykelyhoode to the wyſer ſor [...]e of men, yet encouraged this pieniſhe Prieſte to thinke the tyme come, that his Scholer Lam|bert might take vpon him the perſon and name of one of king Edwardes children, and herevp|pon at Oxforde, where their abyding was, the ſaid Prieſt inſtructed his pupil both with prince|ly behauiour, ciuill maners, and good literature, declaryng to hym of what lynage he ſhould af|firme himſelfe to be deſcended, and omitted no|thing that might ſerue for his purpoſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Soone after, the rumour was blowne abrode, that the Earle of Warwike was broken out of priſon. And when the Prieſt ſir Richarde Sy|monde hearde of this, he ſtreight intended now by that occaſion to bryng his inuented purpoſe to paſſe, and chaungyng the chyldes name of baptiſme, called him Edward, after the name of the yong Earle of Warwike, the whiche were both of lyke yeres, & of like ſtature, and then he with his ſcholer ſayled into Irelande, where hee ſo ſette foorth the mater vnto the nobilitie of that countreye,Thomas Ge|rardine Cha [...]|celor of I [...]. that not onely the Lorde Thomas Gerardine Chauncellour of that lande deceiued through his craftie tale, receyued the counterfaite Earle into his Caſtell, with all honour and re|uerence, but alſo many other noble men, deter|mined to ayde hym (with all their powers) as one deſcended of the bloud royall, and lyneally come of the houſe of Yorke, whiche the Iriſhe people euermore hyghly fauored, honoured and loued aboue all other.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 By this meanes euery manne throughout all Irelande, was willyng and ready to take his parte, and to ſubmit themſelues to him, already reputing and calling him of all hands king. So EEBO page image 1429 that nowe they of this ſecte by the aduice of the Prieſte ſente into England certayn priuie meſ|ſangers to get friendes here, & alſo they ſent into Flanders to ye Ladie Margarete,Margaret Du [...]|ch [...] of B [...]| [...]gne ſiſter to [...]g Edvvard the fourthe. ſiſter to King Edward, & late wyfe to Charles Duke of Bur|gogne, to purchaſe ayde and helpe at hir handes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thys Ladie Margarete bare no ſmal rule in the low countreys, and [...] verie deede ſore geud|ged in hir heart, that Kyng Henrye being de|ſcended of the houſe of Lancaſter, ſhould reigne and gouerne the realme of Englande: and ther|fore though ſhe well vnderſtoode, that thys was but a coloured matter, [...]t to woorke hir mali|cious intention againſt K. Henry, ſhe was glad to haue ſo fitte an occaſion: and therefore pro|miſed the meſſengers all the ayde that ſhe ſhould bee able to make in furtheraunce of the quarrell, and alſo to procure al the frendes ſhe could in o|ther places to be aiders and partakers of the ſame conſpiracie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Kyng Henrye aduertized of al theſe doings, was greately vexed therwith, and therefore to haue good aduiſe in the matter, hee called togy|ther his counſell at the Charterhouſe beſyde his manour of Richmond, and there conſulted with thẽ, by which meanes beſt this begon conſpiracie might be appeſed and diſappointed without more diſturbaunce. It was therfore determined, that a generall pardon ſhould be publiſhed to all offen|ders that were content to receyue the ſame.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This pardon was ſo freely graunted, that no offence was excepted, no not ſo muche as high treaſon committed agaynſte the Kinges royall perſon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 It was further agreed in the ſame Counſell for the tyme then preſent, that the Erle of War|wike ſhould perſonally be ſhewed abroade in the citie, and other publike places, whereby the vn|true reporte falſly ſpred abroade, that he ſhoulde be in Irelande, myght be amongeſt the commi|naltie proued and knowen for a vayne imagi|ned lye.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In this ſolemne counſel diuers & many things for the wealth of the realme were debated & con|cluded, and amongeſt other it was determyned,Lady Eliza|beth late vvife to King Ed|vvarde the fourthe, adiud|ged to forfeit [...] hir landes. that the Lady Elizabeth wyfe to King Edward the fourth, ſhould leeſe and forfayte all hir lands and poſſeſſions, bycauſe ſhe had voluntarily ſub|mitted hir ſelfe, and hir daughters wholly to the handes of king Richarde, contrarye to hir pro|miſe made to the Lordes and nobles of thys realme in the beginnyng of the conſpiracie made againſt king Richard, wherby ſhe did inough to haue quayled all the purpoſe of them that ioyned with hir in that mater: But thoughe hir faulte was greeuous, yet was it iudged by ſome men that ſhee deſerued not by equitie of Iuſtice ſo greate a loſſe and puniſhement.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But ſuche was hir chaunce by that hir light|neſſe and incouſtancie, ſhe wanne the diſplea|ſure o [...] many manner, and for that cauſely p [...] after [...] the abbey of Be [...]ndſey beſyde So [...]h|warke, a wretched and a miſerable lyfe, where not manye yeeres after ſhe deceaſſed, and is bu|ryed with hir huſband at Windſore.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Though Fortune thus ruleth many thynges at his pleaſure, yet one woorke that this Queene accompliſhed, can not bee forgotten: For in the lyfe tyme of hir huſbande Kyng Edwarde the fourth,Queenes col|ledge in Cam|bridge founded by the Lady E|lizabeth Kyng Edvvarde the fourthe hys vvidovve. ſhee founded and erected a notable Col|ledge in the vniuerſitie of Cambridge for the fynding of Scholers and ſtudentes of the ſame vniuerſitie, and endowed it with ſufficient poſ|ſeſſions for the long mayntenaunce of the ſame, whyche at thys daye is called the Queenes Colledge.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When all thyngs in thys counſell were ſa|gely concluded and agreed to the kings mynde, he retourned to London, giuing in commaunde|ment that the next Sunday enſuyng, Edward the young Earle of Warwike ſhuld be brought from the Tower thorough the moſte publyque ſtreetes in all London, to the Cathedrall Chur|che of Saint Paule, where hee wente openlye in Proceſſion, that euery man myght ſee him, hauing communication with many noblemen, and with them eſpecially, that were ſuſpected to bee partakers of the late begonne conſpiracye, that they myght perceyue howe the Iriſhmenne vppon a vayne ſhadowe moued warre againſte the Kyng and his realme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But this medicine little auayled to euill diſ|poſed perſons. For the Earle of Lincolne ſonne to Iohn de la Poole Duke of Suffolk, and Eli|zabeth ſiſter to king Edwarde the fourth, thyn|king it not meete to neglect and omitte ſo ready an occaſion of newe trouble, determyned to vpholde the enterpriſe of the Iriſhmenne, and other complices of this conſpiracie: Whervp|pon conſultyng wyth Syr Thomas Brough|ton, and certayne other of hys moſte truſtye friendes, purpoſed to ſayle into Flaunders ſo his Aunte the Lady Margaret ducheſſe of Bur|gogne, truſting by hir helpe to make a puiſſant armie, and to ioyne with the companions of the newe raiſed ſedition.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Therefore after the diſſolution of the Parlia|mente, whiche then was holden, he fledde ſecret|ly into Flaunders vnto the ſayd Ladie Marga|rete, where Francis Lorde Louell landed cer|taine dayes before. Here after long conſulta|tion had howe to proceede in their buſineſſe, it was agreed, that the Earle of Lyncolne, and the Lorde Louell ſhoulde goe into Irelande, and there to attend vpon the ducheſſe hir coun|terfaite nephue, & to honor him as a K. and with EEBO page image 1430 the power of the Iriſhemen to bryng hym into Englande, and if their dooyngs hadde good ſuc|ceſſe, then the foreſayde Lamberte, (my [...]amed the Erle of Warwike) ſhoulde by the conſente of the counſell bee depoſed, and Edwarde the true Earle of Warwike to bee delyuered out of pri|ſon and anoynted king.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Henry ſuppoſyng that no man woulde haue bin ſo madde as to haue attempted anye further enterpriſe in the name of that new found counterfayted Earle, hee onely ſtudyed howe to ſubdue the ſeditions conſpiracie of the Iriſhmen: But hearyng that the Earle of Lincolne was fledde into Flaunders, he was ſomwhat moued therwith, and cauſed. Souldiors to bee put in a readyneſſe out of euery part of his Realme, and to bring them into one place aſſigned, that when his aduerſaries ſhoulde appeare, hee mighte ſo|deynely ſette vppon them, vanquiſhe and ouer|come them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Marques Dorſet com|mitted to the Tovver.Thus diſpoſing things for his ſuretie, he went towardes Saint Edmundes Burye, and beeing certifyed, that the Marques Dorſet was com|ming towardes his Maieſtie, to excuſe himſelfe of thinges that hee was ſuſpected to haue doone when he was in Fraunce, hee ſente the Earle of Oxford to arreſt the ſayde Marques by the way and to conueye hym to the Tower of London, there to remayne till his truthe might be tryed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 From thence the King wente foorth to Nor|wiche,1487 and tarying there Chriſtmaſſe daye, de|parted after to Walſingham, where he offereed to the Image of our Ladye, and then by Cam|bridge, he ſhortly retourned to London.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Martin Svvard a valiant capi|taine of the Almaines.In this meane tyme, the Earle of Lincolne had gotten togyther by the ayd of the lady Mar|garet about .ij.M. Almayns with one Martine Swarde, a noble capitaine to leade them With this power the Erle of Lincolne ſayled into Ire|land, and at the citie of Diuelyn, cauſed young Lambert to be proclaymed and named kyng of Englande, after the moſte ſolemne faſhion, as though he were the verie heire of the bloud royal lineally borne and deſcended.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And ſo with a greate multitude of beggerly Iriſhmenne, almoſte all naked and vnarmed, ſauyng ſkaynes and mantelles,The counterſet arle of VVar|vvicke vvith all his adherẽts [...]andeth in Eng|lande. of whome the Lorde Thomas Gerardine was Capitayn and conductour, they ſayled into Englande wyth thys newe founde kyng, and landed for a pur|poſe at the pyle of Fowdreye, wythin a little of Lancaſter, truſtyng there to fynde ayde by the meanes of ſir Thomas Broughton, one of the chiefe companyons of the conſpiracie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Kyng hadde knowledge of the enimies intente before theyr arriuall, and therefore ha|uyng aſſembled a greate Armye, (ouer the whyche the Duke of Bedforde, and the Earle of Oxforde were chiefe Capitayne,) hee [...] to Couentrye, where hee was aduertiſed, the [...] the Earle of Lincolne was landed at Lanca|ſter with his newe kyng.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Here he tooke aduice of his counſellors what was beſt to be doone, whether to for team the [...]|myes wythoute further delaye, or to [...] tyme a whyle, but at length it was thoughte beſte to delaye no tyme, but to gyue them bat|tayle before they ſhoulde encreaſe the [...] power, and therevppon hee remoued to Nodynghame, and there by a little woodde called B [...]wres, he [...] pitched hys fielde, vnto whome ſhortely came the Lorde George Talbot Earle of Shre [...]eſ|burye, the Lorde Straunge, Sir Iohn Chey|nye, ryght valyaunt Capitaynes, with [...] other noble and experte menne of warre, namely of the countreyes neere adioyning, ſo that the Kynges armie was wonderfully increaſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In this ſpace the Earle of Lincolne beeyng entred into Yorkeſhyre, paſſed ſafelly on hys iourney withoute ſpoyling or hurting of anye manne, truſtyng thereby to haue ſome com|panye of people reſorte vnto hym, but after hee perceyued fewe or none to followe hym, and that it was too late nowe to retourne backe, he determyned to try the matter by dynt of ſword, and heere vppon directed hys waye from Yorke to Newarke vppon. Trente, but before he came there, Kyng Henrye knowing all hys enemies purpoſes, came the nighte before the day of the battayle to Newark, and tarrying there a little, went three myles further, and pitching hir field, lodged there that night.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Lincolne certified of his com|ming, was nothing abaſhed, but kepte ſtill on his iourney, and at a little village called Stole, night to the Kyng and his armye, ſette downe his rampe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The nexte daye the King deuided his whole power into three battayls,The armyes ioyne. and after in good ar|ray, approched nygh to the towne of Stoke.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Earle likewyſe ſet foorth his army, & en|countring with the kings people in a faire playn there, meete for the tryall of ſuche a conflict, ſet vppon them with a manly courage, deſiring his ſouldiors to remember his honor and their owne liues. And ſo both the armies ioyned and fought verye earneſtly, in ſo muche that the Almaynes,The battaile of Stoke. beeyng tryed and experte menne of warre, were in all thynges, as well in ſtrengthe as polli|cie, egall and matches to the Engliſhemenne. But as for Martine Swarde theyr Coronell, fewe of the Engliſhemen, eyther in valyaunt courage or ſtrength, and nymbleneſſe of bodye was to hym comparable. On the other ſyde, the Iriſhmen, although they fought manfully, and ſtucke to it valiantly, yet bicauſe they were EEBO page image 1213 after the maner of their countrey, almoſt naked, without anye conuenable furniture of armour they were ſtriken downe and ſlayn lyke dull and brute beaſtes, which was a great diſcouragemẽt [figure appears here on page 1213] to the reſidue of the companie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thus they foughte for a ſpace ſo ſore and ſo egrely on both partes, that no manne coulde well iudge, to whome the victorie was lyke to enclyne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But at lengthe the Kings fore warde beyng full of people, and well fortifyed wyth winges, whiche only both began and continued the fight, ſet vpon the aduerſaries with ſuch force and vio|lence, that firſt they oppreſſed and killed ſuch ca|pitaynes one by one as reſiſted their mighte and puiſſaunce. And after that, put all the other to flyghte, the whiche were eyther apprehended as Priſoners in their running away, or els ſlayne and broughte vnto confuſyon in a ſmall mo|mente.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But when thys battayle was ended, and fought out to the extremitie, then it wel appered, what hyghe prowes, what manfull ſtomackes, what hardie and couragious heartes reſted in the kings aduerſaries.All the capi| [...]s fayne. For there the chiefe captaines the Earle of Lincolne, and the Lorde Louell, Sir Thomas Broughton, Martine Swarde, and the Lorde Gerardine capitain of the Iriſh|men were ſlaine and found dead in the verie pla|ces whiche they hadde choſen alyue to fighte in, not giuing one foote of grounde to theyr aduer|ſaries. Howbeit ſome affirme, that the lord Lo|uell tooke his horſſe, and would haue fledde ouer Trente, but was not able to recouer the further ſide for the highneſſe of the banke, and ſo was drowned in the ryuer.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 There were killed at that battaile with theyr fiue captains before reherſed, of that parfie about foure thouſand. Of the kings part there wer not half of them which fought in the fore warde, and gaue the onſet, ſlayne or hurt. Then was Lam|bert the youngling,Lambert and his maiſter Sy|monde taken. whiche was falſly reported to be the ſonne of the duke of Cla [...]nce, and his maiſter ſir Richard Symond Prieſt both taken, but neyther of them put to death, bycauſe that Lambert was but an innocent, and of yeares in|ſufficient of hymſelfe to doe any ſuch enterpriſe, and the other was pardoned of lyfe, bycauſe hee was a prieſt, and annoynted man, but yet was committed to perpetuall pryſon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Lamberte was at lengthe made one of the kings Faulconers, after that he had bin a turne|broache for a ſpace in the kings kitchen.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This battayle was ſoughte on a Saterdaye beyng the ſixteenth day of Iune, in thys ſecond yeare of this kings reygne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In whiche yeare alſo dyed Thomas Bour|chier Archebiſhoppe of Canterburye: and Iohn Moorton Biſhoppe of Elye,Morton By|shop of Elye made Archebi|shop of Canter+bury, & chaun|cellour of Eng|lande. a manne of excel|lente learnyng, vertue and policie, ſucceeded in his place, whome Alexander Pope of Rome, the ſixte of that name, created a Cardinall, and the Kyng created hym hygh Chauncel|lour of England.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that the King had got the vpper hand of his enimies, hee remoued to Lincolne, and there carryed three dayes, cauſyng euery of the ſame dayes ſolemne proceſſions to bee made in rendryng thankes to GOD for his fortunate victorye.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then cauſed he execution to be done of ſuche rebels and traytors,Thankeſgiuing to God after victorie. as were taken in the field ei|ther at the battaile, or in the chaſe. And ſhortely after he went into Yorkſhire, and there coaſted the countrey ouerthware, ſearching out ſuche as had ayded his enimies, and were thought to bee ſeditions perſons, whome be puniſhed, ſome by impriſonmẽt, ſome by fines, and ſome by death, EEBO page image 1432 according to the qua litie of their offences, and as was thought moſt expedient.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 An. reg. 3. About the middeſt of Auguſt entring into the the thirde yeare of his reigne, he came to New|caſtell vpon Tyne,Fox Bishoppe of Exceſter ſent Ambaſſador in|to Scotlande. and from thence ſent in am|baſſade into Scotland, Richard Foxe, lately be|fore made Biſhoppe of Exceſter, and with hym Richarde Edgecombe knight Controller of hys howſe, to conclude ſome peace or truce wyth king Iames of Scotlande. The Engliſhe am|baſſadors were honourably receiued and louing|ly entertayned of the ſayde King, who gladlye woulde haue concluded a perpetuall peace wyth the king of England if he might haue bin licen|ced ſo to haue done, but his people being ſtedfaſt in their olde accuſtomed vſage, would not agree to any peace, but yet were contented to gratifie their kyng,A truce vvith Scotlande for ſeuen yeares. that he ſhould take truce wyth En|glande for the terme of ſeauen yeares, whyche was concluded, and ſecrete promyſe made by King Iames, that he woulde not only obſerue peace, and continue in perfecte amitie with the king of England during his life, but alſo would renew againe this truce now taken for other ſe|uen yeares before the firſt ſeuen yeares wer fully expired.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The King of Scottes in deed was as deſy|rous of the Kyng of Englandes friendſhippe as the Kyng of Englande was of his, bicauſe that his ſubiects bare him much euill will, miſlyking wyth all things that eyther he coulde do or ſay.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Henry after the returne of his Ambaſ|ſadors out of Scotland, came back again from Newcaſtell to Yorke, and ſo towarde London, and in the way being at Leyceſter, there came to him Ambaſſadoures from Charles the Frenche king, which declared both the recouerie of certain townes out of the handes of Maximilian kyng of Romains which he had wrongfully deteined from the crowne of Fraunce before that tyme, and alſo that their Maiſter kyng Charles, had nowe warres in hande agaynſt Fraunces duke of Britayn, bicauſe that he ſuccored and main|teyned diuers noble men, as the Duke of Or|leans and others that were rebelles and traytors againſt him and the realm of France. Wherfore his requeſt was, that for the olde familiaritie whiche hath bin betwixt them, he woulde nowe eyther aſſiſt and helpe him, or elſe ſtand as neu|ter betwixte them, neyther helping nor yet hur|ting the one nor the other.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Vpon good and deliberate aduice takẽ in this matter, bicauſe it was iudged weightie, the king for anſwere told the French Ambaſſadors, that he woulde neyther ſpare payne nor coſte, to ſette ſome reaſonable ſtaye betwixte their ſoueraigne Lord king Charles, and the duke of Britayne, ſo that a finall ende and ſome perfect concluſion of frendſhippe myght be hadde betwixt them. And ſo as ſoone as the Frenche Ambaſſadoures were retourned home, the Kyng ſente his cha|playne Chriſtofer Vrſwyke ouer into France to king Charles, as wel to ſhew that he was gladde of the victorye whiche he had agaynſt Maximi|lian, as to declare what a tempeſtuous ſtorme of ciuile rebellion hymſelfe hadde eſcaped, and ouercome heere in Englande,

