1.16. King Edward the fourth.

King Edward the fourth.

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Compare 1587 edition: 1 An. reg. 1. Edward the .iiij._AFTER that thys noble Prince Ed|ward Erle of March had conſented to take vpõ him y^e gouerne|mente of thys King|dome of Englande, through perſwaſion of the Prelates, and other of the nobilitie, as before ye haue hearde: the morow next enſuing, being the fourth of March, he rode to the Church of Saint Paule,The Earle of Marche taketh vpon him as King. and there offered: and after Te Deum ſong, with greate ſo|lemnitie hee was conueyd to Weſtminſter, and there ſet in the hall, with the Scepter royal in his hand, where to all the people there in great num|ber aſſembled,His title de|clared. his title and clayme to the Crowne of England, was declared two maner of wayes, the firſt, as ſonne and heire to Duke Richard hys father, right inheritor to the ſame: the ſecond, by authoritie of Parliament, and forfeiture commit|ted by King Henry. Wherevpon, it was agayne demaunded of the commons, if they woulde ad|mitte, and take the ſayde Earle, as their Prince, and ſoueraigne Lord, whiche all with one voyce cryed, yea, yea.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This agreement then being thus concluded, he entred into Weſtminſter Churche vnder a Ca|napie, with ſolemne proceſſion, and there as king offered, and herewith, taking the homages of all the nobles there preſent, hee returned by water to London,He is proclay|med King. and was lodged in the Biſhops palais, and on the morrow after, he was proclaymed K. by the name of Edwarde the fourth, throughout the Citie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This was in the yeare of the world .5427. and after the birth of our ſauiour .1461. after our ac|compt, beginning the yeare at Chriſtmas, but af|ter the vſuall accompt of the Church of England 1460. about the twentith of the Emperor Frede|rike the thirde, the nine and thirtith and laſt of Charles the ſeuenth King of Fraunce, and fyrſte yeare of the raigne of Iames the thirde, King of Scottes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Whileſt theſe things wer adoing in y^e South partes, King Henry beeing in the North Coun|trey, aſſembled a great armie, truſting with little payne and ſmall loſſe to ſubdue the reſidue of hys enimies, namely, ſith their chiefe [...]leader the Duke of Yorke was ſlaine, and diſpatched out of the way, but he was deceyued: for out of the [...] ſtocke ſprang ſo mightie a branche, that [...] no meanes the ſame myght bee broken off whiche was this Edwarde the fourthe, beeing ſo highly fauoured of the people, for hys greate liberalitie, clemencie, vpright dealing, and courage, that a|boue all other, hee was commended and praiſed to the very heauens: By reaſon whereof, men of all ages, and of euery degree, to hym dayly repai|red, ſome offering themſelues, and their men to ieopard their liues with him, and other plentu|ouſly gaue him money to ſupporte his charges, and to mayneteine his warre: by which meanes, he gathered togither a puiſſant army, to the in|tente to deliuer battell to his enimies, and in one day to make an ende of all hys troubles.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When his army was ready, and all thinges prepared, he departed out of London the twelfth daye of Marche, and by eaſie iourneys, came to the Caſtell of Pomfret, wher he reſted, appoin|ting the Lorde Fitz Walter to keepe the paſſage at Ferribridge, wyth a greate number of talle perſonages.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Henry on the other parte, hauyng hys army in a readineſſe, committed the gouernaunce of the army to the Duke of Somerſet, the Earle of Northumberlande, and the Lorde Clifforde, as men deſiring to reuenge the death of their pa|rentes, ſlayne at the fyrſte battayle of Sainct Albons.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe Capitaines, leauing King Henry, hys wife, and ſon, for their moſte ſafegard within the Citie of Yorke, paſſed the riuer of Wharfe wyth all their power, intending to ſtop kyng Edward of his paſſage ouer the riuer of Ayre.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And for the better and more eaſye exploite of their purpoſe, the Lorde Clifforde determined to make an aſſaye to ſuche as kepte the paſſage of Ferribridge, and ſo hee departed wyth hys light horſemen from the great army on the Saterday before Palmeſonday, and earely ere his enemies wer aware, gat the bridge, and flewe the keepers of the ſame, and all ſuche as woulde withſtande hym.