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But the chiefeſt poynt of Vrſwikes errande conſiſted in this, that he ſhoulde intimate to the Frenche Kyng howe his maiſter Kyng Henrye offred himſelfe as a mediatour betwixt him and the Duke of Britayne, to make them friend [...], and if he perceyued that the French king gaue care hereunto, then ſhould he goe into Brit [...], to moue the Duke there to be contented, that ſome reaſonable order myghte hee taken fo [...]a quietneſſe to be hadde betwixte the French king and hym.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Whyleſt Vrſwike was trauaylyng in thys matter according to his Commiſſion,Chriſtofer Vrſvvicke. the King came backe againe to London, where hee was receyued of the Citizens wyth greate ioye and triumphe, they beeing hartyly gladde and great|ly reioycing that hee wyth ſuche good ſucceſſe ſubdued his enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Shortly after, he delyuered the Lorde Tho|mas Marques Dorſet out of the Tower, recey|uing him agayn to his former fauor & old fami|liaritie, bicauſe his truth and loyaltie by diuers aſſays and ſundry arguments had bin through|ly tryed and ſufficiently proued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In whyche meane tyme the Kyng for the greate loue that hee bare to hys wyfe Queene Elizabeth, cauſed hir to be crowned and anoin|ted Queene on Sainct Catherins daye in No|uember, wyth all ſolemnitie, as in ſuche caſes appertayneth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In the meane ſeaſon Chriſtofer Vrſwyke accordyng to hys Commiſſion, trauayleth be|tweene the Frenche Kyng and the Duke of Britayne in the Kyng of Englandes name to make them friendes: But although the French Kyng ſeemed wyllyng ynough to haue peace, yet meante hee nothyng leſſe, in ſo muche that whyleſt hee goeth aboute with fayre wordes, courteous Letters, and ſweet promiſes to keepe the King of Englande in hande to laboure a peace betwixte hym and the Brytaynes, he en|forceth his whole puiſſance to ſubdue them, and beſiegeth the citie of Nauntes. And on the other part, the Duke of Orleans being withdrawn to the duke of Britain, and one that ruled moſte a|bout him, had no liking to heare of peace, but did what he coulde to hinder it.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Engliſh ambaſſador Chriſtoffer Vrſe|wike hauyng thus paſſed from the Frenche king EEBO page image 1433 to the Duke of Britaine, and backe againe to the French King, retourned ſhortely after in|to Englande, and ſhewed vnto King Henrye what hee hadde done betwixt them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Immediatlye after came from the Frenche King the Lorde Bernarde Daubeney a Scot borne, whyche on the Frenche Kings behalfe required King Henry to make ſome maner of ende of thoſe Brittiſhe warres, whatſoeuer it were. King Henry being deſirous of the ſame, ſent ouer againe into Fraunce, Iohn the Abbot of Abingdon, ſir Richard Edgecombe knight, and the forenamed Chriſtofer Vrſwicke wyth full and perfect commiſſion and long inſtructi|ons howe to proceede in d [...]yng of ſome agre|ment beetwixt the Frenchmenne and the Bri|tons.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Theſe orators accordyng as they hadde in commaundement, firſt went vnto the Frenche king, and after they had communed wyth him, Sir Richarde Edgecombe, & Chriſtofer Vrſ|wicke departed ſtraight to the duke of Britain in full hope to conclude a peace vpon ſuche of|fers and articles as they had to propone vnto hym. But al their hope was vaine, for the duke refuſed to agree vppon any ſuche articles and conditions as they offered, and ſo without cõ|cluding any thyng with the Duke, they retur|ned backe into Fraunce, and from thence ſig|nified to the King of Englande by letters, all that they knewe or had done.1488 Edvvard lorde VVooduille ai| [...] the duke of Britaine, vvithout the kings conſent. But in the mean time Edwarde Lorde Wooduille vncle to the Queene, ſued to King Henrye that hee myght haue a power of men apointed to him, with the whiche hee woulde ſteale priuily ouer without licence or paſſeport, ſo that euery man ſhoulde thinke that he was fledde the Realme, without knowlege of the king, for that no warre ſhould ariſe by his meanes beetwixt the Realmes of Fraunce and England, and yet ſhuld the duke of Britaine bee aided agaynſte the power of the Frenchemen, whiche ſought to vanquiſhe hym that they myght ioyne hys countrey vnto the dominion of Fraunce, which in no wiſe ought to be ſuffred, conſideryng what annoyaunce & hurte the ſame myght bryng to the Realme of Englande in time to come.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Althoughe this requeſte was vtterly deny|ed, and that the Lord Wooduile was ſtraight|ly commaunded by the kyng to make no ſuche attempt, yet coulde not all that ſtaye hym, but that withdrawing him into the Ile of Wight, whereof he was made ruler and capitaine, hee there gathered togyther a crewe of talle and hardy perſonages, to the number of .iiij.C. and with proſperous winde and weather arriued in Britaine, and ioined himſelf with the Britons againſte the Frenchemen.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Frenche King aduertised hereof, was not wel pleased in his minde towards the king of Englande, till king Henry by newe messengers enformed hym how guiltles he was in the matter, The league renued be|tvvixt Eng|lande, and Fraunce.and that by plaine and euide(n)t proues. With the whiche excuse the Frenche King seemed to be better pacifyed, and was content to dissimule the matter. And so the English ambassadors renewing the league and amitie betwixt King Henry, and the Frenche kyng, for the space of twelue Monethes thet retourned into England, and shewed the king all things that they had eyther hearde or seene, so that he perceyued that the French king dealt craftelye in this manner of Britayne, styll motionyng peace when hee ment nothyng else but warre. He therefore called his highe courte of Parliament, in the which it was not only determined that the Duke of Britaine shuld be aided with a power of men, againste the wrongfull inuasions of the Frenchemen, but also there were diuers summes of mony granted to the furnishing forth and maintaynaunce of the same.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And immediatly here vpon, the kyng ſente his Ambaſſadors into Fraunce to certifye the Frenche Kyng what [...] eſtates aſſembled in Parliament here in Englande had [...]ecr [...]d, and therefore hee required hym eyther to ſ [...]aſſe the warres whiche he had in hande againſt the Britons, or elſe not to be greeued, thought hee condiſcended to the iudgement & determinati|on of the Lordes, bo [...]e ſpirituall and tempo|rall, and commons of hys Realme, in takyng vpon him the defence of the Duke of Britaine, promyſing neuertheleſſe that the Engliſhe armye ſhoulde onely take lande wythin the Dutchie of Britayne, and ſeeke to defende the ſame agaynſte all thoſe that didde inuade it, and not to make anye warre wythin anye of the Frenche dominions.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This meſſage was nothyng regarded of the Frenche King, in ſo muche that the French army proceeded in oppreſſing the Britons, de|ſtroying the country, and beſieging Townes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At lengthe on the ſeuen and twen [...], or as the Chronicles of Amowe haue the eighte and twentith daye of Iuly, the Duke of Br [...]ns armye gaue battaile to the Frenche hoſte [...]e [...]ee to a towne called Saint Aulbin,The battaile of Saint Aulbin in Britaine. hauing appa|relled a thouſande and ſeuen hundreth of the Britons in coates wyth redde croſſes, after the Engliſhe faſhion, to make the Frenchemen be|leeue that they had a great number of En|gliſhemen, althoughe they hadde but foure hundrethe onely wyth the Lorde Wooduille.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The victory in this battell fell to the french|men, ſo that almoſte all the engliſhemen were ſlain with the Lord Wooduile, beſide .vi.M. EEBO page image 1434 Britons. The Duke of Orleans, and the Prince of Orainge were taken priſoners, whi|che were theron the Britons part. The french|menne loſte twelue hundred men, and amongſt other, that valiant Italian Capitaine Iames Galeot.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe newes being brought into England, cauſed King Henrye to make haſte in ſendyng forthe his army, and therefore was the Lorde Brooke, wyth Syr Iohn Cheynyd. Syr Iohn Middleton, Sir Raufe Hilton, Sir Richard Corbet, Sir Thomas Leighton, Sir Richard Laton, and Sir Edmunde Cornewall ſent o|uer into Britaine wyth all conuenient ſpeede, hauyng wyth them an eyghte thouſande men, well armed and furniſhed in warre like wiſe, to ayde the Duke of Britayne agaynſte the Frenchemen.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe luſtye Capitaines beyng, arriued in Britaine, after they had a little refreſhed them, marched forward, and commyng neare to their enemies, pitched downe their fielde, not farre from the Frenchmens campe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Frenchemen by experience knowyng the Engliſhemenne (ſo long as they bee freſhe and luſtie) in maner to be inuincybl [...] thought not good to matche wyth them in open batteil, till they were ſomewhat wearyed wyth lying and lingeryng abroade in the fielde, and there|fore at the firſt they ſought to weary them with light ſkirmiſhes, appointyng their horſemenne to giue them alarmes, and ſome ſkirmiſhes, in the whiche the Frenchemen by reaſon of the Engliſhe archers (which galled bothe men and horſes) were euer put to the worſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But beholde the mutabilitie of worldelye chaunces, whiles this warre was thus ſet for|warde, Frauncis Duke of Britaine departed this li [...]e, and then the chiefe rulers of Britayne falling at diſſention amongſt themſelues, ten|dred not the defence of their countrey, but ra|ther minded the deſtruction thereof, ſo that the Engliſhemenne perceyuyng in what daunger they were, and conſidering that it was in the middeſt of Winter, a time not meete for men of warre to lye in the colde and froſtie fieldes, they retourned into England, within fiue Mo|nethes after their firſt ſettyng forth. So that fi|nally the French king got the vpper hand of the Britons, and didde incorporate that Dutchie to hys Realme and Crowne of Fraunce, as in the hiſtorye of Fraunce it maye appeare at large.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In Iuly this yeare was a Preſt leuyed for the Kyng in the Citie of London,Stow. of foure thouſande pounde whiche was repaide the yere nexte followyng.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In September, the Queene was deliuered of hir firſte ſonne, named Prince Arthur, and the fiue & twentith of Nouember nexte enſu|ing ſhee was crowned at Weſtminſter with al due ſolemnitie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Yee haue hearde,An. reg. 4. howe there was in the laſte Parliament mony graunted for the furniſhyng forthe of the armye into Britayne. That is to wit, it was agreed, that euery man ſhoulde: be taxed after the rate of his ſubſtaunce to paye the tenth penye of his goodes, which money the moſt part of them that dwelled in the Biſhop|pricke of Durham, and in the parties of Yorke|ſhire refuſed vtterly to paye, eyther for that they thought thẽſelues ouercharged with the fame, or were procured to ſhewe themſelues diſobedi|ent, throughe the euill counſaile of ſome ſedi|tious perſones, whyche conſpired agaynſte the King, to put him to newe trouble. Therefore ſuche as were appoynted Colectours, after that they could not get the mony, according to their extreites delyuered to them by the Commiſſio|ners, they made their complaint priuily to Hẽ|rye the fourthe Earle of Northumberlande, chiefe ruler of the Northe partes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle forthwith ſignifyed to the king all that matter,1489 and the Kyng not willing to pardon them of any one peny (leaſt the example might do hurt by encouragyng others to ſhewe the like ſtubburnes in other parts of the realme) commaunded the Erle eyther by diſtreſſe, or o|therwiſe, to leuy the mony, as he ſhould thinke moſte meeteſt. The rude beaſtly people hearing of this aunſwer from the king,The Earle of No [...]humber|land [...] by the Nor|thern rebelles. by and by wyth greate violence ſet vppon the Earle by the ex|cityng of a ſimple fellow named Iohn a Chã|ber, whom the Earle with faire wordes ſought to appeaſe, but they like vnreaſonable vilains, aledging all the fault to be in him, as chiefe au|thor of the taxe, furiouſlye and cruelly murthe|red bothe hym and dyuers of hys houſholde ſeruaunts.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Diuers affirme that the Northerne menne bare againſte this earle continuall grudge euer ſince the deathe of King Richard, whome they entirely fauoured.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Although this offence was greate and hai|nous, yet there ſucceeded a more miſchiefe: for incontinently to cloke thys preſumptuous murther, the Northerne men gotte them to ar|moure, and aſſembling togyther,A rebellion in the Northe for a taxe granted by parliament. choſe them a Capitaine, no leſſe ſeditious then deſirous of trouble, called Sir Iohn Egremonde Knight, and paſſing by the countreys, they publiſhed & declared that they woulde bidde the kyng bat|taile only in defence of their liberties, and com|mon freedome, of the whiche hee went aboute to bereeue them. But when the matter ſhoulde come to bee tried wyth blowes, theyr hartes ſo EEBO page image 1435 fainted that they ſcattered awaye, euery man ſeekyng to ſaue hymſelfe by flight, but that little auailed them: for the king hearing of this buſines, ſent forthe Thomas Earle of Surrey (whome not long before he had deliuered out of the Tower, and receiued to his ſpeciall fauour) wyth a crewe of men, to chaſtice thoſe rebelles of the Northe partes, who ſkirmiſhed wyth a certain company of them, & them diſcomfited, and tooke aliue Iohn a Chamber, the firſte be|ginner of this rebellion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The King himſelfe roade after into Yorke|ſhire, of whoſe commyng the ſturdye rebelles were ſo abaſhed and afrayde, that they fledde more and leſſe: whyche afterwarde were ap|prehended, and puniſhed accordyng to their do|merites. Yet the King of his clemency pardo|ned the innocente people, & executed the chiefe procurers. For Iohn a Chamber was hanged at Yorke vpon a gibbet ſet vpon a ſquare paire of gallowes like an archtraytor, and his com|plices and lende diſciples, were hanged on the lower gallowes rounde aboute their Maiſter, to the terrible example of other. But ſir Iohn Egremonde fledde into Flaunders to the Lady Margaret Dutcheſſe of Burgougne, that euer enuied the proſperitie of King Henry.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After this, the king retourned to London, leauing the Earle of Surry to rule the North partes, and appointed Sir Richard Tunſtall, a man of greate witte and pollicy to gather the Subſidye to hym due of the people.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This yeare the king borrowed of euery Al|derman of London two hundred pounde, and of the Chamber nine thouſãde eightie two poũd ſeuenteene ſhilings foure pence; whiche he re|paied againe, to the vttermoſte, wyth greate equitie and thankfulneſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In this ſeaſon, the Emperour Fredericke made warre againſte the Flemings, namely a|gainſt Bruges and certaine townes of Flaun|ders,A rebellion in Flaunders. which had rebelled againſt his ſon Maxi|milian, Kyng of Romaynes, theyr liege and ſoueraigne Lord,Maximilian King of Ro| [...] impriſo|ned at B [...]uges by the tovvnſ| [...]ne. in ſo muche that they of Bru|ges had not only ſlayne hys officers but impri|ſoned him within their Towne, till they hadde cauſed him to pardon all their offences, and al|ſo to ſweare neuer to remember, nor reuenge the ſame in time to come. But his father Fre|dericke the Emperor coulde not ſuffer ſuche a reproche and diſhonor done to his ſon, to paſſe vnreuenged, and therefore ſcourged the coun|try of Flanders with ſharpe and cruell warre. The lorde of Rauenſtein being driuen to take the ſame othe, that his Maſter Maximiliã tooke at Bruges, to ſhewe that the warre was not begon with his aſſent, forſooke Maximilian his Lord, and tooke the Towns of Ipre & Scluſſe with bothe the Caſtels of the ſame hauen, and further dyd not onlye ſtirre the Gaunt [...] is, and Brugeans, and other Townes of Flaunders, to rebell agaynſt their ſoueraine lord, but alſo ſent to the French kings lieutenãt in Pieard [...] the Lorde Cordes, to aide him to con [...] ſuch Townes of Flaunders, as were not of hys o|pinion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Lorde Cordes, otherwiſe called Mon|ſieur de Querdes, was glad to haue ſo good oc|caſion to ſet foote in Flaunders, as he that had ſufficient inſtructions of his Maiſter, the french King, vpon any ſuche offerd occaſion ſo to [...]|ſent foorthwith to the aide of the Flemings viij.M. Frenchmen, commaunding them to con|quere ſuche Townes, as were in the way bee|twixt Fraunce and Bruges.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The capitaines according to his deuiſe bee|ſieged a little walled towne, called Dixen [...]w, to whome came .iiij.M. Flemings with [...]ic|tuall and artilerie, ſent from the Lord of Ra|uenſtein. They laide ſiege on the North ſide of the towne, in a mariſhe grounde than beeyng drye, and ſo deepely ditched, and [...]ampired their campe about (on which rampire they laide their ordinaunce) that it was in manner impoſſible to enter their campe, or do them any diſpleaſure or domage.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The king of Englande was daily aduerti|ſed of theſe dooings, whiche nothyng leſſe deſi|red than to haue the Engliſhe Pale enuironed wyth Frenche fortreſſes, wherefore to preuent that miſchiefe in time, with all expedition he ſẽt ouer to the Lorde Daubeney, and his deputye of Calais, the Lord Morley, with a crue of va|liant archers and ſouldiours, to the number of a thouſande men, with priuy inſtructions what they ſhould do.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At their commyng ouer, it was bruited a|broade, that they were ſent only to defende the Engliſh Pale, againſt al attempts that might vpon the ſuddaine in any wife he made by the Frenchemen, or Flemings: but their enterpriſe was all otherwiſe. For on a Tuiſdaye at the ſhutting of the gates at night, the lord Daub|ney chieftaine of the army, the Lorde Morley, Sir Iames Tirrell capitaine of Guiſnes, Sir Henry Willoughby, Sir Gilbert Talbot, and ſir Humfrey Talbot Marſhall of Calais, wyth diuers other Knightes, and Eſquiers, and o|ther of the gariſons of Hammes, Guyſnes, and Callais, to the number of twoo thouſand men, or thereaboutes, iſſued priuily out of Callais, & paſſed the water of Grauelyng, in the mor|ning betimes, and lefte there for a ſtale, and to keepe the paſſage, Sir Humfrey Talbot, with ſixe ſcore archers, and came to Newport, where they founde the ſoueraigne of Flaunders with EEBO page image 1436 ſixe hundred Almaines, and there they ſtayed that night.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 On the nexte day they went toward Dixe|mewe, and by the guidyng of a priſoner, that ſhould haue bin hanged on the nexte morning, they iſſued out of the Southe gate of the town of Dixemew, & were conueyed by their ſayde guide by an high banke ſet wyth willowes, ſo that the Gantois coulde not well eſpye them, & ſo ſecretly to the en of their enemies campe, and there pauſed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Lorde Daubeney commaunded all men to ſend their horſes, and wagons backe, but the Lorde Morley ſaide hee would ride till hee came to hande ſtrokes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Thus they marched forthe till they came to a lowe banke, and no deepe ditche, where the ordinaunce laye, and there the archers ſhot al|togyther, euery man an arrowe, and ſo fell pro|ſtrate to the grounde. The enemies herewyth diſchardged their ordynaunce and ouerſhotte them. The Almaines kept ouer the ditche with their moris pikes. The Engliſhemenne in the forefront, waded the ditche, and were holpen vp by the Almaines, and ſet on their enemies, & tooke many priſoners. The other Engliſhmen haſted by the cauſey to enter in at the Northe gate of the campe,The Lorde Morley ſlaine. where the Lord Morley be|ing on horſebacke in a riche coate, was ſlayne wyth a gunne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 When his deathe was knowen, euery man killed his priſoner, and ſlewe all ſuche as didde wythſtande them, to the number of eight thou|ſande men, in ſo muche that of twoo thouſande that came ot of Bruges (as the Flẽmiſh chro|nicle reporteth) there came not home one hun|dreth. On the Engliſhe parte was ſlayne the Lorde Morley, and not an hundreth mo. The Engliſhemen tooke their ordinaunce, and ſent it to Newporte, wyth all the ſpoile and greate horſes. And by the way hearing certaine frẽch|men to be at Oſtend, they made thither warde: but the Frenchemen fled, & ſo they burned parte of the towne, and came againe to Newporte, where the Lord Daubney left al ye Engliſhmen that were hurte, and returned to Calais, where he buried the body of the Lord Morley.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Engliſhemen got greate riches at this fielde, for they that went forthe in clothe, came home in ſilke, and thoſe that went out on foote, came home on great horſes. The Lord Cordes being at Ipre with twenty thouſand men was ſore diſpleaſed wyth this ouerthrow, & therfore thinking to be reuenged,Nevvport be|ſieged by the Frenchemen. beſieged the towne of Newport right ſtrongly, and ſhot daily at the walles, breaking them in many places. But the Engliſhmen that were hurte at Dixemew field before, and might eyther ſtande or drawe bowe neuer came frõ the walles One day the french|menne gaue a greate aſſault to a Towes, and perforce entred it, and ſet vp the banner of the Lorde Cordes: but ſee the chaunce, during the time of the aſſaulte, there arriued a backe wyth foure ſcore freſhe Engliſh archers, which came ſtraight to the Tower, and did ſo muche, that what wyth the helpe of ſuche as beefore were wounded, and hurtemen, and of the couragi|ous hartes of the newe come archers encoura|ged greatly by the women of the town crying,Englishe archers. ſhoote Engliſhmen, ſhoote, the Tower was re|gaigned out of the Frenchemens handes, and the banner of the Lorde Cordes rent in peeces, and implace therof, the penon of Saint George ſet vp. Then the Frenchmen ſuppoſing a great aide of Engliſhemen to haue bene come to the towne by ſea, lefte the aſſault.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And the night folowing, the enuious Lord Cordes (whiche ſo ſore longed for Calais, that hee woulde commonly ſaye, that hee coulde be content to lye ſeuen yeares in Hell, ſo that Ca|lais were in poſſeſſion of the Frenchmen) brake vp his ſiege, and retourned to Heldyng wyth ſhame. And the Engliſhmen glad of this victo|rie returned to Calais.Iames king of Scottes, ſlaine by his ovvne Subiectes. This yeare Iames the thirde of that name, King of Scots, was ſlaine by his owne Subiectes, after they had vanqui|ſhed hym in a pight fielde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Aboute the ſame time one Adrian an Ita|lian was ſente in Ambaſſade from Pope In|nocent the eight, into Scotland,Adrian an Itali|an, made Bi|shoppe of Her|forde, & after of Bathe, and VVell [...]. to haue taken vp the variaunce betwixte the King there, and his people. But being arriued here in Englãd, he was enformed that king Iames was ſlaine, and the refore taryed here certaine Monethes, & for that hee was a man of excellent learnyng, vertue, and humanitie, i the Archebiſhoppe of Canterbury Iohn Morton, ſo commended him to the King, that he made him firſte Biſhoppe of Hereforde, and ſhortely after, that reſigned and giuen ouer, hee promoted him to the Bi|ſhopricke of Welles, and Bathe.1490 And after that wyth theſe honours he was retourned to Rome, hee was aduaunced by all the degrees of Spirituall dignities into the Colledge of the Cardinalles, and worthie ſure he was of great preferrement, for by hys meanes learned men were moued to ſeeke out the vſe of eloquent writyng, and ſpeaking in the latine tongue, he being the firſte in the tyme of our fathers that taught the trade to chooſe and vſe apte wordes and fitte termes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the ſixte yeare of King Henries raigne there came Ambaſſadors to him frõ the frenche king the lord Fraũcis of Lutzenburg,An. reg. 6. Charles Mariguane, and Robert Gaguine Miniſter of the Bonnehommes of the Trinitie. The effect EEBO page image 1437 of their comming, was to haue concluded a peace with King Henrye, and that with good will the French King might diſpoſe of the ma|riage of the yong Dutcheſſe of Britaine, as he ſhoulde thinke good, and to make void the con|tract, and former mariage, which by proxie the deputie of Maximilian, king of Romains had before time contracted, and made with hir. But thereto woulde not King Henry giue his con|ſent, euer harping on this ſtring, that the maidẽ being once lawfully combined in matrimonye with Maximilian, ought not to be compelled a|gainſte hir will and promiſſe, yea and contrary to all lawe, right and equitie, to take any other perſon than him to hir ſpouſe and huſbande.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In deede Kyng Henry was lothe that the Frenche King ſhoulde marry the Dutcheſſe of Britaine hymſelfe (as he perceued his meaning was) and ſo ioyne the Dutchie of Britayne to the Crowne of Fraunce, and therefore hee did what he coulde to hinder that bargaine.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At lengthe yet it was agreede that a forme of a league ſhould be drawen with conditions, clauſes, and couenauntes, and for the full con|cludyng of the ſame, it was thought expedient that the King of Englande ſhoulde ſend Am|baſſadours to the Frenche Kyng to finyſhe all matters beetwyxte them. Wherevppon the Frenche Ambaſſadours beyng diſmiſſed wyth great rewardes, ſtraight waies Thomas earle of Ormonde, and Thomas Goldenſton Prior of Chriſtes Churche in Canterbury were ap|pointed by the king to folow them into France inſtructed fully in all things that he wold haue on his behalfe, either moued or determyned.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Lionel Bishop of Concordia.In this meane ſpace, Lionell the Biſhop of Concordia was ſente as Oratour from Pope Alexander the ſixte, to the Frenche Kyng for certaine matters: and amongſt other things he hadde in chardge to conclude a peace and vni|tye betwixte the Frenche Kyng and the King of Englande. Hee mouyng thys matter to the Frenche King, founde hym nothyng ſtrange to encline to his motion. Whervpon the Biſhop of Concordia conceyuyng good hope, and ther|with deſyrous (as became hym beſte bearyng that title) to ſet an attonement beetwixte thoſe two Kings, tooke his iourney towardes Eng|lande, to the intent he might moue King Hen|ry to bee agreable therevnto, and ſo comming to Calais, found the Engliſhe Ambaſſadours there, beeing ſo farre on their way towards the Frenche King, and being honourably receiued of them into that Towne, after they had com|muned togither, the Biſhoppe took the ſea, and was trãſported ouer into England, & the Am|baſſadors departed toward the Frenche King.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 After the Biſhoppe of Concordia had tal|ked with King Henry, and perceyued that vp|on reaſonable conditions he coulde be content to conclude a peace wyth all Chriſten Princes, and to lyue in reſte after ſo many troubles a|foretime ſuſtained, the ſaide Biſhop retourned backe into Fraunce to ſollicite thys purpoſe to ſome perfect concluſion. But the Frenchmen ſo handled the matter, that whileſt they outward|ly ſhewed how they deſired nothyng but frend|ſhip & amitie, they aſured the yong Dutcheſſe of Britayne, to ſubmit hirſelfe wholy to their diſcretion, ſo that ſhortly after ſhee was mar|ried to King Charles. And the Engliſhe Am|baſſadours, after they perceyued whiche waye the winde would vire, returned again to their countrey, and nothing done or agreed vpon in their matter. King Henry ſore troubled in hys mynde therewyth, determined no more wyth peaceable meſſages, but with open warre to de|termine all controuerſies betwixt hym and the Frenche King,A Parliame [...] called his highe courte of Par|liament, & there declared the cauſe why he was iuſtely prouoked to make warre agaynſte the frenchemen, and therfore deſired thẽ of their be|neuolent aide of men and money towarde the maintenaunce thereof. The cauſe was ſo iuſte that euery man allowed it, and to the ſettyng forthe of the warre taken in hande for ſo neceſ|ſarie an occaſion, euery man promiſed his hel|ping hand. The king commẽded them for their true and faithfull hartes, and to the intent that he might ſpare the poorer ſorte of the commons (whome he euer deſired to keepe in fauour) hee thought good firſte to exact mony of the richeſt ſorte by way of a beneuolence, whiche kinde of leuying money was firſt deuiſed by King Ed|warde the fourthe, as it apeareth beefore in hys hiſtorie. King Henry folowing the like exam|ple, publiſhed abroade, that by their open giftes he would meaſure, and ſearche their beneuolent heartes and good mindes towardes him, ſo that he that gaue moſte, ſhoulde be iudged to be his moſte louing friende, and he that gaue litle, to be eſteemed accordyng to hys gifte. By thys it appeareth that whatſoeuer is practiſed for the princes profit, & brought to a preſident by mat|ter of record, may be turned to the great preiu|dice of the people, if rulers in auctoritie will ſo adiudge and determine it.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But by this meanes King Henrye got in|numerable great ſummes of money, with ſome grudge of the people, for the extremitie ſhewed by the commiſſioners in diuers places. Ye haue hearde before howe the Lorde of Rauenſtein by the ayde of Bruges, and Gaunt, hadde ta|ken the Towne, and two Caſtels of Scluiſe,1491 whiche hee kepte againſt his ſoueraigne lorde Maximilian, and gettyng into the hauen cer|taine EEBO page image 1438 ſhips and barkes, robbed ſpoiled and tooke priſoners, the ſhippes and veſſelles of all nati|ons, that paſſed alongeſt by that coaſt towards the Marte at Andwarpe, or into any parte of Brabant, Zeland, or Friſeland, and was euer ſufficiently vittailed out of Fraunce, and Pi|cardye.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 There was a little Towne alſo twoo miles from Bruges towarde the Sea, called Dam, whyche was a Bulwarke to Bruges, and an headſpring to Sluiſe. The King of Romains hadde attempted the winnyng of this Towne diuers times, but miſſed his purpoſe, til at lẽgth Albert Duke of Saxony, a great friende to the King of Romaines, by policye found meanes to gette it. This Duke fainyng hymſelfe as a Newtre betwixte the King of Romaines, and the rebelles of Flaunders, required of the lords of Bruges that hee myght enter peaceably into their Towne accordyng to hys eſtate, wyth a certaine number of men of armes to commu|nicate with thẽ diuers maters of great weight, and ſent before his carriages and herbengers to make prouiſion. They of Bruges were in no doubt of hym, ſo that his men of warre entred into the Cytie in good order, and he followed. They that wente beefore, enquired for Innes, and lodgings, as though they would haue re|ſted there all the night, and ſo went forthe ſtill in order aſkyng after lodgings, till they came to the gate that leadeth directly toward Dam, diſtant from Bruges a Flemiſhe mile, whyche is called the Bulwarke of Bruges. The Cap|taines and inhabitantes of Dam ſuſpecting no harme to come out of Bruges, thought theyr friendes (knowyng ſome daunger towardes) had ſent them aide, and ſo nothyng miſtruſting thoſe that approched their towne, ſuffred them to enter, and ſo was the Towne of Dam ta|ken by ſleight, whiche coulde not be wonne by open force.Dam taken by [...]olicy. This chaunce ſore diſpleaſed them of Bruges, for nowe coulde they haue no re|courſe to the Sea, ſo that they muſte needes fall into ruine and decay. The Duke of Saxonye thus hauing won the towne of Dam, ſente to the King of Englande, that if it would pleaſe hym to miniſter any aide by ſea, he would be|ſiege Sluiſe by lande. The king well remem|bring that Sluiſe was a roueſneſt, and a very denne of theues to them that trauerſed the ſeas towardes the Eaſte partes, incontinentlye diſ|patched ſir Edward Poinings a right valiant Knight, and hardye Capitayne wyth twelue ſhippes well furniſhed with holde ſouldiours, and ſufficient artillerie. Whiche Sir Edward ſailed into the Hauen, and kepte the Lorde of Rauenſtein from ſtarting by ſea.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Duke of Saxony beſieged one of the caſtels lying in a Churche ouer againſt it, and the Engliſhemen aſſaulted the leſſe Caſtell, and iſſued out of theyr ſhippes at the ebbe, neuer ſuffering theyr enemies to reſte in quiet one daye togither, for the ſpace of twenty dayes, and euery daye ſlewe ſome of their aduerſaries, and on the Engliſh parte were ſlaine one Vere brother to the Earle of Oxforde, and fiftye mo.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Lorde of Rauenſlein hadde made a brydge of Boates betweene both Caſtelles, to paſſe from the one to the other, whyche brydge the Engliſhemen one night ſet on fyre. Then hee perceiuyng that he muſte loſe his Caſtelles by force, and that the Flẽmings coulde not aide hym, yeelded the Caſtelles to Syr Edwarde Poinings, and the towne to the duke of Sax|ony vpon certaine conditions,Sir Edvvarde Poinynges a valiant Capi|taine ſent into Flaunders vvith an army Sir Edwarde Poinings kepte the caſtelles a while, of whom the Almaines demaunded their wages, bycauſe the duke hadde nothyng to paye. Then theſe twoo Capitaynes ſo handled them of Bruges, that they not only ſubmitted thẽſelues to their Lord Maximilian, but alſo were contented to paye, and diſpatche the Almaines.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And ſo Syr Edwarde Poynyngs tarryed there a long ſpace, and at lengthe retourned to the King before Bolongne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The ſixte daye of Aprill this preſent yeare, the nobles of the Realme aſſembled in the Ca|thedrall Churche of Saynct Paule in London, where Te Deum, was ſolempnely ſong, and thankes rendred to God for the victorie that the King of Spaine hadde gotte of the Saraſins, in conqueryng on them the whole Realme of Granado.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Maximilian King of Romaines enten|dyng to bee reuenged on the Frenchemenne for the many iniuries done to hym of late (and eſpeciallye for that Kyng Charles hadde for|ſaken hys daughter the Ladye Margaret, and purpoſed to take to wyfe the Ladye Anne of Britayne:) bycauſe he was not ryche inought to maintayne the warre of hymſelf, he ſent his Ambaſſadour one Iames Contibald, a man of great wiſedome, to require the King of Eng|lande to take hys parte agaynſte the Frenche King, making diuers great offers on his owne behalfe, if it ſhould pleaſe hym ſo to do.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Henry no leſſe deſirous than Maxi|milian to put the Frenche Kyng to trouble, and chieflye to ayde the Britons in the extre|mitye of theyr buſineſſe, gladdelye conſented to the requeſt of Maximilian, and promiſed to prepare an armye wyth all ſpeede, and in time conuenient to paſſe the ſeas with the ſame and inuade the Frenche territories.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In this very ſeaſon Charles the french kingAnno. re. 7. EEBO page image 1439 receyued the Ladye Anne of Britayne, as hys pupill into his hands, and wyth great ſolemp|nitie hir eſpouſed, hauyng wyth hir in dower, the whole Dutchye of Britayne. Thus was Maximilian in a greate chafe towardes the Frenche King, not only for that he had refuſed his daughter, but alſo had bereeued hym of hys aſſured wife the ſayd Lady Anne, contrarie to all right and conſcience. Wherefore hee ſente vnto king Henry, deſiryng hym with al ſpeede to paſſe the ſeas with his army, that they might puriue the warre againſt their aduerſarie wyth fyre, ſworde, and bloude. King Henry hearing this, and hauing no miſtruſt in the promiſſe of Maximilian, with all ſpeed leuied an army, and rigged his nauye of ſhips, and when all things were readye, he ſente his Aulmoner Chriſtofer Vrſwicke, and ſir Iohn Riſeley Knyght vnto Maximilian to certifye hym, that the king was in a readineſſe, and would arriue at Calais, as ſoone as hee ſhoulde bee aduertiſed that Maxi|milian and his men were readye to ioyne wyth hym.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe Ambaſſadors comming into Flaun|ders, perceyued that Maximilian was neyther purueyed of men, money, nor armoure, nor of any other thyng neceſſarie for the ſetting foorth of warre, ſaue only that his will was good, all|thoughe his power was ſmalle.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Henry being aduertiſed hereof by let|ters ſente to hym from hys ſaid Ambaſſadors, was ſore diſquieted in his minde, and was al|moſte broughte to his wittes ende, to conſider howe his companion in armes ſhuld thus faile hym at neede, but takyng aduiſe of his counſel, at lengthe hee determined not to ſtaye his pre|penſed iourney, and therefore hee ſo encreaſed his numbers before he tooke ſhippe, that he with his owne power might bee able to matche with his aduerſaries.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When hee hadde thus gathered and aſſem|bled his army, he ſailed to Calais the ſixte day of October, and there encamped hymſelfe for a ſpace to ſee all hys men and prouiſion in ſuche redineſſe, as nothing ſhoulde bee wanting.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In this place all the army hadde knowledge by the Ambaſſadours (whiche were newly re|tourned out of Flaunders) that Maximilian coulde not ſette foorthe any army, [...]ilian [...] en [...]nes [...]eth pro| [...] [...] Henry in [...]ng vvyth [...]ade [...]. for lacke of money, and therefore there was no ſuccour to bee looked for at his hand, but the Engliſhemen were nothyng diſmayd therewith, as they that iudged themſelues able inough to matche with the Frenchmen without the helpe of any other nation.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In the meane ſeaſon, althoughe the Frenche King hadde an army togither, bothe for num|ber and furniture able to trye in battaile wyth the Engliſhemen, yet hee made ſemblaunce as though he deſired nothing more thã peace, as ye thing muche more profitable to him than warre, conſidering the minds of the Britons were not yet wholy ſettled: and again, he was called in|to Italy to make warre agaynſte the Kyng of Naples, whoſe Kingdom he pretended to ap|perteine to hym by lawfull ſucceſſion from his father King Lewes, to whome Reigne Duke of Aniowe laſte King of Sicill, of the houſe of Aniowe, hadde tranſferred hys ryghte to that kingdome (as partely beefore yee haue hearde) wrongfully and wythout cauſe diſinherityng his couſin, godſoune and heyre, Reigne Duke of Lorraine, and Bar: The Lord Chordes ha|uing commiſſion from his Maiſter the Frenche king to make ſome entry into a treatie for peace with the King of Englande, wrote letters to him before he paſſed ouer to Calais, ſignifying to hym, that if it might ſtand with his pleaſure to ſende ſome of his counſellours to the bor|ders of the Engliſh Pale adioining to France, there ſhoulde bee ſo reaſonable conditions of peace profered, that he doubted not but his grace might with greate honor breake vp his campe, and retire hys army home againe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The King of Englande conſideryng that Britaine was clearely loſte, and paſte recoue|rye, and that Maximilian for lacke of money, and miſtruſte which he had in his owne Sub|iects, lay ſtill like a Dormouſe dooing nothing, and herewith waying that it ſhoulde be hono|rable to hym, and profitable to his people to de|termine this great warre without bloudeſhed, appointed the Biſhoppe of Exceter, and Giles Lorde Daubney to paſſe the Seas to Calais, and ſo to commen with the Lord Chordes of articles of peace, whiche tooke effect as after ye ſhal perceiue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 In the meane time, whyleſt the commiſſio|ners were commenyng of peace on the Mar|ches of Fraunce, the Kyng of Englande, as yee haue heard, was arryued at Calais: from whence after all things were prepared for ſuch a iourney, hee remoued in foure battailes fore|warde,Bolongne be|ſieged by the Englyshemen. till he came neare to the towne of Bo|longne, & there pitched his tentes before it in a conuenient place for hys purpoſe, meaning to aſſaile the towne with his whole force and pu|iſſaunce. But there was ſuche a ſtrong gariſon of warlyke Souldyours wythin that fortreſſe, and ſuche plentye of artillerye, and neceſſarye munityons of warre, that the loſſe of Engliſh|mẽ aſſaulting the town (as was doubted) ſhuld bee greater domage to the Realme of Eng|lande, than the gayning thereof ſhould be pro|fite. Yet the daily ſhotte of the kings battering peeces brake the walles, and ſore defaced them: EEBO page image 1440 But when euerye man was readye to giue the aſſaulte, a ſodaine rumor roſe in the army that peace was concluded: whyche bruite as it was pleaſaunt to the Frenchmen, ſo was it diſplea|ſaunt to the Engliſhmenne, bycauſe they were preſt and ready at all times to ſette on theyr e|nemies, and brought into greate hope to haue bene enryched by the ſpoyle and gayne, to haue fallen to their lottes of their enemies goods, be|ſide the glorious ſame of renowmed victorye. And therefore to be defrauded hereof by an vn|profitable peace, they were in a great fume, and very angrye: And namelye for that diuers of the captaines to ſet themſelues and their bands the more gorgeouſly forward, hadde borrowed large ſummes of money, and for the repaiment had morgaged their landes and poſſeſſions, and ſome happely had made through ſales thereof, truſtyng to recouer all againe by the gaines of this iourney. Wherefore offended wyth thys ſoddayne concluſion of peace, they ſpake euill bothe of the Kyng and his counſell. But the King like a wiſe prince aſſwaged their diſplea|ſure in parte with excuſing the matter, alled|gyng what loſſe, and bloud ſhedde was like to enſue bothe of Captaines and ſouldiours if the aſſault ſhould haue bin giuen to the vtterance, eſpecially ſith that the towne was ſo well fur|niſhed with men and munitions. When he had ſomewhat appeaſed their minds with theſe and many other reaſons, hee retourned backe again to Calais.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 There were not many of the Engliſhe ar|mye loſte at this ſiege of Bolongne, and fewe or no men of name, Poli [...]ore. [...] S [...]| [...]g [...] at [...] ſauyng that valiant Capi|taine ſir Iohn Sauage Knight, the whyche as hee and ſir Iohn Riſely rode aboute the walles of the towne, to viewe in what place it might bee eaſtieſt aſſaulted, was compaſſed aboute by certaine Frenchmen that were iſſued out of the towne, and there ſlain ſtanding at defence, and vtterly refuſing to yelde hymſelfe as priſoner. But ſir Iohn Riſley eſcaped by fleeing away.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 When the King was thus returned to Ca|lais, he began to ſmell a certayne ſecrete ſmoke, whiche was lyke to tourne to a greate flame, wythout wiſe foreſight, and good lookyng to. For by the craftye inuention, and diuelliſhe i|magination of the Lady Margaret Ducheſſe of Burgongne, a newe Idoll was ſe [...]te vp in Flaunders, and by a forged name called Ry|charde Plantagenet ſecond ſonne to king Ed|warde the fourthe, as though he had bin reyſed from deathe to life. The newes hereof ſome|what troubled hym, ſo that hee was with bet|ter will content to receiue the honourable con|ditions of peace offered of his enemie bycauſe hee ſhoulde not be conſtrained at one time to make warre bothe at home, and alſo in a for|rein Region.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The concluſion of this agreement made with the Frenchmen, was this.The concl [...] of the p [...]. That the peace ſhoulde continue bothe their liues, and that the Frenche Kyng ſhoulde paye to the Kyng of Englande a certaine ſumme of money in hand, according as the commiſſioners ſhuld appoynt for his chardges ſuſteined in this iourney.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Whiche as the King certifyed the Maior of London by his letters the ninth of Nouem|ber, amounted to the ſumme of ſeuen hundred fortie fiue thouſande duckets, whiche is of ſter|ling money one hundred foure [...]ore and ſixe thouſande twoo hundred and fiftie pounds, and alſo ſhoulde yearely for a certayne ſpace, paye or cauſe to be paide, for the mony that the king hadde ſpent and expended in the defence of the Britons fiue and twenty thouſande crownes, whiche yearely tribute the French King after|wardes continually occupied wyth the warres of Italy yearely, ſatiſfied and payde ſo long as King Henry liued, who after he hadde tar|ried a conuenient ſpace at Calais, tooke the ſea, and ariued at Douer, and ſo came to his Man|nor of Greenewiche.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Immediatlye after hys retourne thus into England, he elected into the felowſhip of faynt George commonly called the order of the Gar|ter, Alfonſe Duke of Calabre ſonne and heire to Ferdinando K. of Naples, Chriſtofer Vrſ|wicke the Kyngs Aulmoner was ſente to him vnto Naples with the garter, coller, Mantel,Alphonſ [...] [...] of Calabre made Knight [...] the Garter. and other habellementes appertainyng to the companiõs of that noble order, the which was reuerently receiued of the ſayd Duke who in a ſolemne preſence reueſted hymſelfe wyth that habite, ſuppoſing by the countenaunce of that apparell to bee able to reſiſte his aduerſarye the French King, ſith he was nowe made a friend and companiõ in order wyth the king of Eng|lande: but that little auailed hym, as after it was ryght apparant.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This yeare the twoo and twentye of Iune, was borne at Greenewiche the Lorde Henry,The birth [...] of Henry duke of Yorke, after King. ſeconde ſonne of thys Kyng Henrye the ſe|uenth, whiche was created Duke of Yorke, and after Prynce of Wales, and in concluſion ſucceeded hys father in gouernaunce of this Realm, by the name of Henry the eight, father to our gracious ſouerayn Queene Elizabeth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 But now to returne to the new found ſonne to King Edwarde, coniured by mens policies from death to life:149 [...] Ye ſhall vnderſtand that the Ducheſſe of Burgongne euer deſiryng to caſt a Scorpion in the boſome of Kyng Henrye, not for anye diſpleaſure by hym towar|des hir wroughte or doone, but onely bycauſe EEBO page image 1441 he was diſcended of ye houſe of Lancaſter, being an enimie to hir line, began to ſpin a new webbe like a ſpider, that daily weaueth when his call is torne: for after that the Erle of Lincolne, whiche was by hir ſet forth, had miſſed ye quiſſhen, & loſt both horſe and ſpurres, ſhe could not be quiet, till ſhe had practiſed a new deuiſe to put K. Henrye to trouble. And as the Deuill prouideth vene|mous ſauſe to corrupt ſtomackes, ſo for hir pur|poſe, ſhe eſpyed a certayne yong man of viſage beautifull, of countenance demure, of wit craftie & ſubtile, called Peter Warbecke, & for his faint|neſſe of ſtomacke, [...] War| [...]. of the Engliſhmen in deriſion called Perkin Warbecke, according to ye Dutch phraſe, which change the name of Peter to Per|kin, of yonglings and little boyes, which for wãt of age, lacke of ſtrength and manlyke courage, are not thoughte worthy of the name of a man. This yong man trauelling many Countreys, could ſpeake Engliſh and diuers other langua|ges, & for his baſeneſſe of birthe and ſtocke, was almoſt vnknowen of all men, and driuen to ſeke liuing frõ his childhood, was conſtreined to ſeeke and trauaile through many coũtreys. The Du|ches glad to haue got ſo meete an organe for the conueying of hir inuented purpoſe, as one not vnlike to bee taken and reputed for the Duke of Yorke, ſonne to hir brother K. Edward, whych was called Richarde, kepte him a certaine ſpace with hir priuily, and him with ſuche diligence inſtructed, both of the ſecretes and common af|faires of the Realme of England, and of the lig|nage, diſſent and order of the houſe of Yorke, that like a good ſcoller, not forgetting his leſſon, hee could tel al that was taught him promptly with|out any ſtackering or ſtay in his words, and be|ſides that, he kept ſuch a princely countenaunce, and ſo counterfaite a maieſtie roiall, that all mẽ in manner did firmely beleeue, that hee was ex|tracted of ye noble houſe, and family of ye Dukes of Yorke: for ſurely, it was a gifte giuen to that noble progenie, as of nature planted in the roote, that all the ſequeale of that line and ſtocke, dyd ſtudie and deuiſe how to be equiualẽt in honour and fame with their forefathers, and noble pre|deceſſors. Whẽ ye Duches had framed hir cloth meete for the market, ſhe was enformed that K. Henry prepared to make warre againſt Charles the Frenche King, wherefore, ſhee thinking that the time ſerued well for the ſetting forthe of hyr malicious inuentions, ſent this Perkyn hir new inuented mawmet, firſt into Portingale, and ſo craftily into the Countrey of Ireland, to the in|tent, [...]ekin War| [...]cke arriueth [...] Irelande. that he being both wittie and wilie, mighte inuegle the rude Iriſhmen (being at thoſe dayes more enclined to Rebellion, than to reaſonable order) to a new ſeditious commotion. Shortely after his arriuall in Irelande, whether by hys ſhrewde witte, or the malicious exhortation of the ſauage Iriſhe gouernours, he entred ſo farre in credite with the people of that Ile, that hys wordes were taken to be as true as hee vntruely with falſe demonſtrations ſette forth and publi|ſhed them. The French King aduertiſed hereof, then being in diſpleaſure with King Henry, ſent for Perkin into Irelande, to the intent to ſende him againſte King Henry, which was then in|uading Fraunce (as ye before haue heard.) Per|kin thought himſelfe aloft now, that he was cal|led to the familiaritie of Kings,Perkin ſaileth into Fraunce. and therefore with all diligence, ſailed into Fraunce, and com|ming [figure appears here on page 1441] to the Kings preſence, was of him royal|lie receiued, and after a princely faſhion entertei|ned, and had a gard to him aſſigned, wherof was gouernour the Lorde Congreſhall, and to hym being at Paris, reſorted Sir George Neuill ba|ſterd, Sir Iohn Tailer, Rowland Robinſon, and an hundred Engliſh Rebels. But after that a peace as before is ſaid was concluded betwixte the French King, and the king of Englande, the Frenche king diſmiſſed Perkin, and woulde no longer keepe him. But ſome haue ſaid whyche were there attending on him, that Perkin, fea|ring leaſt the french king ſhould deliuer hym to the king of Englande, beguiled the Lord Con|greſhall, and fled frõ Paris by night. But whe|ther the French King knewe of his departure or not, the troth is, that hee being in manner in de|ſpaire, returned to his firſte founder the Ladye Margaret, of whome he was ſo welcomed to all outward appearance, that it ſeemed ſhe could not haue reioyced at any earthly thing, more than ſhe did at his preſence (and as ſhe could well diſ|ſimule) ſhe made ſemblaunce as though ſhe had neuer ſeene him before that time. And as ſhe had ſore longed to knowe not once, but diuers times in open audience, and in ſolemne preſence, ſhee willed him to declare and ſhew by what meanes he was preſerued from death and deſtruction, & in what countreys he had wandred and ſoughte EEBO page image 1442 friendſhip. And finally, by what chance of for|tune he came to hir court, to the intente, that by ye open declaration of theſe fained phantaſies, the people might be perſwaded to giue credite, & be|leeue, that he was the true begottẽ ſon of hir bro|ther K. Edward. And after this, ſhee aſſigned to him a guard of thirtie perſõs in Murrey, & blew, & highly honored him,