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Lord Fitz Walter hearing the noiſe, ſo|dainely roſe out of his bedde, and vnarmed, with a pollaxe in his hande, thinking that it had bin a fraye amongſt his men, came downe to appeaſe y^e ſame, but ere he eyther began his tale,The Lord [...] Water ſ [...] or knew what the matter ment, he was ſlaine, and with him the baſtard of Saliſbury, brother to the erle of Warwike, a valiant yong Gentleman, and of greate audacitie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 EEBO page image 1297When the Earle of Warwicke was enfor|med hereof, like a man deſperate, hee mounted on his [...] and [...] paſſing and blowing to king Edward ſaying, Sir I pray God haue mercie of their ſoules, which in the beginning of your enterpriſe, haue loſt their liues, and bicauſe I [...]e no ſuccours of the world, I remit the ven|geance and puniſhment to God, our creator and re [...]enne, and with that alighted downe, [...] flewe his horſe with his ſworde, ſaying, lette him flee that will,The Earle of VVarwike. for ſurely I will tarrie with him that will tarrie with me, and kiſſed the croſſe of hys ſword.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edward perceyuing the courage of his truſtie friend the Earle of Warwike, made pro|clamation, that all men which were afrayde to fight, ſhould departe, and to all thoſe that tarried the battell,A proclama|tion. he promiſed great rewards, with ad|dition, that anye Soldiour whiche voluntarily woulde abyde, and afterwardes, either in, or be|fore the fighte ſhould flee or turne his backe, that then hee that could kyl hym, ſhould haue a great rewarde, and double wages.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After thys proclamation ended, the Lorde Fawcombridge, Sir Walter Blont, Roberte Home with the fore ward, paſſed y^e riuer at Ca|ſtelford, three miles from Feribridge, intendyng to haue enuironed the Lord Clifford and his cõ|panie, but they being thereof aduertiſed, departed in great haſt towarde King Henries armie, but they met with ſome that they looked not for, and were attrapped ere they were aware, for the Lord Clifford, either for heate or paine, putting off his gorget, ſuddainely with an arrow (as ſome ſay) without an head,The Lorde Clifford ſlaine was ſtriken into the throte, and immediately rendred his ſprite, and the Erle of Weſtmerlands brother, and all his companye almoſt, [...]gdale. were there ſlayne, at a place called Din|tingdale, not farre from Towton.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This ende had the Lord Clifford, which ſlew the Earle of Rutlande kneeling on his knees, whoſe yong ſon Thomas Clifford, was brou|ght vp with a Sheppard in poore habite, and diſ|ſimuled behauiour, euer in feare to publiſhe hys lignage and degree, till King Henry the ſeuenth obteyned the Crowne, by whome he was reſto|red to his name and poſſeſſions.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When this conflict was ended at Ferſbridge, the Lord Fawcombridge hauing the fore ward,The Lorde Fawcombridge bycauſe the Duke of Northfolke was fallen ſicke, valiantly vpon Palmeſonday in the twy|light, [...]n. W [...]hamſted [...], that K. [...]ies power [...]ded in [...]ember King Edwards a [...], men. ſet forth his army, and came to Saxton, where hee mighte apparantly behold the hoſt of his aduerſaries, which wer accompted threeſcore thouſand men, and thereof aduertiſed King Ed|ward, whoſe whole armie amounted to eyghte and fortie thouſande ſixe hundred and threſcore perſons, which in continently with the Earle of Warwike ſette forwarde, leauing the re [...]warde vnder the gouernaunce of Sir Iohn Wenlocee,An he [...]e pro|clamation. Sir Iohn Dinham, and other, and firſt of all, he made proclamation, that no priſoner fl [...] bee taken, nor one enimie ſaued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 So the ſerue daye, about nine of the clocke, which was the nine and twentith day of March,Palme gunday fielde. being Palmeſonday, both the hoſtes approched in a faire playne fielde, betweene Towton, and Saxton.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When each parte perceyued other, theyr made a great [...]ont, and at the ſame inſtant, there [...]ell a ſmall fleete or ſnowe, whiche by violence of the winde that blewe againſt them, was driuen in|to the faces of them whiche were of King Hen|ries part, ſo that their ſighte was ſomewhat ble|miſhed, and dimmed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Lorde Fewcombridge leadyng the fore warde (as is ſayde before) of Kyng Ed|wardes parte, cauſed euery archer vnder hys Standerte to ſhoo [...]e one [...]ight (whiche before hee cauſed them to prouide) and then made them to ſtande ſtill.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Northerne menne [...]ng the ſhotte, [...]t by reaſon of the ſnowe, not well viewing the diſtaunce betweene them and their [...]myes, ly [...] hard [...]e menne, [...]lle their ſhe [...] arrowes as faſt as they myghte, [...]ut all theyr ſhotte was loſt, for they co [...] [...] the Southe [...] men by threeſcore Taylors [...]aides.