Perkin named by the Duches of Burgoigne, the white roſe of Englande.


as a great eſtate, and cal|led him the white roſe of Englande. The nobili|tie of Flanders did to him all reuerence. In En|gland, ye brute of him being blowen throughout the Realm, ſore diſquieted the people, in ſomuch, that not only the meaner ſort, but alſo many of the nobles & worſhipful perſonages belieued and publiſhed it abroade,Such long and looked for al|teration of ſtates. yt all was true whiche was reported of him. And not only they that were in Sainctuaries, but alſo many other that wer fallẽ in debt, aſſembled in a cõpany, & paſſed ouer the Seas into Flanders, to their counterfaite Duke of York, otherwiſe rightly named Perkin Wer|beck. Truely, the realm of England was in ma|ner deuided (with ye rumor, & vaine fable ſpred a|broade of this twice borne duke) into partakings & contrarie factions.Falſe rumors, occaſions of great diſqui|etnes. And ſome of the noble men conſpired togither, purpoſing to aid ye foreſayde Perkin, as the man whome they reputed to bee the very ſonne of Kyng Edward, and that the matter was not feigned, but altogither true, iuſt, & not imagined of any malitious pretẽce or pur|poſe: and bicauſe the thing was weightie, and re|quired greate aide & aſſiſtance, therefore they de|termined to ſend meſſengers vnto ye Lady Mar|garet, to know whẽ Richard D. of York might conueniently come into England, to the intent, that they being thereof certified, might be in a re|dineſſe to helpe and ſuccoure him at his arriuall.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 An. reg. 8. So by ye cõmon conſent of the conſpirators, ſir Rob. Clifford knight, & Wil. Barley, wer ſẽt into Flanders, which diſcouered to ye Duches, all the ſecret intents & priuie meanings of the friẽds & fautors of ye new foũd D. The Duches gladly receiued this meſſage, & after ſhe had heard their errand, ſhe brought the meſſenger to the ſight of Perkin, who ſo well counterfeited the geſture, countenãce, and maner of Richard D. of Yorke, that ſir Robert Clifford beleeued verily, that hee was the ſecõd ſon of K. Edward, & therof wrote a letter of credit into England to his complices, & to put thẽ out of doubt, he affirmed yt he knew him to be K. Edwards ſon by his face, & other li|niaments of his body. Vpon this letter, the chiefe doers in this buſineſſe ſpred the ſignificatiõ ther|of abroade through the Realme, to the intent to ſtirre the people to ſome newe tumulte and com|motion, but it was done by ſuche a ſecret craft, yt no man coulde tell who was the author of that rumor. The K. perceyuing that this vayne fable was not vaniſhed out of the mad braines of the common people, to prouide therefore againſte all perils yt might therby enſue, ſent certain knights that were ſkilfull mẽ of war, with cõpetẽt bands of ſoldiers, to keepe the ſea coaſtes, and hauens, to vnderſtand who came in, and went out of the Realme, doubting leaſt ſome greate conſpiracie were in brewing againſt him. He alſo ſent into ye low countreys certain perſons to learne ye troth of this forged dukes progenie,Perkin [...] [...]e lignage. where ſome of thẽ that were ſo ſente, comming to Tourney, gote knowlege that he was borne in that citie of baſe lignage, & named Perkin Warbecke. The king then aduertiſed not only by his eſpials vpõ theyr returne, but alſo from other his truſty friendes, determined with al ſpeede to haue the fraud pub|liſhed, both in Englande and forraine parties, and for the ſame cauſe, ſente ſir Edwarde Poi|nings Knight, and ſir Wil. Warram, Doctor of the lawes, vnto Phillip Archduke of Bur|goigne, & to his counſailers (bycauſe he was not yet of age able to gouerne of himſelfe) to ſignifie to him and them, that the yong man being with the Lady Margaret, had falſely and vntruely v|ſurped ye name of Rich. D. of Yorke, which long before was murthred wt his brother Edw. in the Tower of London, by ye cõmandement of theyr vncle King Richard as many men then liuing, could teſtifie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Ambaſſadors cõming to ye court of the Archduke, Philip, were honorably enterteyned of him, & of his counſaile, & willed to declare the ef|fect of their meſſage. Wil. Warrã made before thẽ an eloquẽt Oratiõ, & in the later ende ſome|what inueighed againſt the Lady Margaret, not ſparing to declare, how ſhe now in hir later age, had brought forth (within ye ſpace of a few yeres togither) two deteſtable monſters, that is to ſay, Lãbert (of whom ye heard before) and this Per|kin Warbecke, and being conceiued of theſe two great babes, was not deliuered of them in eyght or nine monethes, as nature requireth, but in the C. and .80. monethes, for bothe theſe at the leaſt, wer .15. yeres of age, ere ſhe would be brought in bed of them, & ſhew thẽ openly, & whẽ they were newly crept out of hir womb, they wer no infãts but luſty yõglings, & of age ſufficiẽt to bid bat|tel to kings. Althogh theſe taũts angred ye Lady Margaret euen at ye hart, yet Perkin was more vexed with the things declared in this Oration, and eſpecially bycauſe his cloked iuggling was brought to light. The Duches intẽding to caſt ho [...]e ſulphure, to ye new kindled fire, determined wt might & main to arme and ſet forward pretie Perkin againſt the K. of Englãd. Whẽ ye Am|baſſadors had done their meſſage, & that ye Arch|dukes counſel had long debated the matter, they made anſwere, that to haue the K. of Englãds loue, ye Archduke & they would neither aide nor EEBO page image 1443 aſſiſt Perkin nor his complices in anye cauſe or quarrell. Yet notwithſtãding, if the Lady Mar|garet, perſiſting in hir rooted malice towards the K. of Englande, would bee to him aiding & hel|ping, it was not in their power to withſtande it, for bycauſe in the landes aſſigned to hir for hyr dower, ſhee mighte frankely and freely order all things at hir will and pleaſure, without contra|diction of any other gouernour.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 An. reg. 9. Eſpials ſente into Flanders.After that ye Ambaſſadors wer returned with this aunſwere, the K. ſtraight ſent forth certaine eſpials into Flanders, which ſhould faigne thẽ|ſelues to haue fled to the D. of Yorke, and there|by ſearch out the whole intent of the conſpiracie, and after what ſort they meant to proceede in ye ſame. Other were ſent alſo to entice ſir Roberte Clifford, and Wil. Barly to returne into Eng|lande, promiſing to them pardon of all their of|fences, and high rewards, for obeying the kings requeſt. They that were ſent, did ſo earneſtly and prudently apply their buſines, that they brought al things to paſſe at their owne deſires. For firſt they learned, who were the chiefe conſpirators, and after perſwaded ſir Robert Clifford to giue ouer that enterpriſe, which had no grounded ſtay to reſt vppon. Albeit. Wil. Barley at the fyrſte woulde not leaue off, but continued his begunne attempt, til after two yeares, he repenting him of his folly, and hauing pardon graunted him of ye K. returned home into his natiue coũtrey. Whẽ the K. had knowledge of the chiefe captaines of this cõſpiracie (by ye ouerture of his eſpials whi|che were returned) he cauſed them to bee appre|hended, and brought to London before hys pre|ſence Of the which, the chiefe were Iohn Rat|cliffe, L. Fitzwater, ſir Simon Mounforde, Sir Tho. Twhaitz knightes, Wil. Daubeney, Ro|bert Ratcliffe, Tho. Creſſenor, & Tho. Aſtwood. Alſo certaine prieſts & religious mẽ, as ſir Wil. Richford, doctor of diuinitie, & ſir Tho. Poynes, both friers of S. Dominikes order, doctor Wil. Sutton, ſir Wil. Worſeley, Deane of Paules, Robert Layborne, & ſir Richard Leſſey. Other which were giltie, hearing yt their fellowes were apprehended, fled and tooke Sainctuarie. The o|ther that were taken, were condemned, of the which, ſir Simon Montford, Robert Ratcliffe, & Wil. Daubeney, wer beheaded. The other had their pardons, and the prieſts alſo for their order ſake, but yet fewe of them liued long after. The L. Fitz Water pardoned of life, was conueyed to Calais, & ther laid in hold, & after loſt his head bycauſe he went about to corrupt his keepers wt rewards, that he might eſcape, intending as was thought, to haue gone to Perkyn. King Henrye taking diſpleaſure with the K. of Romaines, for that he kept not touch in aiding him agaynſt the frẽch K. & partly diſpleaſed with ye Flemmings, but ſpecially wt the Lady Margaret, for keeping & ſetting forward Perkin Warbecke,Flemmiſhe wares forbid|den. not onely baniſhed al Flemmiſh wares, & merchãdiſes out of his dominiõs, but alſo reſtreined all Engliſhe merchants frõ their repaire & traffike, into any of the lands & territories of the K. of Romaines, or of ye Archduke Philip, ſon to the ſame K. of Ro|maines, cauſing ye mart to be kept at Calais,The mare kept at Ca|lais. of al Engliſh merchãdices & commodities. Wher|fore, the ſaid K. and his ſon baniſhed out of their lãds & ſeigniories al engliſh clothes, yarne,Engliſh com|modities ba|niſhed out of Flanders. tinne leade, & other cõmodities of this Realm. The re|ſtraint made by the K. ſore hindred ye merchants aduenturers, for they had no occupying to beare their charges, & to ſupporte their credite withall. And ye moſt greeued thẽ, the Eaſterlings beeing at libertie, brought into ye Realm ſuch wares as they were wont, and ſo ſerued their cuſtomers through out ye realme, wherevpon, there enſued a riot by the ſeruãts of ye mercers, haberdaſhers,A riot made vpon the Ea|ſterlings. & clothworkers within the Citie of London, the Tewſday before S. Edwards day: for they per|ceiuing what hinderance grew to their maiſters in that they were not able ſo wel to keepe thẽ, as before they had done, aſſembled togither in pur|poſe to reuenge their malice on ye Eaſterlings, & ſo came to ye Stiliard, & began to rifle and ſpoile ſuch chambers & ware houſes as they coulde get into. So yt the Eaſterlings had much ado to wt|ſtand them, & keepe thẽ backe out of their gates, which with help of Carpẽters, Smithes, & other yt came to thẽ by water out of Southwark, they ſhored, & ſo fortified, yt the multitude of the ſer|uants and prentiſes, being aſſembled, coulde not preuaile: & at length, came the Maior wt a nũ|number of men, defenſibly weaponed, to remoue ye force, at whoſe approche, thoſe riotous perſons fled away like a flocke of ſheepe, but diuers of thẽ were apprehended, & vppon inquirie made before ye kings commiſſioners, aboue .80. ſeruants and apprentiſes were found to be conſpired togither, & ſworne not to reueale it, of whome ſome of the chiefe beginners were cõmitted to the Tower,1494 & there long continued, but in concluſion, bycauſe none of their maſters, nor anye one houſholder was found culpable, the K. of his clemencie par|doned their offence, and reſtored them to libertie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Shortly after ſir Rob. Clifford partly truſting on ye kings promis,An. reg. 10. & partly nuſtruſting ye deſpe|rat begon enterpriſe, returned ſodenly again into Englãd. The K. being [...] before of his cõ|ming, wẽt ſtreight to ye [...] of [...] ye morow after the day of the Epiphanie, & there taried till ſuche tyme that ſir Roberte Clifforde was there preſented to his perſon. This was done for ã po|licie, that if ſir Robert accuſed any of the nobili|tie, they might be called thither without ſuſpiti|on of any will, and there attached and layd faſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 EEBO page image 1444Some thought alſo, that for a policie, Kyng Henry did ſend ſir Roberte Clifford ouer, as an eſpie, or elſe he would not ſo ſoone haue receyued him into fauour againe. Neuertheleſſe, ther were greate preſumptions that it was nothing ſo, for both was he in great daunger after his begunne attempt, and neuer was ſo much eſteemed with the K. afterward, as he was before. But thys is true, vpon his cõming to the kings preſence, hee beſought him of pardon, and obteyned it, & there|with opened all the maner of the conſpiracie, ſo far as he knewe, and who were aiders, fantors, and chief beginners of it,Sir William Stanley a fa|uourer of Perkin. amongſt whome, hee accuſed ſir Wil. Stanley, whom ye K. had made his chiefe Chamberlaine, and one of hys priuie counſell. The K. was ſorie to heare this, & could not be enduced to belieue that there was ſo much vntroth in him, til by euident prooues it was tri|ed againſt him. Then the K. cauſed him to be re|ſtreined from his libertie in his owne chamber within the quadrate tower, and there appoynted him by his priuie counſaile, to bee examined, in which examinatiõ, he nothing denyed, but wiſe|ly and ſagely agreed to all things layde to hys charge, if hee were therein faultie and culpable. The report is, that this was his offence. When communication was had betwixt him, and the aboue mentioned ſir Robert Clifford, as concer|ning Perkyn, which falſely vſurped the name of K. Edwardes ſon, Sir Wil. Stanley ſaid, that if he knew certainely that the yõg man was the indubitate heire of K. Edwarde the fourthe, hee would neuer fight nor beare armor againſt him. This point argued, that hee bare no hartie good wil toward K. Henry as then, but what was the cauſe that he had cõceyued ſome inward grudge towards ye king, or how it chanced that the K. had withdrawen his ſpeciall fauour from hym, many haue doubted. Some indeede haue geſſed, that ſir Wil. Stanley, for the ſeruice whiche hee ſhewed at Boſworth field, thought that al ye be|nefites which he receyued of the K. to be far vn|der that which he had deſerued in preſeruing not only the kings life, but alſo in obteyning for him the victorie of his enimies, ſo that his aduerſarie was ſlaine in the fielde, and therefore deſiring to be created Earle of Cheſter, and thereof denyed, he began to diſdeine the K. and one thing encou|raged him much, which was the riches & treaſure of K. Richard, which he only poſſeſſed at ye bat|taile of Boſworth, by reaſon of which riches and greate power of men, he ſet naught by the king his ſoueraigne Lord and maiſter. The king ha|uing thus an hole in his coate, doubted firſt what hee ſhould doe with him, for loth hee was to loſe the fauour of his brother the Erle of Derby, and againe to pardon him, he feared leaſt it ſhould be an euil example to other that ſhould goe about to attempt the like offence, and ſo at lẽgth, ſeueritie gote the vpper hand, and mercy was put backe, in ſo much, that he was arraigned at Weſtmin|ſter, and adiudged to die,


Sir William Stanley be|headed.

and according to that iudgement, was brought to the Tower hill the ſixteenth day of February, and there had his head ſtriken off.

[figure appears here on page 1444]

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Aboute the ſame time, diuers were puniſhed alſo, that had vpon a preſumptuous boldnes ſpo|ken many ſlaunderous words againſt the kings maieſtie, hoping ſtill for the arriuall of the feyg|ned Richard Duke of Yorke.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 After the deathe of ſir Wil. Stanley,An. reg. 11. Gyles L. Daubeney, was elected and made the kings chiefe Chamberlaine. Alſo, the K. ſent into Ire|land (to purge out the euill and wicked ſeedes of Rebellion, amongſt the wild and ſauage Iriſhe people, ſowed there by the craftie conueyance of Perkin Warbecke) ſir Henry Deane, late Abbot of Langtonie (whom he made chancellor of that Iſle) and ſir Edward Poinings knight, with an army of men. The fauourers of Perkin, hearing that ſir Edwarde Poynings was come with a power to perſecute them, withdrewe ſtraighte|wayes, and fled into the woods & mariſhes, for the ſafegard of themſelues.Sir Edwarde Poinings ſente into Irelande with an army. Sir Edwarde Poy|nings according to his commiſſion, intending to puniſhe ſuche as had aided and aduanced the enterpriſe of Perkin, with his whole army mar|ched forward againſt the wild Iriſhmẽ, bycauſe that all other being culpable of that offence, fled and reſorted to them for ſuccour. But when hee ſaw that his purpoſe ſucceeded not as he would haue wiſhed it, both bycauſe the Iriſhe Lordes ſent him no ſuccour according to their promiſes, and alſo for that his owne number was not ſuf|ficient to furniſh his enterpriſe, bycauſe his eni|mies were diſperſed amongſt woddes, Moun|taines, and mariſhes,Gerald Earle of Kildare, deputy of Ire|land appre|hended. hee was conſtreined to re|cule backe, ſore diſpleaſed in his minde agaynſte Geralde Earle of Kildare, being then the Kings deputie, whome he ſuſpected to bee the cauſe that EEBO page image 1445 he had no ſuccours ſent him, & was ſo enformed indede by ſuch as bare to ye erle no good wil. And therfore ſuddainely he cauſed ye erle to be appre|hended, & as a priſoner brought him in his com|pany into Englande. Whiche earle being exa|mined, & ſundry points of treaſon laid to him, he ſo auoided thẽ all, and laid the burthen in other mens neckes, that he was diſmiſſed, and ſente into Ireland againe, there to be deputie & lieute|nant as he was before. The King being now in ſome better ſuretie of his eſtate, did take his pro|greſſe into Lancaſhire the .25. day of Iune, there to make merrie with his mother the Coũteſſe of Derby, whiche then laye at Lathome in that Countrey.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 In this meane while, Perkin Warbeck, be|ing in Flanders, ſore troubled that his iuggling was diſcouered, yet he determined not to leaue of his enterpriſe, in hope at lengthe to attayne the crowne of England, and ſo gathering a power of al nations, ſome banquerouts, ſome falſe En|gliſh ſainctuarie men, ſome theeues, robbers, and vacabunds, whyche deſiring to liue by rapine, wer glad to ſerue him. And thus furniſhed, tooke ſuch ſhips as his frendes had prouided for him, & departing frõ Flanders towards England, ari|ued vpon ye Kẽtiſh coaſt,Perk [...] [...]tẽp| [...]th to land to Kent. & there caſt anker, pur|poſing to proue how ye people there were affected towards him, & therfore he ſent certayne of his men to lande, to ſignify to the Countrey his a|riual with ſuche a power, that the victorie muſte needs encline to his part. The Kentiſhmen vn|derſtanding ye Perkyn was but Perkin, and had none with him (to make accompt of) but ſtran|gers borne, like faithful ſubiects, determine to fal vpon thoſe that were thus newe come to lande, & eke to trie if they myght allure ye whole num|ber out of their ſhippes, ſo to giue them battaile. But Perkyn wiſely conſidering yt the maner of a multitude, is not to conſult & ſagely to aduyſe with themſelues in any deliberate ſorte, but ſod|deynly & raſhly to run headlong into Rebellion, would not ſet one foote out of his ſhip till he ſaw al things ſure. Yet he permitted ſome of his ſoul|diors to goe on land, which being trayned foorth a pretie way frõ their ſhips, were ſodainly com|paſſed about & beſet of ye Kentiſhmen,Perkin men [...]fated. and at one ſtroke vanquiſhed & driuen backe to their ſhips: of whom ther wer taken priſoners an C.lx. per|ſons,Perkins Cap| [...]nes taken and executed. whereof fiue, Montfort, Corbet, White, Belt, Quintine, or otherwiſe Genin, being cap|taines, were brought to Londõ by ſir Iohn Pe|chy, ſheriffe of Kent, railed in ropes like Horſes, drawing in a cart, and after vpon their arrain|ment, cõfeſſed their offẽce, & were executed, ſome at London, & other in the townes adioining to ye ſea coaſt.Perkin retu| [...]eth into Flã|ders. And thus Perkyn, miſſing of his pur|poſe, fled backe into Flãders. In this very ſeſon departed to God Cicilie Duches of Yorke mo|ther to K. Edward ye .iiij. at hir caſtel of Berk|hãſtere, a womã of ſmal ſtature,The death of Cicely Du|ches of Yorke. but of much ho|nor & high parentage, & was buried by hir huſbãd in ye colledge of Fodringey. The K. being aduer|tiſed ye his enimies were landed, leauing off hys progreſſe, purpoſed to haue returned to London, but being certified the next day of ye lucky ſpeede of his faithfull ſubiects, cõtinued his progreſſe, & ſent ſir Rich. Guylford both to cõmend the fide|litie & manhod of the Kentiſhmen, & alſo to rẽder to thẽ moſt harty thãks for ye ſame. He alſo cau|ſed order to be takẽ for ye erecting of beacons, and watching of them. Perkin then perceiuing that hee ſhoulde not bee receiued in Englande, ſailed into Ireland, truſting there to augment his nũ|bers, and then to returne towards ye coaſt of En|gland again, and to take land in the Weſt coũ|trey, if occaſion ſerued, but if not,Perkin ſaileth into Irelande. thẽ he determi|ned to ſaile ſtraight into Scotl. to ſeeke friẽdſhip ther. After he had therfore ſtayed a while in Ire|lãd, and perceiued yt the hope of victory conſiſted not in ye Iriſh nation, being naked people, wtout furniture of armour or weapon, he tooke ye ſea a|gaine at Corffe, & ſailed into Scotlande, where cõming to the preſence of K. Iames, he forged ſuche a painted proceſſe, to moue him to beleeue that he was the very ſonne of K. Edward, that the Scottiſhe King, whether blinded by error, or vſing diſſimulatiõ, yt he mighte vnder a coulou|rable pretext, make war againſt England, begã to haue Perkin in great honour, and cauſed him openly to bee called Duke of Yorke. And to per|ſwade ye world yt ſo he was indeede,

Katherine daughter to the Earle of Huntlay ma|ried to Perkin


he cauſed the Lady Katherine, daughter to Alexander Erle of Huntley, his nigh kinſmã, to be eſpouſed to him. And ſhortly after, hauing this Perkin with him in cõpany, he entred into England with a puiſ|ſant army, & cauſed proclamation to be made,The Scottiſhe K. inuideth England with a great army in Perkin his behalfe. to ſpare al thoſe yt would ſubmit thẽſelfs vnto Ri|charde D. of Yorke, & heerewith, they began the war in moſt cruel maner, wt ſlaughter of men, brenning of Townes, ſpoiling of houſes, and committing of all other deteſtable enormities, ſo that all the Countrey of Northumberlande, was by them in manner waſted, and de|ſtroyed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At length, when the ſouldiers were ladẽ with ſpoile, and ſaciate with bloud. perceiuing that no ſuccoures came out of Englãd vnto the new inuented Duke, contrary to that whiche he had made them to beleeue would come to paſſe, they determined to returne, rather with aſſured gaine, than to tarrie ye vncertaine victorie of that coun|terfaite Duke, and ſo therevpon, they withdrew backe into Scotland, enriched with prayes and booties.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 It is ſaide, that Perkin Warbecke, beeyng EEBO page image 1446 retourned into Scotlande with the Kyng of Scottes, vnder a cloked pretence, ſhould ſore la|mente the greate ſlaughter, ſpoyle, and domage, which had bin done at this laſt roade made into Englande, and therefore as one that bare a na|turall loue towarde his natiue Countrey, be|ſoughte the King of Scottes, that from thence|forth, hee woulde no more ſo deface his naturall Realme, and deſtroy his ſubiects with ſuche ter|rible fire, flame, and hauocke, as who ſhould ſay, he beeing ouercome now with compaſſion, dyd bewayle the cruell deſtruction of his naturall Countrey of England. But the Scottiſh King told him, that he ſeemed to take thought for that which appeared to be none of his, ſith that not ſo much as one Gentleman or yeoman for ought that he coulde ſee, would once ſhewe themſelues ready to ayde hym in the warre begunne for his cauſe, and in his name, within that realme whi|che he pretended ſo cleerely to apperteine to him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Kyng of Englande beeing certyfied of this inuaſion, prepared an armye with all dili|gence to haue reſiſted the Scots, but they were returned ere the Engliſhe power could aſſemble togither.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 An. reg. 12. When the King was truely certified that the Scottiſhe King was returned home, hee ſtayed all the preparations made at that time to goe a|gainſt him, but yet meaning to bee reuenged of the wrongs done to hym by King Iames and his people, he firſt called a Parliament, and in that aſſemblie of the three eſtates of his Realm, he declared the cauſe of the inſtant warre, & how neceſſarie it ſhould be for the ſuretie and welth of the realme of England to haue that war purſued againſt thoſe enimies that had begon it. To this motion all the nobilitie wholly agreed. And to the maintenance of that warre, a ſubſidie was by whole aſſent of the parliament freely giuen and graunted. Which payment though it was not great, yet manie of the cõmon people ſore grud|ged to pay ye ſame, as they that euer abhorre ſuch taxes & exactions. At the ſame parliament were diuers acts & ſtatutes made, neceſſarie and expe|dient (as was thought) for the publike weale of the realm.1497 In the meane ſeaſon the K. of Scots perceyuing that the Engliſhmen would ſhortly goe about to reuẽge the iniuries done to them by him and his people, aſſembled eftſoons a puiſſant armie, that he might either defende his realme a|gainſt the Engliſh power, attempting to inuade his countrey, or elſe a freſh to enter into the En|gliſh borders. And thus theſe two mightie prin|ces mynded nothing more than the one to endo|mage the other, But the king of England wold not deferre one houre by his good will til he were reuenged, and therfore prepared a mightie army to inuade Scotland, and ordeyned for chieftayn therof ye lord Daubeney. But as this army was aſſembled, and that the lord Daubeney was for|ward on his iourney towards Scotland, he was ſodainly ſtayed and called backe again by reaſon of a new commotion begon by the Corniſhmen for the paimẽt of the Subſidie which was gran|ted at the laſt parliament.A Rebellion in Cornewall for the pay|ment of a ſubſedie. Theſe vnruly people the Corniſhmen inhabiting in a bareyn country and vnfruitful, at the firſte ſore repined that they ſhould be ſo greuouſly taxed, and burdened the kings counſell as the only cauſe of ſuch polling & pilling. And ſo being in their rage, menaced the chiefe authors with death and preſent deſtructiõ. And thus being in a roare, two perſõs of ye ſame affinitie, the one called Thomas Flammocke, a gentleman, lerned in the lawes of the realme, and the other Mighel Ioſeph a Smith, men of ſtout ſtomacks and high courages, toke vpon them to be captains of this ſeditious cõpanie. They laide the fault & cauſe of this exaction vnto Io. Mor|ton Archbiſhop of Canterbury, & to ſir Reinold Bray, bicauſe they wer chief of the kings coũſel. Such rewards haue they cõmonly yt be in great authority wt kings & princes. The captains Flã|mock and Ioſeph exhorted the cõmon people to put on harneis, & not to be afeard to follow them in that quarell, promiſing not to hurte any crea|ture, but only to ſee them puniſhed that procured ſuch exactions to be layd on the people without any reſonable cauſe, as vnder the color of a little trouble with the Scottes, whiche (ſith they were withdrawne home) they toke to be well quieted and appeaſed. So theſe Captaines bent on miſ|chiefe (were their outward pretẽce neuer ſo fine|ly couloured) perſwaded a great number of peo|ple to aſſemble togither, & condiſcended to do as their Captaines would agree and appoint. Then theſe captaines praiſing much the hardineſſe of the people, whẽ al things were ready for their in|fortunate iourney, ſet forwarde with their ar|my, and came to Taunton, where they ſlew the prouoſt of Peryn, which was one of ye cõmiſſio|ners of ye ſubſedie, & from thẽce came to Welles, ſo intẽding to goe to London, where the K. then ſoiourned. Whẽ the K. was aduertiſed of theſe doings, he was ſomewhat aſtonyed, & not with|out cauſe being thus troubled wt the war againſt ye Scottes, and this ciuil cõmotiõ of his ſubiects at one inſtant, but firſte meaning to ſubdue hys rebellions ſubiects, & after to proceede againſt the Scots as occaſiõ ſhould ſerue, he reuoked the L. Dawbeney (which as you haue hearde) was go|ing againſt the Scottes, & encreaſed his army wt many choſen & piked warriors. Alſo miſtruſting that the Scots might now (hauing ſuch oportu|nitie) inuade ye realme again, he appointed the L. Tho. Howard Erle of Surrey (which after the death of the L. Iohn Dinham, was made hygh EEBO page image 1447 treaſorer of Englãd) to gather a band of mẽ in ye countie Palatine of Durham, yt they with ye aid of ye inhabitãts adioining, & the borderers might keepe back ye Scots if they chanced to make any inuaſiõ. The nobles of ye realme hearing of ye re|belliõ of ye Corniſhmẽ, came to Lõdon euery mã wt as many mẽ of war as they could put in a re|dines to aid ye K. if neede ſhould be. In ye which number were ye erle of Eſſex, & the L. Montloy, wt diuers other.Iames Twi|cher Lorde Audeley chief certayne of the Corniſh rebels. In ye mean time, Iames Twi|cher L. Audeley, being confederate with the Re|bels of Cornewall, ioined with thẽ, being come to Welles, & toke vpon him as their chief Cap|tain, to leade them againſt their natural L. and K. Frõ Welles, they went to Saliſbury, & from thẽce to Wincheſter, & ſo into Kent, where they hoped to haue had great aid, but they were decei|ued in that their expectation. For the Earle of Kente, George L. of Burgeiny, Iohn Brooke, L. Cobham, ſir Edw. Poinings, ſir Rich. Guil|ford, ſir Tho. Bourchier, Io. Peche, Wil. Scot, & a great nũber of people, wer not only preſt and ready to defend ye countrey, to keepe the people in due obedience, but bent to fighte with ſuche as would lift vp ſword, or other weapon agaynſt their ſoueraigne Lord, in ſo much, that the Ken|tiſh mẽ would not once come neere the Corniſh men to aid or aſſiſt them in any maner of wiſe. Which thing maruellouſly diſmaid the heartes of ye Corniſhmẽ, whẽ they ſaw themſelues thus deceiued of the ſuccours which they moſt truſted vpõ, ſo ye many of thẽ (fearing ye euil chance that might happen) fled in the night frõ their cõpany, & left thẽ, in hope ſo to ſaue thẽſelues. The Cap|taines of the Rebels perceiuing they coulde haue no help of the Kentiſhmen, putting their onely hope in their owne puiſſance, brought their peo|ple to Blacke heath, a foure miles diſtante from London, and there in a playne on the toppe of an hill, they ordered their battailes, either readye to fight with the K. if he would aſſayle them, or elſe to aſſault the Citie of London, for they thought the K. durſt not haue encountred with them in battaile: but they were deceyued: for the K. al|thogh he had power ynogh about to haue fought with them before their comming ſo neere to the Citie, yet hee thoughte it beſt to ſuffer them to come forward, till he had them farre off frõ their natiue countrey, and then to ſet vpon them being deſtitute of aid in ſome place of aduantage. The Citie was in a great feare at the firſt knowledge giuen, how the Rebels were ſo neere encamped to the Citie, euery man getting himſelfe to har|neys, and placing thẽſelues, ſome at the gates, ſome on the walles, ſo that no parte was vnde|fended: but the K. deliuered ye Citie of that feare: for after that he perceyued how the Corniſhmen were all day ready to fight, and that on the hill, he ſent ſtraight Iohn Earle of Oxford, Henrye Bourchier, Erle of Eſſex, Edmond de la Poole, Earle of Suffolke, ſir Ryſe ap Thomas, and ſir Humfrey Stanley, noble warriors, with a great companye of archers and horſemen, to enuiron the hill on the righte ſide, and on the lefte, to the intent that all bywayes being ſtopped and fore|cloſed, al hope of flight ſhould be taken from thẽ, and incontinently, he himſelfe being as well en|couraged with mãly ſtomacke as furniſhed with a populous army and plenty of artillerie, ſet for|ward out of the Citie, and encamped himſelfe in S. Georges field, where he the Friday at nighte then lodged. On the Saterday in the morning, he ſent the L. Daubeney with a great company to ſet on thẽ earely in the morning, which firſt gote the bridge at Dertford Strand, which was manfully defended by certaine archers of the re|bels, whoſe arrowes as is reported were in lẽgth a full clothyard.Blackheath field. While the Earles ſet on them on euery ſide, the Lord Daubeney came into the field with his companie, and without long figh|ting, the Corniſhmen were ouercome, but firſte they tooke the Lorde Daubeney priſoner, and whether it were for feare, or for hope of fauour, they let him goe at libertie, without hurt or de|triment. There were ſlaine of the rebels whyche fought & reſiſted, aboue two thouſand menne, as Hall noteth,Three hun|dred ſlayne, and a thou|ſand fiue hun|dred taken priſoners, as Iohn Stowe hath. and taken priſoners an infinite nũ|ber, and amongſt them the blacke Smith, and other the chiefe Captaines, which were ſhortely after put to death. When this battel was ended, the K. wanted of al his numbers but three hun|dred, which were ſlayne at that conflict. Some affirme, that the King appointed to haue fought with them, not till the Monday, and preuenting the time, ſet on thẽ on the Saterday before, ta|king the vnprouided, and in no aray of battel, and ſo by that policie obteyned the field and vic|tory. The priſoners as well captaines as other, were pardoned, ſauing the chiefe captaynes and firſt beginners, to whome hee ſhewed no mercye at all.Iames Lorde Audeley be|headed. The L. Audeley was drawen frõ New|gate to the Tower hill in a coate of hys owne armes, paynted vppon paper reuerſed and all to torne, and there was beheaded the four and twẽ|tith of Iune. Tho. Flammock & Mighel Ioſeph were hanged drawen and quartered after ye ma|ner of Traitors, and their heads and quarters were pitched vpon ſtakes, and ſet vp in Londõ, and in other places. Although at the firſt, the K. meant to haue ſent thẽ into Cornewal, to haue bin ſet vp there for a terror to all others, but hea|ring that the Corniſhmen at home were readie to begin a new cõſpiracy, leaſt he ſhould ye more irritate and prouoke them by that diſpleaſaunte ſight, he changed his purpoſe for doubte to wrap himſelfe in more trouble than needed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 EEBO page image 1448 An. reg. 13. While theſe things were adoing in England, the K. of Scots beeing aduertiſed of the whole matter & rebellion of the Corniſhmẽ, thought not to let paſſe that occaſion,The Scots in|uade the En|gliſh borders. & the refore hee eftſones inuaded the frontiers of Englande, waſting the countrey, burning townes, and murthering the people, ſparing neither place nor perſon: & whyle his light horſemen were riding to forray and de|ſtroy the Byſhopricke of Durham, and there burned all about, he with an other part of his ar|my, [figure appears here on page 1448] beſieged the Caſtell of Norham.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Foxe biſhop of Durham.The Biſhop of Durham Richard Foxe, be|ing owner of that Caſtell, had well furniſhed it, both with men and munitions aforehand, doub|ting leaſt that would follow which came nowe to paſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Byſhoppe after that the Scottes made this inuaſion, aduertiſed the King (as then being at London) of all things that chanced in the North parts, and ſent in all poſt haſt to ye Erle of Surrey, to come to the reſcue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 The Earle being then in Yorkeſhire, and ha|uing gathered an army vpon knowledge giuen to hym from the Byſhop, with al diligence mar|ched forward, and after him folowed other noble men out of all the quarters of the North, euerye of them bringing as many men as they coulde gather, for defence of their countrey. Amongſt whom, the chiefe leaders were theſe, Raufe Erle of Weſtmerlãd, Thomas Lord Dacres, Raufe Lord Neuill, George Lord Straunge, Richard Lorde Latimer, George Lorde Lumley, Iohn Lorde Scrope, Henrye Lorde Clifford, George Lord Ogle, William Lord Conyers, Thomas Lord Darcy. Of Knightes, Thomas, Baron of Hilton. Sir William Percy, Sir William Bulmer, Sir William Gaſcoigne, Sir Raufe Bigod, Sir Raufe Bowes, Sir Tho. a Parre, Sir Raufe Ellecker, Sir Iohn Conneſtable, Sir Iohn Ratclif, Sir Iohn Sauill, Sir Tho. Strangweys, & a great nũber of other knightes and Eſquiers beſydes. The whole armye was little leſſe than twentie thouſand men, beſide the nauie, whereof the Lord Brooke was Admirall. When the Scottes had diuers wayes aſſaulted and beaten the Caſtell of Norham, but coulde make no batrie to enter the ſame, they determi|ned of their owne accorde to reyſe the ſiege, and returne, and that ſo much the ſooner in very dede, bycauſe they heard that the Erle of Surrey was within two dayes iourney of them, with a great puiſſance. Wherefore, King Iames reyſed hys ſiege, and returned home into his owne Realme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 When the Earle knew of the Kings returne, he followed him with all haſt poſſible, truſtyng ſurely to ouertake him, and to giue him battayle. When the Earle was entred Scotlande, he o|uerthrewe and defaced the Caſtell of Cawde|ſtreymes, the tower of Hetenhall, the tower of Edingtõ, the tower of Fulden, and he ſent Nor|rey King at armes, to the Captayne of Hayton Caſtel, whiche was one of the ſtrongeſt places betwixt Berwike and Edẽburgh, to deliuer him the Caſtel, which he denied to do, affirming, that he was ſure of ſpeedie ſuccours. The Erle heere|vpon layde his ordinance to the Caſtel, and con|tinually beate it, from two of the clock, till fiue at night, in ſuch wiſe, that they within rendered vp the place, their liues only ſaued. The Earle cauſed his miners to raſe and ouerthrow ye for|treſſe to the playn groũd. The Scottiſh K. was wtin a mile of the ſiege, & both knew it, & ſawe ye ſmoke, but would not ſet one foote forward to ye reſcue. While the Earle lay at Hayton, the K. of Scottes ſent to him Machemont, and an o|ther Herrauld, deſiring him at his election, eyther to fight with whole puiſſance againſt puiſſance, or elſe they two to fight perſon to perſon, requi|ring, that if the victorie fell to the Scottiſh K. that then the Earle ſhould deliuer for his raun|ſome, the town of Berwike, with the fiſhgarthes of the ſame. The Earle made aunſwere heere|to, that the Towne of Berwike was the Kyng his maiſters, and not his, the whiche hee neyther oughte nor woulde lay to pledge, without the King of Englands aſſent, but he woulde guage EEBO page image 1449 his bodie which was more precious to him than all the townes of the worlde, promiſing on hys honour, that if he tooke the king priſoner in that ſingular combate, he would releaſe to him all his part of his fine and raunſome, and if it chaunced the king to vanquiſh him, hee woulde gladly pay ſuch raunſome as was conuenient for the degree of an Earle, and thanked him greatly for the offer: for ſurely he thought himſelfe much hono|red, that ſo noble a Prince woulde vouchſafe to admit ſo poore an Erle to fight with him body to body. When he had rewarded and diſmiſſed the Heraulds, he ſet his armie in a readineſſe to abide the comming of the king of Scots, and ſo ſtoode all day.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But K. Iames not regarding his offers, wold neyther performe the one nor the other, fearing to cope with the Engliſh nation in anie cõdition and ſo therevpon fled in the night ſeaſon with all his puiſſance.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Whẽ the Erle knew that the king was reculed and had beene in Scotlande ſixe or ſeuen dayes, being dayly and nightly vexed with continuall wind and raine, vpon good and deliberate aduiſe returned backe to the town of Berwik, and there diſſolued his armie, tarying there himſelf, till hee might vnderſtande further of the Kings plea|ſure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane time there came an Ambaſſa|dour to the King of Scottes, from the king of [figure appears here on page 1449] Spaine, [...] Ambaſſa| [...] from the king of Spaine [...]eat a peace betwixt Eng|land and Scot|land. one Peter Hyalas, a man of no leſſe learning than witte and policie, to moue and in|treate a peace betweene the two kings of Eng|lande and Scotland.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This Spaniſh Ambaſſador ſo earneſtly tra|uailed in his meſſage to the king of Scottes, that at length he found him conformable to his pur|poſe, and therfore wrote to the king of England, that it would pleaſe him to ſende one of his No|bilitie or counſayle, to be aſſociate with him in concluding of peace with the Scottiſh king. The king of England was neuer daũgerous to agree to any reaſonable peace, ſo it mighte ſtand with his honour, and therfore appoynted the Biſhop of Durham doctor Fox, to go into Scotland about that treatie which Peter Hyalas had begon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Biſhoppe according to his commiſſion, went honorably into Scotland, where he, & Peter Hyalas at the town of Iedworth, after iõg argu|ing and debating of matters with the Scottiſhe Commiſſioners, in ſteade of peace concluded a truce for certaine yeares, vppon condition that Iames king of Scottes ſhoulde county Perkyn Werbecke out of his Realme, ſeigniories, and do|minions.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 About the ſame time, king Henrie receyued the Ambaſſadours that were ſente to him from the French king, and had bene ſtayed at Douer, tyll the Corniſh Rebelles were vanquiſhed and ſub|dued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Alſo the lord of Camphire, and other Orators of Philippe Archduke of Auſtriche, and Duke of Burgongne came to him for the concluſion of a|mitie, and to to haue the Engliſh marchantes to reſort againe into their Countrey, whche requeſt being verie agreable to the quietneſſe and wealth of his Realme, and eſpecially at that tyme,The Engliſh marchaunts receyued into Anwerpe with generall Pro|ceſsion. he did fauourably graunt and agree vnto. And ſo did the Engliſhmen reſort again into the Archdukes dominions, and were receyued into Andwerpe with generall Proceſſion: ſo glad was that town of their returne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Shortly after the concluding of the truce be|twene Englande and Scotland, Perkin War|becke, being willed of the king of Scottes to de|part out of the Scottiſh dominions, ſayled with his wife and and familie into Irelande, there de|termining with himſelfe eyther to repayre into Flaunders to his firſte ſetter vp the Duches of Burgongne, or elſe to ioyne and take part wyth the Corniſhmen.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But howſoeuer it came to paſſe, whileſt hee lay in Ireland, he had knowledge from the Cor|niſh men, that they were readie to renue the warre againe. Wherevpon he minding not to let paſſe ſo fayre an occaſion, hauing with him foure ſmal ſhippes, and not aboue ſixeſcore men,Perkyn War|beck arriueth Cornwell. ſayled into Cornwall, and there landed in the Moneth of September, and came to a Towne called Bod|man, and there did ſo prouoke the wauering peo|ple, what with fayre wordes and large promiſes, that bee gathered to him aboue three thouſande perſons, which immediately called him their cap|taine, promiſing to take his part, and follow him to the death.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Then Perkin well encouraged,Another rebel+lion by the Corniſhmen. made Pro|clamations in the name of king Richarde the fourth, as ſonne to king Edward the fourth. And by the aduice of his three coũſailers, Iohn Her [...] Mercer, a bankrupt, Richard Scelton a Taylor, EEBO page image 1450 and Iohn Aſtely a Scriuener determined firſte of al to aſſay the winning of Exceter, and ſo ha|ſting thither he layd ſiege to it, and wanting or|dinaunce to make batterie, ſtudyed all wayes poſſible how to breake the Gates, and what with caſting of ſtones,Exceter aſſaul|ted by Perkyn and the Cor|niſhmen. heauing with yron barres, and kindling of fire vnder the gates, hee omitted no|thing that could be deuiſed for the furtherance of his purpoſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Citizens perceyuing in what daunger they ſtoode, firſt let certaine Meſſengers downe by coardes ouer the wall, that might certifie the king of theyr neceſſitie and trouble.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And herewith taking vnto them boldneſſe of courage, determined to repulſe fire with fire, and cauſed fagottes to be brought and layd to the in|warde part of the gates, and ſet them all on fire, to the intent that the fire being enflamed on both ſides the gates, might as well keepe out their eni|mies from entring, as ſhut in the Citizens from fleeing oute, and that they in the meane ſeaſon might make Trenches and Rampires to defende theyr enimies in ſteade of gates and Bulwarks.Fire repulſed by fire. Thus by fire was the Citie preſerued from fire.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then Perkyn being of verie neceſſitie com|pelled to forſake the gates, aſſaulted the towne in dyuerſe weake and vnfortified places, and ſet vp Ladders to take the citie. But the Citizens with helpe of ſuch as were come forth of the Countrey adioining to theyr ayde ſo valiantly defended the walles, that they ſlue aboue two hũdred of Per|kyns ſouldiers at that aſſault.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The king hauing aduertiſement of this ſiege of Excetter, haſted forth with his hoſt, in as much ſpeede as was poſſible, and ſent the Lorde Dawbeney with certaine bandes of lyght horſe|men before, to aduertiſe all men of his comming at hande.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But in the meane ſeaſon, the Lord Edward Courtney Erle of Deuonſhire, and the valiaunt Lorde William his ſonne, accompanyed wyth ſir Edmond Carew, ſir Thomas Trencharde, ſir William Courtney, ſir Thomas Fulford, ſir Iohn Halewel, ſir Iohn Croker, Water Court|ney, Peter Egecombe, William Saint Maure, with all ſpeede came into the Citie of Exceter, and holp the Citizens, and at the laſt aſſault was the Earle hurt in the arme with an arrowe, and ſo were many of his companie, but verie fewe ſlaine.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When Perkyn ſaw that he could not winne the Citie of Exceter, ſith the ſame was ſo well fortified both with men and munitions, he depar|ted from thence, and went vnto Taunton, and there the .xx. day of Septẽber he muſtred his mẽ, as though hee were readie to giue battaile: But perceyuing his number to be miniſhed, by the ſe|crete withdrawing of ſundrie companies from him, he began to put miſtruſt in all the remnant. In deede when the people that followed him in hope that no ſmall number of the Nobilitie wold ioyne with him, ſawe no ſuche matter come to paſſe, they ſtale away from him by ſecrete com|panies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the king heard that hee was gone to Taunton, he followed after him with all ſpeede. And by the way ther came to him Edward duke of Buckingham, a yong Prince of greate to|wardneſſe, and him folowed a great companie of noble men, knightes and eſquiers, as ſir Alex|ander Baynam, ſir Maurice Barckley, ſir Ro|bert Tame, ſir Iohn Guiſe, ſir Roberte Poyntz, ſir Henrie Vernon, ſir Iohn Mortimer, ſir Tho|mas Tremaile, ſir Edward Sutton, ſir Amyſe Pawlet, ſir Iohn Bickneil, ſir Iohn Sapcotes, ſir Hugh Lutterell, ſir Frauncis Cheyney, and diuerſe other.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At the kings approching to the Towne of Taunton, hee ſent before him Robert Lorde Brooke Lorde Stewarde of his houſe, Giles lord Dawbney his chiefe Chamberlaine, and ſir Rice ap Thomas. But as ſoone as Perkyn was in|formed that his enimies were readie to giue him battaile, hee that nothing leſſe mynded than to fight in open field with the kings puyſſance, diſ|ſembled all the day tyme with his companie, as though nothing could make him afrayde, and a|bout mydnight being accompanied with three|ſcore horſemen, departed from Taunton in poſt to a Sanctuarie town beſide Southampton,Perkin flee [...] and taketh Beaudley San+ctuarye. cal|led Beaudley, and there he and Iohn Heron with other, regiſtred themſelues as perſons priuiled|ged.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When king Henrie knewe that Perkyng was thus fled, he ſent after him the Lorde Dawbney, with fiue hundred horſemen, toward the ſea ſide, to apprehende him before he ſhould get away.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Although Perkyn eſcaped (as I haue ſayde) vnto Sanctuarie, yet many of his chiefe Cap|taynes were taken and preſented to the king.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Alſo the horſemen that were ſent, without a|ſtoppe or ſtay came to Saint Michaels Mount, and there (as chaunce was) found the Lady Ka|therin Gorden, wife to Perkyn, and brought hir ſtreight to the king. At whoſe beautie and ami|able countenance the king much marueyled, and thought hir a pray more meete for a Prince, than for the meane ſouldiours, and ſent hir inconti|nently vnto London to the Queene, accõpanied with a ſort of ſage matrones and gentlewomen, bycauſe ſhe was but yong.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The common people that had followed Per|kyn, after that their chieftaine was fled, threwe away theyr armour as people amazed, and ſub|mitted thẽſelues to the king, humbly beſeeching him of mercie, which hee moſt gently graunted, EEBO page image 1451 and receyued them to his fauour.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After this the king road to Exceter, and there not onely commended the Citizens, but alſo har|tily thanked them for doing ſo well their duties in defending theyr citie from his enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 He alſo put there to execution diuerſe Corniſh men which were the authours and principall be|ginners of this new conſpiracy and inſurrection.