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When theyr ſhotte was almoſt ſpente, the Lorde Fawcombridge marched forwarde with his archers, whiche not onely ſhotte theyr whole ſheafes, but alſo gathered the arrowes of theyr enimies, and lette a greate parte [...]e agaynſte theyr fyrſte owners, and ſuffered a great ſorte of them to ſtande, which ſore troubled the legges of the Northerne menne, when the battell ioy|ned.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Northumberlande and An|drew Trollop,The Earle of Northum|berlande. which were chiefe Captaynes of Kyng Henries vawwarde, ſeeyng theyr ſhotte not to preuaile, haſted forwarde to ioyne with theyr enimies, and the other part ſlacked not, to accompliſh their deſire.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 This battell was ſore foughten, for hope of life was ſet aſide on eyther parte, and takyng of priſoners proclaymed a great offence,The obſtina|myndes of both partes. by reaſon euery man determined to conquere, or to dye in the field. This deadly battell and bloudy con|flict, continued tenne houres in doubtfull victo|rie, the one parte ſometime flowing, and ſome|time ebbing: but in concluſion, King Edwarde ſo couragiouſly comforted his men, that the o|ther part was diſcomfited, and ouercome,Kyng Henries parte diſcom|fited. & like to men amazed, fled towarde Tadcaſter bridge to ſaue them ſelues, but in the meane way, there is a little booke called Cocke, not very broade,Cock or riuer. EEBO page image 1312 but of a greate deepeneſſe, in whiche, what for haſt to eſcape, and what for feare of follo|wers, a greate number [...] me [...]ht and [...]+ned.

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Compare 1587 edition: 1 It was reported, that men aliue paſſed the riuer vpon dead carcaſſes, and that the greate ri|uer of Wharfe, whiche is the great ſewer of that brooke, and of all the water comming frõ Tow|ton, was couloured with bloud.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The chaſe continued all night, and the moſt parte of the nexte daye, and euer the Northerne men, as they ſawe anye aduantage, returned a|gaine, and fought with their enimies, to y^e greate loſſe of both partes.The number ſlayne in bat|tayle, of Sax|ton, otherwiſe called Palme ſunday fielde. For in theſe two dayes were ſlaine (as they that knew it wrote) on both parts ſixe and thirtie thouſand ſeauen hundred three|ſcore and ſixteene perſons, all Engliſhmen, and of one nation, whereof the chiefe were the Erles of Northumberlãd and Weſtmerland, and the Lord Dakers, the Lord Welles, Sir Iohn Ne|uill, Andrew Trolop, Robert Horne, and many other Knightes and Eſquiers, and the Earle of Deuenſhire was taken priſoner, but the Dukes of Somerſet and Exceſter fledde from the field, and ſaued themſelues.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After this great victorie, King Edward rode to Yorke, where hee was with all ſolemnitie re|ceiued, and firſt he cauſed the heads of his father, the Earle of Saliſburie, and other his friends, to bee taken from the gates, and to be buried with their bodies, and there hee cauſed the Earle of Deuonſhire, and three other, to be beheaded, and ſet their heads in the ſame place.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Hẽry, after he heard of the irrecouerable loſſe of his armye,King Henrye withdraweth to Berwike, & from thẽce into Scotland. departed incontinently with his wife and ſonne, to the Towne of Berwike, and leauing the Duke of Somerſet there, wente into Scotlande, and comming to the King of Scottes, required of him and his counſell, ayde, ſuccour, reliefe, and comfort.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The yong King of Scottes, lamenting the miſerable ſtate of King Henry, comfortedly [...] with faire words and friendly promiſes, and aſ|ſigned to him a competente pencion to liue on, during his abode in Scotland.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Kyng Henry in recompence of this [...] and frendſhip ſhewed to him by the K. of Scot|tes, deliuered to the ſayd king the towne of Ber|wike.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that the Scottiſhe king had giue poſ|ſeſſion of this towne, hee faythefully ſupported the parte of king Henrye, and concluded a ma|riage betwixt his ſiſter, and the yong Prince of Wa [...]es, but yet the ſame mariage was [...] conſummate, as after ye ſhall heare.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When king Henry was ſomewhat ſettled in the realme of Scotlande,Queene Mar|garet with his ſonne goeth into France. he ſente his wyfe and his ſonne into France to K. Reigner hir father, truſting by hys ayde and ſuccour to aſſemble [...] armie, and once agayne to poſſeſſe his Realme and former dignitie, and hee in the meane tyme determined to make his aboade in Scotlande, to ſee what waye his friendes in Englande would ſtudie for his reſtitution.