[figure appears here on page 1451]

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And whileſt he remayned at Exceter, he con|ſidered with himſelfe, that hee had done nothing if he could not get into his handes the chiefe head of this trouble and ſeditious buſineſſe. Wherefore he cauſed the Sainctuarie wherein Perkyn was encloſed, to bee enuironed with two bandes of lyght horſemen, to watch diligently that Perkyn ſhoulde not eſcape by any meanes forth of that place vntaken. And withall attempted by fayre promiſes of pardon and forgiueneſſe, if Perkyn woulde ſubmit himſelfe to him and become hys man.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Perkyn perceyuing himſelf ſo ſhutte vp, that hee coulde no way eſcape, [...] ſub| [...] him [...] othe [...] of his owne free will came out of the Sanctuarie, and cõmitted him|ſelfe to the kings pleaſure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the king had thus atchieued his pur|poſe, he returned to London, and appoynted cer|taine keepers to attend on Perkyn, which ſhould not (the breadth of a nayle) go from his perſon, leaſt he ſhoulde conueigh himſelfe by any meanes out of the land.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After this the king cauſed enquities to bee made of all ſuch as had ayded with men or mony the Corniſh rebels, ſo that diuerſe perſons aſwell in Somerſetſhire, as Deuonſhire, were detected of that offence, whiche hee mynded for example ſake, ſhoulde taſte ſome part of due puniſhments for theyr crymes, according to the quantitie ther|of.

[...]ts for [...]


And therefore he appoynted Thomas Lorde Darcie, Amys Pawlet knight, & Robert Sher|borne Deane of Poules (that was after Biſhop of Chicheſter) to be Commiſſioners for aſſeſſing of their fines that were founde culpable.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe Commiſſioners ſo beſturred themſel|ues, in toſſing the Coffers and ſubſtaunce of all the Inhabitants of both thoſe ſhyres, that there was not one perſon enbrewed or ſpotted with the filth of that abhominable crime, that eſcaped the paine which he had deſerued: but to ſuch yet as offended rather by conſtraynt than of malice, they were gentle and fauourable, ſo that equi|tye therein was verie well and iuſtly executed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In this yeare the warre had like to haue bene renued betwixte the Realmes of Englande and Scotland, by a ſmall occaſion, as thus.An. reg. 4.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Certaine yong men of the Scottes came ar|med before Norham Caſtell, and beheld it won|derous circumſpectly, as though they would fain haue beene of counſaile to know what was done therein. The keepers not perceyuing any do|mage attempted agaynſt them for the firſt time, determined not to moue any queſtion to them, or once to ſtyre out.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But when they came againe the nexte daye, and vewed it likewiſe, the keepers of the Caſtell ſuſpecting ſome euill meaning, demaunded of them what their intẽt was, and why they vewed and aduiſed ſo the Caſtell. The S [...]ftes an|ſwered them roughly with diſdainfull wordes, ſo farre forth that the Engliſhmen fell to and re|plyed with ſtrokes, and after many blowes gy|uen and receyued, diuerſe Scots were wounded, and ſome ſlaine, and the reſidue ouermatched with multitude of the Engliſhmen, fled as faſt as their horſes could cary them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Scottiſh king hereof aduertiſed, was high|ly diſpleaſed, and in all haſt ſignified to king Hẽ|rie by his Heraulde Marchemount, in what ſort his people to the breache of the truce were vſed EEBO page image 1452 and bandled.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Henrie being not in wil to breake with any of his neighbours, excuſed the matter, affyr|ming that he was not of knowledge to the miſ|demenor of thoſe that had the caſtel in keping, re|quyring the king of Scots not to thinke the truce broken for any thing done without his conſent, promiſing in the worde of a King to enquyre of the truth, and if the offence were founde to bee begon on the partie of the keepers of the Caſtel, he aſſured him that they ſhuld for no meed nor fauor eſcape due correction and puniſhment.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This anſwere though it was more than rea|ſonable, could not pacifie the king of Scots, till the Biſhop of Durham that was owner of the Caſtell of Norham, and ſore lamented that by ſuch as hee appoynted keepers there, the warre ſhould be renued, with ſundrie letters written to the Scottiſh king, at lẽgth aſſwaged his diſplea|ſure, that he wrote courteouſly to the Biſhoppe agayne, ſignifying that bycauſe hee had many ſecrete things in hys mynde, whiche he woulde communicate onelye with hym touching thys matter nowe in variaunce, hee therefore requy|red him to take the payne to come into his coun|trey, truſting that hee ſhoulde thinke hys labour well beſtowed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Biſhop was glad, and ſent word here|of to the king his maiſter, who willed him to ac|compliſh the deſire of the Scotiſh king whiche hee tooke to be reaſonable.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At his comming into Scotland, he was cur|teouſly receyued of the king himſelfe at the Abbey of Melroſe. And there after the king had for a countenance complayned muche of the vniuſte ſlaughter of his mẽ lately committed at Norhã, vpon the Biſhops gentle anſweres therevnto, hee forgaue the ſame, and after began to talke ſecret|ly without witneſſes alone with the biſhop. And firſt declared what iuſt cauſes mooued him in ty|mes paſt to ſeeke amitie with the king of Eng|land, which now he deſired muche more to haue confirmed, for the further maintenance & increaſe thereof,Margaret el|deſt daughter to king Henry the ſeuenth. which he doubted not but ſhoulde ſort to a fortunate concluſion, if the king of Englande would vouchſafe to giue to him in matrimonie his firſt begotten daughter the Lady Margaret, vppon whiche poynt hee purpoſed lately to haue ſent his Ambaſſadors into Englãd, which thing he would the ſooner do if he knew the Biſhoppes mynde therin to be readie to further his ſute. The Biſhop anſwered but fewe wordes, ſauing that when he were returned to the king his maiſter, he would do the beſt in the matter that he could.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Biſhop was returned into Eng|land, and come to the king, he declared to him al the communication had betweene king Iames and him, from poynt to poynt in order.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The king liked well thereof, as he to whome peace was euer a ſoueraigne ſolace and comfort.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In this meane time Perkin Warbecke diſap|poynted of all hope to eſcape out of the Engliſhe mens hands (which was the onely thing that he moſt deſired)1499 found meanes yet at length to de|ceyue his keepers, and tooke him to his heeles: Perkin War|becke eſcaped from his kee|pers. but when he came to the Sea coaſtes, and could not paſſe, he was in a marueylous perplexitie, for e|uery byway, lane, and corner was layd for hym, and ſuch ſearch made, that being brought to hys wittes ende, and cut ſhort of hys pretenced iour|ney, he came to the houſe of Bethlem, called the Priory of Shene beſide Richmond in Southery, and betooke himſelfe to the Prior of that Mona|ſterie, requiring him for the honour of God to beg his pardon for life, of the kings Maieſtie. The Prior which for the opinion that men had con|ceyued of his vertue, was had in great eſtimatiõ, pitying the wretched ſtate of that caitife, came to the king, and ſhewed him of this Perkyn, whoſe pardon he humbly craued, & had it as freely gran|ted. Incontinently after, was Perkyn brought to the Court againe to Weſtminſter, and was one day ſet fettred in a paire of ſtocks, before the doore of Weſtmynſter hal, and there ſtood a whole day, not without innumerable reproches, mocks, and ſcornings. And the next day he was caryed tho|row London, & ſet vpon a like ſkaffold in Cheape by the ſtandard, with like ginnes and ſtocks as he occupied the day before, & there ſtood al day, & read openly his own confeſſion, written with his own hand, the very copie wherof here enſueth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 FIrſt it is to be knowne, that I was borne in the towne of Turny in Flanders,The confeſſi+on of Perkin as it was wri [...]+ten with his owne hande & my fa|thers name is Iohn Oſbeck, which ſaid I Oſork was Cõptroller of ye ſayd town of Turney, & my mothers name is Katherin de Faro. And one of my Grandſires vpõ my fathers ſide was named Dirick Oſbeck, which died, after whoſe death my grandmother was maried vnto Peter Flamin, yt was receiuer of the forenamed town of Turney, & dean of the botemen ye row vpõ the water or riuer called le Scheld. And my grandſire vpõ my mo|thers ſide was Pet. de Faro, which had in his ke|ping the keyes of the gate of S. Iohns within the ſame towne of Turney. Alſo I had an vncle cal|led M. Iohn Stalin, dwelling in the pariſh of S. Pias within ye ſame town, which had maried my fathers ſiſter, whoſe name was Ioan or Iane, wt whõ I dwelt a certaine ſeaſon. And after I was led by my mother to Andwarpe for to learn Fle|miſh, in a houſe of a couſin of mine, an officer of the ſayde towne, called Iohn Stienbecke, with whom I was the ſpace of halfe a yere. And after that I returned againe to Turney, by reaſon of warres that were in Flanders. And within a yere folowing I was ſẽt wt a marchãt of ye ſaid town EEBO page image 1453 of Turney named Berlo, to the Marte of And|warpe, where I fell ſicke, which ſickneſſe conti|nued vpon mee fiue Monethes. And the ſayde Berlo ſet me to boorde in a ſkinners houſe, that dwelled beſide the houſe of the Engliſh Nation. And by him I was from thence caried to Ba|row Mart, and I lodged at the ſigne of the Olde man, where I abode for the ſpace of two Mo|nethes. And after this the ſayd Berlo ſet me with a marchant of Middleborow to ſeruice, for to learne the language, whoſe name was Iohn Strew, with whom I dwelt from Chriſtmas to Eaſter, & then I went into Portingal in cõpany of ſir Edward Bramptons wife, in a ſhip which was called the Queenes ſhip. And when I was come thither, thẽ I was put in ſeruice to a knight that dwelled in Luſhborne, whiche was called Peter Vacz de Cogna, with whome I dwelled an whole yeare, which ſayde knight had but one eye. And bycauſe I deſired to ſee other Coun|treys, I tooke licenſe of him, and then I put my ſelf in ſeruice with a Briton, called Pregẽt Me|no, which brought me with him into Irelande: and when we were there arriued in the towne of Corke, they of the town, (bicauſe I was arrayed with ſome clothes of ſilke of my ſayde maiſters) came vnto me, and threatned vpon me, that I ſhould be the duke of Clarence ſon, that was be|fore time at Dublin. And foraſmuch as I denied there was brought vnto me the holy Euãgeliſts, and the croſſe, by the Maior of the towne, which was called Iohn Lewellin, & there in the preſence of him & other. I toke mine oth as the truth was, that I was not the foreſayd dukes ſon, nor none of his bloud. And after this came vnto mee an Engliſhman, whoſe name was Steuẽ Poitron, and one Iohn Water, and layd to me in ſwea|ring great othes, that they knew wel that I was king Richards baſtard ſon: to whom I anſwered with like othes, that I was not. And then they aduiſed me not to be afearde, but that I ſhoulde take it vpon me boldly, and if I would ſo do, they would ayd and aſſyſt me with all theyr power a|gainſt the king of England, & not only they, but they were aſſured well, that the Earles of Deſ|mond and Kildare ſhould do the ſame. For they forced not what parte they tooke, ſo that they might be reuenged vpõ the king of England, and ſo agaynſt my will made me to learne Engliſh, and taught me what I ſhould do and ſay. And after this they called me duke of Yorke, ſeconde ſonne to king Edward the fourth, bycauſe king Richardes Baſtarde ſonne was in the handes of the king of Englande. And vpon this the ſayde Water, Stephen Poytron, Iohn Tyler, Hugh|bert Burgh, with many other, as the foreſayde Erles, entred into this falſe quarell, and within ſhort time other. The frẽch king ſent an Ambaſ|ſadour into Irelande, whoſe name was Loyte Lucas, and maiſter Stephen Friham, to aduer|tiſe me to come into France. And thence I went into France, and from thence into Flanders, and from Flanders into Irelande, and from Irelande into Scotland, and ſo into England.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the night of the ſame day (being the .xv. of Iune) was come, after hee had ſtand all that day in the face of the Citie, he was committed to the Tower, there to remaine vnder ſafe keeping, leaſt happily he might eftſoones runne away, and eſcape out of the lande, to put the king and realme to ſome new trouble.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In this yeare there was an Auguſtine Frier called Patricke in the Parties of Suffolke, An. reg. 15. Patrik an Au|guſtine Frier. which hauing a ſcholer named Raufe Wilford (a Shoo|makers ſonne in London, as Stow noteth) had ſo framed him to his purpoſe, that in hope to worke ſome greate enterpriſe, as to diſappoynt the king of his crowne and ſeate royal,Rauf Wilford the counterfeit erle of War|wike. tooke vpon him to be the Earle of Warwike, inſomuch that both the maiſter and ſcholer hauing counſayled betwene themſelues of their enterpriſe, they went into Kent, and there began the yõg Mawmet to tel priuily to many, that he was the very Erle of Warwicke, and lately gotten out of the Tower, by the helpe of this Frier Patrike. To which ſay|ings when the Frier perceyued ſome lyght cre|dence to be giuen, he declared it openly in the pul|pet, and deſired all men of helpe. But the daun|ger of this ſeditious attempt was ſhortly remoo|ued and taken away, the maiſter and ſcholer be|ing both apprehẽded and caſt into priſon and at|tainted. The ſcholer was hanged on Shroue|tueſday at S. Thomas Waterings, & the Frier condemned to perpetuall priſon. For at that time ſo much reuerence was attributed to the holy or|ders, that to a prieſt although he had committed high treaſon agaynſt his ſoueraigne lorde, his life was ſpared, in like caſe as to any other offender in murder, rape, or theft, that had receiued any of the three higher, holy orders.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Perkin Warbecke (as before ye haue heard) being now in holde,Perkin cor|rupted his keepers. by falſe perſwaſions & great promiſes corrupted his keepers. Strangueys, Blewet, Aſtwood, and long Roger, ſeruants to ſir Iohn Dighy lieutenant of the Tower. Inſo|much that they (as it was at their arraignment openly proued) intended to haue ſlaine their ma|ſter, and to haue ſet Perkin and the erle of War|wike at large. Which Erle of Warwik had bene kept in priſon within the tower almoſt from his tender yeares, that is to wit, from the firſt yere of the king, to this .xv. yeare, out of all company of men, & ſight of beaſts, inſomuch that he could not diſcerne a gooſe from a capon, and therefore by cõ|mon reaſon and opẽ apparance could not of him|ſelf, ſeeke his owne death and deſtruction, but yet EEBO page image 1454 by the drift & offence of another he was brought to his death and confuſion, for beeing made pri|uie of this enterpriſe deuiſed by Perkyn and hys complyces, therevnto (as all naturall creatures loue libertie) he aſſented and agreed. But thys craftie deuiſe, and ſubtill ymagination beeing re|uealed, ſorted to none effect, ſo that Perkyn and Iohn Awater ſometyme Maior of Corke in Irelande, one of his chiefe founders, and his [...]on, were the .xvj. daye of Nouember arreigned and condemned at Weſtminſter. And on the .xxiij. day of the ſame moneth,Perkin and Iohn Awater executed at [...]iborne. Perkyn and Iohn A|water were drawne to Tyburne, and there Per|kyn ſtanding on a little ſkaffolde, read his confeſ|ſion as before he had done in Cheape ſide, taking it on his death to bee true. And ſo hee and Iohn Awater aſked the king forgiueneſſe, and dyed pa|ciently.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This was the rewarde of the feyned gloſe and counterfeyte coment of Perkyn Warbecke, the whiche as by his falſe ſurmiſes in his life tyme, had brought many honorable perſonages to their deathes, & vndone many an honeſt man: ſo nowe at his death hee brought other of the ſame ſort to theyr not altogyther vndeſerued puniſhment. And amongeſt other Edwarde Plantagenet the forenamed Earle of Warwicke, which (as the fame went) conſented to breake priſon, and to depart out of the Realme with Perkyn (which in priſoners is high treaſon) was the .xxj. day of the fayde Moneth arraigned at Weſtmynſter be|fore the Earle of Oxforde then high Stewarde of Englande of the ſayde treaſon, which whether it were by inticement and perſwaſion of other, or of his owne free will many doubted, bycauſe of his innocencie) confeſſed the fact, & ſubmitted him|ſelf to the kings mercie. And vpõ his cõfeſſion had his iudgement,Edward Erle of Warwick beheaded. and according therevnto the xxviij. day of Nouember in the yeare .1499. was brought to the Skaffolde on the tower hill, and there beheaded.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The fame after his death ſprang abrode that Ferdinando king of Spaine would make ful cõ|cluſion of the matrimonie to bee had betweene Prince Arthure and the Ladie Katherin daugh|ter to the ſayde Ferdinando, nor ſende hir into England as long as this erle liued. For he yma|gined that ſo long as any Earle of Warwike ly|ued, Englande ſhoulde neuer be purged of ciuill warre and priuie ſedition, ſo much was the name of Warwike in other regions had in feare & iea|louſie.


A great plague

The next yeare after there was a greate plague whereof men died in manye places verie ſore, but ſpecially and moſt of all in the Citie of London where died in that yeare .xxx. thouſande.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The .xxiiij. of Februarie in this .xv. yeare of this kings raigne his thirde ſonne was chriſtened and named Edwarde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Alſo in this yeare was burned a place of the kings called the Manour of Sheene ſituate nigh [figure appears here on page 1454] the Thames ſide,The menour of Shene brent and Richmond built in place thereof. which he after buylded againe ſumptuouſly, and chaunged the name of Shene and called it Richmond, becauſe his father and he were Earles of Richmond.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The king whether to auoyde the daunger of ſo great and perillous ſickneſſe, then raigning, or to take occaſion to common with the Duke of Burgongne, he perſonally tooke his ſhip at Do|uer in the beginning of May, and ſayled to Ca|lais, whether the Duke of Burgongne, ſent to him honourable perſonages in Ambaſſade to welcome him into thoſe partyes,King Henrie the ſeuenth ſayleth to Caleys. and to declare that the ſayde Duke woulde gladly repayre per|ſonally to his preſence with ſuche a number as the King ſhoulde appoynt, ſo that it were with|in no walled towne nor fortreſſe. For hauing de|nyed the Frenche king to enter into anye of hys fortreſſes to talke with him, hee woulde be loth nowe to giue a preſident to him to deſire the lyke meeting. The kng enterteyning the Ambaſſa|dours, and thanking the Duke of hys courte|ous offer, appoynted the place at Saint Peters Church without Calais.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Vpon Tueſday in Witſon weeke the Arch|duke Philippe came thither with a conuenient companie.The king of Englãd & the Duke of Bur|gongne [...]e at ſaint Peters church with|out Cale [...]. The King and the Queene with ma|ny a luſtie Lorde and Ladie road thither to wel|come him, and after moſte louing enterteyn|ments, banquettings, myrth and paſtime ſhewed amongeſt them there was communication of maryages, treating of further ſtrengthning of leagues, requeſtes of tolles in Flaunders to be miniſhed, with many other things touching the commoditie and traffike of both their countreys. And when all things were ſet in order, the two Princes tooke theyr leaue and departed, the King to Calays, and the Archduke to Saint Omers.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After hys departyng, there came Ambaſſa|dours from the French King the Lorde Gron|thouſe EEBO page image 1455 gouernour of Pycardie, and the Lorde Merueiliers bailife of Amyens, which declared to the king the getting of Millane and taking of the Duke, the Kyng highly feaſted them, and re|warded them princely at their departing.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 An. reg. 16. Soone after when the death was ſlaked, the king returned againe into Englande aboute the ende of Iune. Shortly after there came to him one Gaſper Pons a Spaniard, a man of excellent learning and moſt ciuill behauiour, ſent from A|lexander the Biſhop of Rome to diſtribute the heauenly grace (as he termed it) to all ſuche as letted by any forcible impedimẽt, [...] of Iu| [...]. could not come to Rome that yeare to the Iubile, whiche was there celebrate, being the yeare after the byrth of our Sauiour .1500.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 This beneuolent liberalitie was not altogy|ther freely gyuen. For Alexander looking to the health of mennes ſoules, thought to do ſomewhat for his owne priuate commoditie, and therfore he ſet a certaine price of that his grace and pardon, and to the ende that the king ſhoulde not hynder his purpoſe, he offred part of his gaine to the king. And to colour the matter with ſome fauourable pretext, and to make men the better willing and more readie to gyue frankly, hee promyſed wyth that money to make warre agaynſte the Turke.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 By this meanes the Pope got a great maſſe of money, and yet nothing done agaynſte the Turke, which in the meane ſeaſon did much hurt to the Chriſtians: but God amende all that is a|miſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 About this time died three Biſhops in Eng|land Iohn Morton Archbiſhop of Canterburye Thomas Langton Biſſhop of Wyncheſter, and Thomas Rotheram Archbiſhop of Yorke. After him ſucceeded Thomas Sauage Biſhop of Lõ|don, a man of great honour and worthineſſe: in whoſe place ſucceeded William Warham, of whõ before is made mention. And Henry Deane Biſhop of Saliſburie, was made Archbiſhop of Canterburie, and Richarde Foxe was remoued from Durham to the ſea of Wincheſter.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Alſo this yeare two notable mariages were concluded, but not conſummate till afterwards, as you ſhall heare in place conuenient. For king Henrie graunted his daughter Ladie Margaret to Iames the fourth king of Scottes.


[...] to [...]d Spaine And [...] to Ar| [...] Prince [...]es.

And Fer|dinando king of Spaine, gaue his daughter La|die Katherine to Arthure Prince of Wales, ſon and heyre apparaunt to the king of England.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Among other articles of the maryage con|cluded with the Scottiſh king this was one, that no Engliſh men ſhoulde be receyued into Scot|lãd without letters cõmendatorie of their ſoue|raigne Lord or ſafeconduct of his Wardaine of the Marches, and the ſame prohibition was in like maner giuen to the Scottes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This yeare the Ladie Katherine of Spaine was ſent by hir father King Ferdinando with a puiſſant nauie of ſhippes into Englande,An. reg. 17. The fourth of October as Stow hath noted. where ſhe arriued in the Hauẽ of Plimmouth the ſecond day of October then being Saterday.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Vpon the .xij. of Nouember ſhe was conueyed from Lambeth through London with all try|umph and honour that myght be deuiſed to the Biſhops Palaice, the ſtreetes beeing hanged and Pageants erected after the maner as is vſed at a coronation.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Whileſt this Ladie ſoiourned for hir recrea|tion in the Biſhops Palaice of London, being in the meane time viſited of the king, the Queene, and the kings mother, there was erected in the bodie of S. Pauls Church a long bridge made of Tymber, extending from the Weſt doore of the Churche to the ſteppe at the entring into the Queere, which was ſixe foote from the grounde. On the ſayd bridge or ſtage, euen directly before the cõſiſtorie of the church was a place raiſed like a Mount for eight perſons to ſtand vpon, cõpaſ|ſed round about with ſteps to aſcend and deſcend, which was couered with fine red worſted, and in like wiſe were all the rayles of the ſayd ſtage. On the north ſide of this mount was a place decked & trymmed for the King and Queene, and ſuch o|ther as they appoynted to haue. On the South|ſide the ſame Mounte ſtoode the Maior and the Magiſtrates of the Citie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When all things were prepared and ſet in or|der vpon the .xiiij. of Nouember then being Sun|day, the foreſayde Ladie was ledde to the ſayde Mounte,The ſolemni|zation of the mariage be|twene Arthur prince of Wa|les & Katherin daughter to the king of Spaine. and there Prince Arthur openly eſpou|ſed hir, both being clad in White, both luſtie and amorous, he of the age of fiftene and more, and ſhe of the age of .xviij. or thereaboutes, the King and Queene ſtanding priuilye on theyr ſtage.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 After the matrimonie celebrate, the prince and his wife went vp into the Quere, and there heard a ſolemne Maſſe ſung by the Archbiſhop of Can|terbury, aſſociate with .xix. Prelates mytred. And after the Maſſe finiſhed, the Bryde was ledde homewardes to the Biſhoppes Palayce by the Duke of Yorke, being then a goodly yong prince, and the Legate of Spaine. Next after fol|lowed the Ladie Cicile, ſiſter to the Queene, ſupporting the trayne of the ſpouſe. But to ſpeake of all the ſolemne pompe, noble compa|nie of Lordes and Ladies, and what a ſump|tuous feaſt and plentifull, was kept with daun|cing and diſguiſings, woordes myght ſooner fayle than matter worthye of rehearſall. But euery day endeth, and nyght enſueth, and ſo when nyght was come, the Prince and his beau|tifull Bride were brought and ioyned togyther EEBO page image 1456 in one bedde, where they lay as man and wife all that night.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Shortly after the king and the Queene, with the newe wedded ſpouſes went from Baynards Caſtell by water to Weſtminſter, on whom the Maior and communaltie of London, in barges gorgeouſly trymmed gaue their attendance. And there in the Palace were ſuch martiall feates, va|liant [figure appears here on page 1456] iuſtes, vygorous turneys & ſuch fierce fight at the barriers as before that time was of no man had in remembraunce. Of this royall triumph Lord Edward Duke of Buckingham was chief chalenger, and Lorde Thomas Gray Marques Dorcet cheife defender, which with their aydes & companions bare themſelues ſo valiantly, that they got great praiſe and honor, both of the Spa|niards, and of their owne countrymen.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 During the time of theſe iuſtes and triumphs, were receyued into London, an erle, a biſhop, and diuerſe noble perſonages ſente from the king of Scots into England for concluſion of the mari|age betwene the Lady Margaret and him, which Erle by proxie, in the name of king Iames hys maiſter,

Margaret el|deſt daughter to king Henry affied to Iames king of Scots.


affyed and contracted the ſayde Ladie. Which affiance was publiſhed at Paules croſſe, the day of the conuerſion of Saint Paule, in re|ioycing whereof Te Deum was ſoong, and great fiers made through the Citie of London.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe things being accompliſhed, the Am|baſſadours as well as Spaine as Scotland, tooke their leaue of the King, and not without great rewardes returned into their countreys.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Ambaſſadours were departed, he ſent his ſon Prince Arthur again into Wales, to keepe that Country in good order, appoynting to him wiſe and expert Counſaylers, as ſir Ry|charde Poole his kinſman, which was his chiefe Chamberlayne, alſo ſir Henrie Vernon, ſir Ry|charde Croftes, ſir Dauid Philip, ſir William Vdall, ſir Thomas Englefield, ſir Peter New|ton, knightes, Iohn Walleſton, Henry Marion, and Doctor William Smith, preſident of his counſaile, and doctor Charles, of the which two doctors, the one was after Biſhop of Lincolne, and the other Biſhop of Hereford.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 A few monethes before the maryage of prince Arthur, Edmonde de la Poole Earle of Suffolke ſonne to Iohn Duke of Suffolke, and Ladie E|lizabeth ſiſter to king Edward the fourth, beeing balde and caſhe withall, was indyted of mur|ther, for ſleaing of a meane perſon in his rage and furie, and although the king pardoned him whom hee might iuſtly haue put to death for that of|fence, yet bycauſe he was brought to the barre a|fore the kings Bench,Edmonde Erle of S [...] flieth into flaunders and arraigned (which fact he tooke as a greate maime and blemiſhe to hys honour) ſhortly after vpon that diſpleaſure hee fledde into Flaunders vnto his Aunte the Ladie Margaret, the king not being priuie to his go|ing ouer. Neuertheleſſe, whether he was per|ſwaded by his friends therevnto, whom the king hadde wylled to deale with hym therein, or whether vpon truſt of his innocencie, true it is that he returned againe, and excuſed himſelfe to the king, ſo that he thought hym to be guiltleſſe of anye cryme that myght bee obiected agaynſt him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But when the maryage betwixt the prince and the Ladie Katherin of Spaine was kept at London, this Erle eyther for that he had paſſed hys compaſſe in exceſſiue charges and ſumptu|ouſneſſe at that great tryumph and ſolemnitie, and by reaſon thereof was farre run into debt, ey|ther elſe through the procurement of his aunt the foreſayd Lady Margaret, or pricked with ſome priuie enuie, which could not paciently with open eyes behold king Henry, being of the aduerſe fac|tion to his lignage ſo long to reigne in wealth EEBO page image 1457 and felicitie, in concluſion with his brother Ry|charde fled again into Flaunders.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 This departure of the Earle ſore vexed the king, doubting of ſome newe trouble to enſue thereof. But yet to vnderſtande the full meaning of the ſayd Erle, the King vſed his olde ſerche for immediately after the Erle was fled, he ap|pointed ſir Robert Curſon whom he had aduan|ced to the order of knighthoode, and made Cap|taine of Hammes Caſtell, a valiant man, and a circumſpect, to diſſemble himſelfe to bee one of that conſpiracie, went into Flaunders, to eſpie what was done there by the Ladie Mar|garet, and his Nephewe the Earle of Suf|folke.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that the ſayde ſir Robert Curſon was thus gone into Flaunders, the king to put hym out of al ſuſpition with the ſaid ladie Margaret & the Earle, cauſed the ſayde Earle, and ſir Robert Curſon, and fiue perſons more to be accurſed at Paules Croſſe, the firſt Sunday of Nouember, as enimies to him and his realme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 To be briefe, the king by this meanes, and o|ther ſuch diligent inquiſition as hee made, tryed out ſuch as he ſuſpected partly to be deuiſers of miſchiefe agaynſt him, and partly to beare no ſincere affection towardes his perſon, ſo that hee coulde readilye name them, whereof a greate parte were within fewe dayes apprehended and taken.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And amongeſt them William Lorde Court|ney, ſonne to the Earle of Deuonſhire, whiche had maryed the Ladie Katherine, daughter to king Edwarde the fourth, Lorde William de in Pole, brother to the foreſayde Erle of Suffolk, ſir Iames Tyrrell, ſir Iohn Wyndam. Both the Williams were rather taken of ſuſpition, bicauſe they were ſo neare of kinne to the Conſpyrates, than for any proued matter. But Sir Iames Tyrrell, and Iohn Windam, bycauſe they were traytours,Tyrrell and Windam beheaded. and ſo attaynted, the ſixt day of May after theyr apprehenſion, they were on the tower hill beheaded.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Earle of Suffolke hearde what fortune thus happened to his friendes, as one in vtter diſpayre to haue anye good ſucceſſe in hys pretenſed enterprice, wandred about all Germa|nie, and France, to purchaſe ſome ayde and ſuc|cour, if by any meanes hee myght. But when hee perceyued no ſtedfaſte grounde to eatche an|chor holde vpon, he ſubmitted himſelfe vnder the Protection of Philip Archduke of Auſtriche. But his brother Richarde being a politique man, ſo wiſely ordred himſelf in this ſtormy tempeſt, that he was not entrapped either with net or ſnare.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The king not yet out of all doubt of ciuill sedition, bycause a great number of euill disposed persons partakers of this conspiracie, were fledde into sundrie Sainctuaries, deuised to haue al the Gates and Sainctuaries and places priuiledged shutte and locked vp, so that none shoulde issue out from thence to perturbe and vnquyet him. And for that intent he wrote vnto Pope Alexander, desiring him by his authoritie to adiudge all Englishmenne being fledde to Sainctuarie for the offence of treason as enimyes to the Christian fayth, interdyting and prohybiting the refuge and priuiledge of Sainctuarie, to all such as once had enioyed the libertie and protection of the same, and after had fledde out, and estsoones returned againe. Whiche thing after, that the Pope had graunted, Sanctuation reſtrayned.turned to the great quietnesse of the King and his Realme. For manye that had offended, for feare to fall into daunger, returned to the due subiection of theyr Prince, and other that were yet free from peryll, durste not hazarde themselues so boldely as they durst haue done before, vpon hope of suche startyng holes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the king had thus setled things to his owne contentation and pleasure, there sodainly happened to him a lamentable chaunce. For that noble Prince Arthure, the kings first begotten sonne, after he had beene maryed to the lady Katheryn his wife, the space of fiue moneths, dThe death of Arthur Prince of Wales.eparted out of this tra(n)sitorie life, in his castel of Ludlow, and with great funerall obsequie, was buried in the Cathedrall Church at Worcester.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 His brother the Duke of Yorke was stayed from the tytle of Prince by the space of a month, till to women it might appeare whether the Ladie Katheryn wyfe to the sayde Prince Arthure was conceyued with childe or not.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In this .xviij. yeare, the .xxiiij. day of Ianuarie, An. reg. 18. a quarter of an houre afore three of the clocke at after noone of the same day, 1503 the first stone of our ladie Chapel within ye Monasterie of Westmynster, was layde by the handes of Iohn Islip Abbot of the same Monasterie. Sir Reginalde Bray knight of the Garter, Doctor Barnes master of the Rolles, Doctor Wall, Chaplayne to the kings Maiestie, Maister Hugh Oldham, Chaplayne to the Countesse of Derbie & Richmond the kings mother, sir Edwarde Stanhope knight, and diuerse other.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Vpon the same stone was this scripture engrauen. Illustrissimus Henricus septimus rex Angliae & Franciae, & Dominus Hiberniae, posuit hanc petram in honore beatae virginis Maria .24. die Ianuarij, anno domini 1502. Et anno dicti Regis Henrici septimi, decimo octauo.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Queene Elizabeth lying within the Tower of London, was brought a bed of a fayre [...]|der on Candlemaſſe day, which was there chri|ſtened and named Katherin, and the .xj. of the ſame month the ſayd Queene there deceaſed, and EEBO page image 1458 was buryed at Weſtminſter, whoſe daughter al|ſo lyued but a ſmall ſeaſon after hir mother.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The .xviij. of Februarie the king at his Pa|lace of Weſtminſter created his onely ſonne Henrie Prince of Wales, Earle of Cheſter, &c. who afterwardes ſucceeded his father in poſſeſ|ſion of the regall Crowne of this realme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Moreouer, this yeare alſo, after the deceaſſe of that noble Queene, for hir vertue commonlye called good Queene Elizabeth, departed oute of thys worlde alſo ſir Reignalde Bray knight of the Garter,Sir Reignold Bray his death a very father of hys Countrey, for his high wiſedome and ſingular loue to iu|ſtice well worthie to beare that tytle. If any thing had beene done amyſſe, contrarie to lawe and equitie,Iuſt commen|dacions of Morton Arch|biſhop of Canterbury and Sir Rey|nold Bray. hee woulde after an humble ſorte plainely blame the King, and giue hym good ad|uertiſement, that he ſhould not onely refourme the ſame, but alſo hee more circumſpect in any o|ther the lyke caſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Of the ſame vertue and faythfull plainneſſe was Iohn Morton Archbiſhop of Canterburie, whiche dyed (as is ſhewed aboue) two yeares before.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 So theſe two perſõs were refrainers of yt kings vnbrydeled libertie, where as the common people ignorant altogyther of the truth in ſuche mat|ters, iudged and reported, that the counſayle of thoſe two worthie perſonages, corrupted ye kings cleane and immaculate conſcience, contrarie to his princelye diſpoſition and naturall inclyna|tion. Suche is euer the errour of the common people.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 About this tyme dyed Henrie the Archbiſhop of Canterburie, whoſe rowmth Doctor Willi|am Warham Biſhop of London ſupplyed. And to the Sea of London William Barnes was appoynted, and after his death ſucceded one Ri|chard Fitz Iames.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This yeare alſo the Lorde Cazimire Mar|ques of Brandenburg, accompanyed with an Erle, a Biſhop, and a great number of gentlemẽ well apparailed, came in ambaſſade frõ the Em|peror Maximilian, & were triumphantly receiued into Lõdon, & lodged at Croſbies place.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Theyr Meſſage was for three cauſes, one to comfort the King in hys tyme of heauineſſe for the loſſe of hys wyfe. The ſeconde for the renu|ing of amitie, and the olde league. The thirde (which was not apparant) was to moue the king to marrye the Emperours daughter, the Ladie Margaret, Duches dowager of Sauoy. The two firſt tooke effect. For the King vpon Paſſi|on Sunday road to Paules in great triumph, the ſayd Marques ryding on his left hand. And there the Bi. made to the K. an excellent conſolatorie oration concerning the death of the Queene. And there alſo the king openly ſware to keepe the new renouate league & amitie during their two [...] But the third requeſt (whether theire was on the mans ſide, or the womãs) neuer ſ [...]ted to any cõ|cluſion. The Ladie Margaret the kings daugh|ter, a [...]ied (as ye haue heard) to the king of Scots, was appointed to be conueyed into Scotland, by the Erle of Surrey: and the Erle of Northũber|land, as wardẽ of the Marches, was cõmaunded to deliuer hir at the confines of both the realmes. And ſo herevpon after hir comming to Berwike, ſhe was cõue [...]ed to Lamberton kirke in Scotlãd, where the king of Scots, with the flower of al the nobles and gentlemen of Scotland was readie to receyue hir, to whom the Erle of Northumber|land (according to his commiſſion) deliuered hir.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The ſayd Erle of Northumberland that day, what for the ryches of his coat being goldſmithes work, garniſhed with pearle and ſtone, and what for the galiant apparell of his Hen [...]men, & braue trappers of his horſe, beſide foure. C. talmen well horſed and apparalled in his colours, was a [...]ed both of the Scots and Engliſh men, more like a Prince than a ſubiect. From Lamberton, the foreſayd Ladie was conueyed to Edenbourgh,The mariag [...] betwene the king of Sco [...] and Lady margaret king Henry eldeſt daugh|ter. & there the day after, king Iames the fourth, in the preſence of all his nobilitie, eſpouſed hir, & feaſted the Engliſh Lordes, and ſhewed iuſtes and other paſtimes very honorably, after the faſhion of that coũtrey. And after all things were finiſhed accor|ding to their cõmiſſion, the erle of Surrey withal ye engliſh lords & ladies, returned into their [...]ey.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In this yere the king kept his high Court of Parliament, in the which,An. reg. [...] diuers acts eſtemed ne|ceſſarye for the preſeruation of the cõmon wealth were eſtabliſhed, & amongſt other, it was e [...] that theeues & murderers duely conuicted by the law to die, and yet ſaued by theyr bookes, ſhoulde be committed to the Biſhops cuſtodie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 After this, a ſubſedie was granted, both of the temporaltie, and ſpiritualty, & ſo that Parliamẽt ended. But the king now drawing into age, and willing to fill his cheſts with abundance of trea|ſure, was not ſatiſfied with this only ſubſedie, but deuiſed an other meane how to enrich himſelfe,1504 as thus. He conſidered that the Engliſh man little regarded the keeping of penal lawes, and pre [...]ial ſtatutes, deuiſed for the good preſeruation of the common welth, wherfore he cauſed inquiſition to be made of thoſe that had tranſgreſſed any of the ſame lawes, ſo that there were but few noble mẽ, marchants, farmers, huſbandmen, groſ [...]ts, or oc|cupiers, that coulde clearely proue themſelues faultleſſe, but had offended in ſome one or other of the ſame lawes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 At the first, they that were found guiltie were easily siued. But after there were appointed two masters & surueyers of his forfeyts, the one sir Ri. Empson, & the other Edmo(n)d Dudley, both lerned in EEBO page image 1459 in the lawes of the realme, who, meanyng to satisfie their princes pleasure and to see their commission executed to the vttermost seemed, litle to respect the perill that might ensue. Wherevpon they beeing furnished with a sort of accusers, commonly called Promoters, [...]ters. or as they themselues will be named Enformers, troubled many a man. Whereby they wanne them great hatred, and the King by suche rigorous proceedings lost the loue and fauour, which the people before time had borne towardes him, so that he for setting the(m) a worke, & they for executing of it in such extreeme wise, ran into obloquie of the subiectes of this realme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 A [...] re. [...] A newe coyne of syluer was ordeyned of Grotes and halfe Grotes, and some peeces of the value of twelue pens were then stamped, [figure appears here on page 1459] althoughe verye fewe of that sorte came abroade.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The king after he had gotten a greate masse of money togyther, 1505 hauing pitie of the people which oppressed with the sharp proceedings of his greedie officers, cried dayly to God for ve(n)geance, ment to haue depriued them of theyr offices (as some write) and that suche money as had beene violently exacted, shoulde haue beene restored and deliuered againe if hee had not beene prevented by death. And yet by his last will, he commaunded that it should be duly and truly perfourmed, but in the meane season manye mens Coffers were emptied.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 An. reg. 21. In this verie season, and in the yeare of our lord 1506. Elizabeth Queene of Castile dyed without issue male, 1506 by reason whereof the inheritaunce of Castile (bycause that kingdome is not partible) descended to Ladie Iane hir eldest daughter by king Ferdinando, the which was maryed to Philippe Archeduke of Austriche. Wherefore the yeare following, about the sixth day of Ianuarie, hauing a great nauie prepared, he intituled nowe the king of Castile, sayled out of Flaunders with his wife towardes Spaine, but by a mightie tempest of winde and foule weather, the whole nauy was dispersed and sperkled abrode in diuerse places on the coast of Englande, the kings shippe with two other Vesselles, were blowne by tempest on the west part of the Realme, to the Port of Weymouth in Dorsetshyre.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The king beeing awearied with the tossing of the sea as one not accustomed therto, contrary to the minde of his Counsaylers, came a lande to refresh himselfe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When it was knowne that straunge shippes were arriued in that place, Philip Arch|duke of Auſ|trich landeth in the weſt partes of Englande. there came thither a great number, as well of Gentlemen as co(m)mons of the countrey, to beat them backe if they proued to be enimies. But when they perceyued that the king of Spaine was there driuen a land by force of weather, sir Thomas Trenchard knight, chief of that company, went with great hu(m)blenesse vnto him, and did what he could to haue him to his house, being not farre off, and so to cause him to stay, till such time as king Henrye might be certified of his arriuall, to whome with all speede he sent diuerse posts to aduertise him of K. Philips landing.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In this meane while came people in from all sides, vppon knowledge giuen of this straunge Princes comming. And among other ther came sir Iohn Carew, with a goodly hand of piked me(n). Which sir Iohn, and sir Thomas Trenchard intreated the king of Castile not to depart vntil such time as he had spoken with the king.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The king of Castile excused him by necessitie of his weightie enterprice: but when he perceyued that if he would proffer to go once abourde to his ships againe, he might be letted, and was like so to be, hee thought good rather to assent to their humble request, and so seeme to gratifie them, than by denying it, to procure their euill willes, and yet neuer the nearer of his purpose.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When king Henrie was enfourmed of hys landing, hee was ryght glad thereof, and wrote vnto Sir Iohn Carew, and to Sir Thomas Trencharde, that they shoulde enterteyne hym in the most honourable sort they coulde deuise, till he might come himself in person to welcom him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Beside this, he sent the Earle of Arundel with many Lordes and knights to attende vpon hym. Which Erle according to the kings letters receiued him with three hundred horses, all by torche light, to the great admiration of the strangers.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Philip ſeeing no remedie but that hee muſt needes tary, woulde no longer gaſe after King Henryes comming. out tooke hys iourney towardes Wyndſore Caſtell, where the King lay, and fiue myle from Windſore the Prince of Wales accompanied with fiue Erles, & diuerſe Lordes and knights, and other to the number of fiue hundred perſons gorgeouſtye apparayled, EEBO page image 1460 receyued him after the moſt honourable faſhion. And within halfe a myle of Wyndſore, the king accompanied with the Duke of Buckingham, and a great parte of the nobilitie of thys Realme welcomed him, and ſo conueyed to him to the Ca|ſtell of Wyndſore, where hee was made compa|nion of the noble order of the Garter.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After him came to Wyndſore his wife Queene Iane, ſiſter to the Princes Dowager, [...]e wife to Prince Arthure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After the two kings had renued and confir|med the league and amitie betwixt them, King Henrie deſired to haue Edmond de la Poole Erle of Suffolke to be deliuered into hys handes. To whome the King of Caſtile aunſwered, that he [...]e [...]ly was not wythin hys Dominion, and therefore it lay not in him to delyuer hym. In deede he was loth to be the authour of his death, that came to him for ſuccour, and was receyued vnder his protection, yet vppon the earneſt re|queſt and aſſured promiſe of king Henrie (that he would pardon him of all executions and paynes of death) he graunted to king Henryes deſire. And ſo incontinently cauſed the ſayde Earle ſecretly to be ſent for.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 After this to protract ty [...], till he were poſ|ſeſſed of his pray, king Henrie conueyed the king of Caſtile vnto the Citie of London, that hee might ſee the heade Citie of his Realme, & there ledde hym from Baynards Caſtell by Cheape to Barking, and ſo returned by Walling ſtreete againe, during whiche tyme there was ſhot out of the Tower a wonderfull peale of Ordinance. But he woulde not enter into the Tower, by|cauſe (as ye haue hearde before) hee had [...]owed not to enter the Forteſſe of of any foraine Prince, in the which a garniſon was mainteyned.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 From London the King brought him to Richmonde, where many notable feares of ar|mes were prooued both of tylte, iourney, and barriers.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon the Earle of Suffolke perceyuing what hope was to be had in forraine Princes, and truſting that after hys lyfe to him once graunted, king Henrie would briefly ſet him at his full libertie, was in maner contented to re|turne agayne into his natiue countrey.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When all partes and couenaunts betweene the kings of Englande and Caſtile were ap|poynted, concluded, and agreed, king Philippe tooke hys leaue of king Henrie, yeelding to hym moſt heartye thankes for hys highe cheare and Princely entertaynment. And being accompa|nyed with dyuerſe Lordes of Englande, came to the Citie of Exceter, and ſo to Falmouth in Cornwale, and there taking ſhippe ſayled into Spaine, where ſhortly after hee dyed being .xxx. yeares of age.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 He was of ſtature conuenient,The death [...] deſeri p [...] Philip king [...] Spaine. of counte [...] amiable, of bodie ſomewhat groſſe, quick witted, bolde and hardie ſtomacked.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The tempeſt that he ſuffered on the Sea, was huge and wonderfull alſo vpon the lande, inſo|much that the violence of the wynde blew downe an Eagle of Braſſe, being ſet to ſhewe on which part the wynde blewe, from a pynacle or Spi [...]e of Paules Churche, and in the falling the ſame Eagle brake and battered an other Eagle that was ſet vppe for a ſigne at a Tauerne d [...]re in Cheape ſide. And herevpon men that were gi|uen to geſſe things that ſhoulde happen by [...]|king of ſtraunge tokens, deemed that the Empe|rour Maximilian which gaue the Eagle ſhould ſuffer ſome greate myſfortune, as hee old [...]|ly after by the loſſe of hys ſonne, the ſayde king Philip.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Alſo ſhortlye after the departing of Kyng Philippe, the King of Englande beganne to ſuſpect Sir George Neuill Lorde of Burgey|nye, and Sir Thomas Greene of Greenes Nor|ton, as partakers in the begynning of the con|ſpiracie, wyth the Earle of Suffolke, and ſo vp|on that ſuſpition, they were commaunded to [...] Tower. But ſhortly after, when they had [...] tryed and pourged of that ſuſpition, hee commaunded them both to be ſet at libertie. But ſir Thomas Greene fell ſicke before, and remay|ned in the Tower, in hope to be reſtored to hys health as well as to his libertie, but by death he was preuented.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This yeare the King beganne to be diſeaſed of a certayne infyrmitte,An. reg. [...] whiche [...]hri [...] euerye yeare, but eſpecially in the Spring tyme ſore [...]e [...]d him, and bycauſe for the moſte parte the harme that chaunceth to the Prince, is parted wyth his Subiectes, the [...]ting ſickeneſſe, whiche (as yee haue hearde) in the fyrſt yeare of this king, fyrſt afflicted the people of this realme, nowe aſſayled them agayne,The ſwe [...] fie [...]eſſe eft|ſ [...] retur [...]+neth. howbe [...] by the remedie founde at the begynning of [...], nothyng the lyke number dyed thereof, nowe thys ſecond time as did the firſt time, til the ſaid remedie was inuented.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 But nowe the thirde plague [...]gall to the Pe|ſtilence enſued, by the working of the Maiſters of the forfeytures, and ſuche infourmers as were appoynted thereto. By whoſe meanes many a riche and wealthie perſon by the extremitie of the lawes of the realme, were cõdemned and brought to great loſſe and hinderance. A greate part of which theyr vndoyngs proceeded by the incon|uenience of ſuche vnconſcionable officers, as by the abuſe of exigentes outlawed thoſe that ne|uer hearde, nor had knowledge of the ſaytes commenced agaynſt them, of whiche harde and ſharpe dealyng (the harme that thereof inſueth EEBO page image 1461 conſidered) if the occaſion might be taken away by ſome other more reaſonable fourme and order of lawe deuyſed, whereby the partie myght haue perſonall warning, it woulde both preſerue ma|ny an Innocent manne from vndeſerued vexa|tion and daunger of vnmercifull loſſe of goodes, and alſo cedounde highly to the commendation of the Prince, and ſuch other as chaunced to bee refourmers of that colourable law, where they be called only in the counties without other know|ledge giuẽ to thẽ or theirs at their dwelling hou|ſes. But now to returne: ſuch maner of outlaw|ries, olde recogniſaunces of the peace, and good a|bearings, eſcapes, riottes, and innumerable ſta|tutes penall, were put in execution and called vp|pon, that euerie man both of the Spiritualtie and Temporaltie, hauing eyther lande or ſubſtance, were inuited to that plucking banket. Sir Gil|bart Talbot Knight,1307 and Richard Bere abbot of Glaſtenburie, and Doctor Robert Sherborne Deane of Pouls, were ſent as ambaſſadors from the king vnto Rome, to declare vnto Pius the third of that name newly elected Pope, what ioy and gladneſſe had entred the Kings heart for his preferment, but hee taryed not the comming of thoſe Ambaſſadours, for within a Moneth after that he was inſtalled, hee rendred his de [...] to na|ture, and ſo had ſhort pleaſure of his promotion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Lord [...]y dieth.At the ſame time dyed Gyles Lord Dawbe|ney the kings chiefe Chamberleyne, whoſe office Charles, baſtarde ſonne to Henrie laſt, Duke of Somerſet occupied and enioyed, a man of good wit, and great experience.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 An reg. 23. [...] ba [...]d [...] of V [...]bin [...]ye made [...] of the [...].Soone after the king cauſed Guidebalde duke of Vrbyne to be elected knight of the order of the Garter, in like maner as his father Duke Frede|rike had beene before him, which was choſen and admitted into ye order by K. Edward the fourth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Sir Gilbert Talbot, and the other two Am|baſſadors being appointed to keepe on there iour|ney vnto Pope Iuly the ſeconde, elected after the death of the ſayde Pius the thirde, bare the habite and coller alſo vnto the ſayde Duke Guidehalde, which after he had receyued ye ſame, ſent ſir Bal|thaſer Caſtalio, knight, a Mantuan borne, as his Orator vnto king Henrie, whiche was for hym enſtalled, according to the ordinãces of the order.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This yere that worthie prelate Thomas Sa|uage Archbiſhop of York departed this life at his Caſtel of Cawood, a man beſide the worthineſſe of his birth highly eſteemed with his Prince for his faſt fidelitie and great wiſdome. He beſtowed greate coſt in repayring the Caſtell of Caw [...]d and the Manor of Scroby. His body was buried at Yorke, but he appoynted by his teſtament, that his hart ſhould be buried at Maccleſfield in C [...]|ſhire, where hee was borne, in a Chapell there of his foundation, ioyning to the Southſide of the Churche, meaning to haue founded a Colledge there alſo, if his purpoſe had not beene preuented by death. After him ſucceeded doctor Be [...]bridge in the Archbiſhops ſea of Yorke the .56. Archbi|ſhop that had ſit in that ſea.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 About this ſame time Lewes the French king maried his eldeſt daughter named Clare, vnto Frances de Valois Dolphin of Vienne, and duke of Angoleſme, which Ladie was promiſed vnto Charles the king of Caſtile: wherevpon by Am|baſſadors ſent to and fro betwixt K. Henrye and the ſaid king of Caſtile, a mariage was cõcluded betwixt the ſaid K. of Caſtile, & the ladie Marie, daughter to K. Henry, being about the age of ten yeres. For concluſion of which mariage,1508 the lord of Barow, and other Ambaſſadors wer ſent in|to England from the Emperor Maxilian which with great rewardes returned.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The ſickneſſe which held the king dayly more and more encreaſing,An. reg. 24. he well perceyued that hys end drew nere, and therfore meaning to do ſome high pleaſure to his people, graunted of his free motion a general pardon to all men,1509 for al offen|ces done and cõmitted againſt any his lawes or ſtatutes, theeues, murtherers, and certaine other were excepted. He payed alſo the fees of all priſo|ners in the Gales in and about London, abiding there only for that dutie. He payed alſo the debts of all ſuch perſons as lay in the Coũters or Lud|gate, for .xl. ſs. & vnder, & ſome he relieued that wer condenmed in .x. lb. Herevpon were proceſſions generally vſed euery day in euery citie & pariſh, to pray to almightie God for his reſtoring to health & long cõtinuãce of ye ſame. Neuertheleſſe he was ſo waſted wt his long malady,The death of King Henrie the ſeuenth ye nature could [...] lõger ſuſtein his life, & ſo he departed out of thys world the .xxij. of April, in his palace of Richmõd in the yere of our lord .1509. His corps was con|ueied wt al funeral pompe to Weſtm. & there bu|ried by the good Q. his wife in a ſumptuous cha|pel which he not lõg before had cauſed to be bui [...]|ded. He reigned .xxiij. yeres, & more thã .vij. Mo|neths, & liued .lij. yeres. He had by his Q. Eliza|beth foure ſonnes, & foure daughters, of ye which three remained aliue behind him. Hẽry his ſecond ſon prince of Wales, which after him was king, Margaret Q. of Scots, & the lady Mary promi|ſed to Charles k. of Caſtile.The deſcripti|on of King Henry the ſe|uenth. He was a mã of body but leane and ſpare, albeit mighty & ſtrong there|with, of perſonage & ſtature ſomwhat higher thã the mean ſort of mẽ, of a wõderful beauty & faire complexion, of countenance mery & ſmyling eſ|pecially in his communication, his eies gray, his teeth ſingle, & heare thin, of wit in al things quick & prompt, of a princely ſtomack chante courage. In gret [...]rils; doubtful affaires, & matters of im|portance [...]pernatural & in maner diuine, for hee ordred all his doings aduiſedly and with greate EEBO page image 1462 deliberation.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Beſides this, he was ſober, moderate, honeſt, courteous, bounteous, and ſo muche abhorring pride and arrogancie, that he was euer ſharpe and quicke to them that were noted with that fault. Hee was alſo an indifferent and vpryght Iu|ſticier,Iuſtice min|gled with mercye. by the which one thing, he allured to him the heartes of many people, and yet to thys ſe|ueritie of hys, hee ioyned a certayne mercyfull pitie, whiche he did extende to thoſe that had of|fended the penall lawes, and were put to theyr fynes by hys Iuſtices. Hee dyd vſe hys ry|gour onelye (as hee ſayde hymſelfe) to daunte, bryng lowe, and abate the highe myndes and ſtoute ſtomacks of the wealthie and wylde peo|ple nouriſhed vp in ſeditious factions and ciuill rebellions, rather than for the greedie deſyre of money, although ſuch as were ſcourged wyth a|merciamentes, cryed oute and ſayde, it was ra|ther for the reſpect of game, than for any politike prouiſion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In deede he left his Coffers well ſtuffed, for hee was no waſtfull conſumer of his ryches by any inordinate meanes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Out of the Biſhoppe of Rocheſters fu|nerall ſermon preached in Poules church at London.To conclude, he had aſmuch in him of giftes both of bodie, minde and fortune, as was poſſi|ble for any king to haue, his politique wiſedome in gouernaunce was ſinguler, his wytte alwaye quicke and ready, his reaſon pithie and ſubſtan|ciall, his memorie freſh and holding, his experi|ence notable, his counſailes fortunate and ta|ken by wiſe deliberation, his ſpeche gratious in diuerſe languages, his perſon, (as before ye haue hard) right comlie, his natural complexion of the pureſt mixture, leagues and cõfederations he had with all Chriſtian Princes. His mightie power was dread euery where, not onely wythin hys Realme but without.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Alſo his people were to him in as humble ſubiection as euer they were to King, his lande many a daye in peace and tranquilitie, hys pro|ſperitie in battayle agaynſte his enimyes was maruellous, hys dealing in tyme of perilles and daungers was colde and ſober, with great hardyneſſe. If anye treaſon were conſpired a|gaynſte h [...]m, it came oute woonderfully. Hys buyldings moſt goodly, and after the neweſt eaſt, all of pleaſure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And ſo thys King lyuing all his tyme in for|tunes fauour, in high honour, wealth and glo|rie, for hys noble actes and prudent policies, is woorthy to bee regyſtred in the Booke of fame, leaſt tyme (the conſumer of all worthie things) ſhoulde blotte out the memorie of his name here in Earth, whoſe foule wee truſte lyueth in Heauen, enioying the fruition of the Godhead, and thoſe pleaſures prepared for the fayth|full.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 Of learned menne that lyued in hys dayes, (as Maiſter Bale noteth them) theſe are recor|ded. Firſte George Rippeley a Carmelite Frier at Boſton, ſeene in the Mathematikes, and wrote dyuerſe Treatiſes, and after hys de|ceaſe was accounted a Nigromancien: Iohn Erghom borne in Yorke, a blacke Frier, a doc|tour of Diuinitie profeſſed in Oxforde, ſtudi|ous of Propheſies, as by the tytle of the wor|kes whiche hee wrote, it maye appeare: Iohn Parceuall a Chartreux Monke: Thomas Maillorie a Welchman borne, wrote I wote not what of King Arthure, and of the rounde Table: Iohn Rouſſe, borne in Warwikeſhyre, a diligent ſearcher of antiquities, wherevpon few Libraries were any where to bee ſeene in Eng|lande and Wales, where he made not ſearche for the ſame, and wrote ſundrye Treatiſes of Hyſtoricall Argumentes. He deceaſſed at War|wicke the fourtenth of Ianuarye in the yeare 1491. and was buryed in our Ladye Churche there: Thomas Scrope, otherwiſe ſurnamed Bradley, deſcended of the noble familye of the Scropes, profeſſed ſundrie kyndes of Religi|on, as that of the order of Saint Benette, and Saint Dominicke, and likewyſe hee became a Carmelite, and laſt of all hee fell to and prea|ched the Goſpell in heare and ſackecloth, tyll hee vnderſtoode hymſelfe to bee in the diſpleaſure of Walden and other (that coulde not away with ſuch ſingularitie in hym or other, ſounding, as they tooke it to the daunger of bringing the do|ctrine of the Romiſhe Church in miſlyking with the people) for then hee withdrewe hymſelfe to his houſe agayne, and there remayned twentie yeares, leading an Ankers lyfe, but yet after that tyme hee came abroade, and was aduaun|ced to bee a Biſhoppe in Irelande,Dromorenſi [...] Epiſcopus. and wente to the Roades in Ambaſſade, from whence being returned, hee went barefooted vp and downe in Norffolke, teaching in townes and in the coun|trey abroade the tenne commaundements. Hee lyued tyll hee came to bee at the poynte of an hundred yeares olde, and departed thys lyfe the fiftenth daye of Ianuarie in the yeare of oure Lorde. 1491. and was buryed at Leſſolfe in Suffolke: Iohn Tonneys a Diuine, and an Auguſtine Frier in Norwiche, wrote certaine Rules of Grammer, and other things printed by Richarde Pynſon: Geffrey ſurnamed the Grammarian: Iohn Alcock Biſhoppe of Elie, chaunged a Nun [...]ie at Cambridge into a Col|ledge named Ieſus Colledge, aboute the yeare of Chryſt. 1496. The chiefe cauſe of ſuppreſſing the Nunrie is noted to bee, for that the Abbeſſe and other of the Conuent lyued diſſolute lines: Stephen Hawes a learned Gentleman, and of ſuche reputation, as hee was admitted to bee one EEBO page image 1463 of the priuie Chamber to King Henrie the ſea|uenth: William Byntre ſo called of a towne in Norffolke where he was borne, by profeſſion a Carmelite Frier in Burnham, a great diuine: William Gaſ [...]on an Auguſtine Frier in Li [...]ne and at length beca [...]e prouinciall of his order: Ro [...]e Fa [...]n a Citizen and Marchaunt of London an Hyſtoriographer, hee was in his time in good eſtimation for his wyſedome and wealthe in the Citie, ſo that hee bare office and was [...]ceſſe in the yere. 1494: William Cel|ling, borne beſide Feuer hau [...] in Kente, a Monke of Canterburie: Thomas Bouerchier diſcended [...] the noble [...]ge of the Earles of Eſſex, was firſt Byſhoppe of Ely, and after remooued from [...]nte to Canterburye ſucceeding Iohn Kempe in that Arbiſhoppes Sea, at length created by Pope Paule the ſeconde a Cardinal: Phi|lippe Bron [...]de a Dominicke Frier, a deuine & Iohn Myles a Doctor of both the lawes, Ciuill and Canon he [...]yed in Oxforde in the Col|ledge of Br [...]ſemoſe newly founded in the day [...] of this King Henrye the ſeuenth by William Smyth Biſhoppe of Lyncolne: Richarde Shi [...] Biſhop of Chicheſter, and imployed in Ambaſſad [...] to diuerſe Princes, as a manne, moſte meete thereto for his ſingular knowledge in learning and eloquence: Robert Viduns Vi|car of Thakeſteede in Eſſex, and a Prebendarie Canon of W [...]lles, an excellent Poete: Peter Kenighale a Carmelites Frier, but borne of Worſhipfull lygnage in Fraunce, hauing an Engliſheman to his father, was ſtudent in Ox|forde, and became a notable Preacher: Iohn Mortan, fyrſt Biſhoppe of Elie, and after Arch|biſhoppe of Canterbury the .lxiij. in number that ruled that Sea, he was aduaunced to the digni|tie of a Cardinall, and by King H [...]e the ſe|uenth made Lorde Chauncellour, a worthye Counſaylour and a modeſt, hee was borne of worſhipfull Parentes in Dorſe [...]ſhire, and depar|ted this life in the yeare of oure Lorde. 1500. Henrye Medwall Chaplaine to the ſayde Mor|ton: Edmunde Dudley borne of noble Paren|tage, ſtudyed the lawes of this lande, and profi|ted highly in knowledge of the ſame, hee wrote a booke intituled Arbor Reipublicae, the [...]ret of the common wealth, of this man yet haue heard be|fore in the life of this king, and more God wyl|ling ſhall be ſaide in the beginning of the nexte king, as the occaſion of the Hiſtorie leadeth: Iohn B [...]kingham an excellent Schootman: William Blackney a Carmelite Frier, a doctor of diuinity and a Nigthmanc [...].

V [...]n .iiij.