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Queene beyng in Fraunce, did obteyne of the young Frenche king then Lewes the .xj. that all hir huſbandes friendes, and thoſe of the Lancaſtriall band, might ſafely and ſurely haue reforte into any parte of the Realme of France, prohibityng all other of the contrarie faction any acceſſe, or repaire into that countrey.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thus yee haue hearde, how King Henry the ſixth, after he had raigned eight and thirtie yeres and odde monethes, was expulſed and driuen out of this Realme, and now leauing him with the Princes of his faction, conſulting togither in Scotlande, and Queene Margaret his wife gathering of menne in Fraunce, I will returne EEBO page image 1313 where I left, to proceede with the doings of king Edwarde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This yong Prince hauing with proſperous ſucceſſe obteyned ſo glorious a victorie in the mortall battell at Towton, and chaſed all hys aduerſaries out of the Realme, or at the leaſt wayes put them to ſilence, returned, after y^e ma|ner and faſhion of a triumphant conqueror, with great pomp vnto London, where according to the olde cuſtome of the Realme, he called a great aſſemblie of perſons of all degrees, and the nyne and twentith daye of Iune, was at Weſtmin|ſter with al ſolemnitie, crowned, & anoynted K.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the which yeare, this King Edwarde cal|led his high courte of Parliament at Weſtmin|ſter, in the whiche, the ſtate of the Realme was greatly reformed, and all the Statutes made in Henry the ſixt his time (whiche touched eyther his title or profite) were reuoked.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the ſame Paliament, the Erle of Oxford, farre ſtriken in age, and his ſonne and heire, the Lord Aworey Veer, eyther through malice of theyr enimies, or for that they had offended the King, were both, with diuers of theyr counſel|lors, atteinted, and put to execution, which cau|ſed Iohn Earle of Oxforde, euer after to rebell.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 There were alſo beheaded the ſame time, Sir Thomas Tudenham Knyghte, William Ti|rell, and Iohn Mongomerie Eſquiers, and after them diuers others.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Alſo after this, hee created his two yonger breethren Dukes, that is to ſaye, Lorde George Duke of Clarence, Lorde Richarde, Duke of Glouceſter, and the Lord Iohn Neuill, brother to Richarde Earle of Warwike, hee firſte made Lord Montacute, and afterwardes created hym Marques Montacute.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Beſide this, Henrye Bourchier, brother to Thomas Archbyſhoppe of Caunterburie, was created Earle of Eſſex, and William Lorde Fawconbridge, was made Earle of Kent.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 To this Henrye Lorde Bourchier, a man highly renowmed in martiall feates, Richarde Duke of Yorke, long before this time, had gyuen his ſiſter Elizabeth in marriage, of whome hee begate foure ſonnes, William, Thomas, Iohn, and Henrye, the whiche William, beeing a man of great induſtrie, witte, and prouidence, in graue and weightie matters, married the Lady Anne Wooduile, diſcended of high parentage, whoſe mother Iaquet, was daughter to Peter of L [...]r|enburgh, Earle of Sainte Paule, by the whyche Anne, hee had Lord Henry Earle of Eſſex, one Daughter, named Cicile, maried to Water Lord Ferrers of Chartley, and an other called Iſabell, which dyed vnmaried.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 [...]int.The Earle of Kente was appoynted about this time to keepe the Seas,1462 being accompanyed with the Lord Audeley, the Lord Clinton, Sir Iohn Howard, Sir Richard Walgraue, and o|ther, to the number of tenne thouſand, who lan|ding in Britayne, wanne the Towne of Con|quet, and the Iſle of Keth, and after returned.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When all things were brought in order, An. reg. 2. The Duke of Somerſet and other, ſubmit them to King Edwarde. and framed as Kyng Edwarde in manner coulde wiſhe, Henrye Duke of Somerſet, Sir Raufe Percye, and diuers other, being in deſpaite of all good chance to happen vnto King Henrye, came humbly, and ſubmitted themſelues vnto Kyng Edward, whome he gently receyued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 All this ſeaſon,

1493

An. reg. 3.

was King Henry in Scot|land, and Queene Margaret being in Fraunce, found ſuch friendſhip at the French kings hands, that ſhe obteined a crew of fiue hundred French|men, with whiche ſhee armed in Scotlande,The Queene retourneth forthe of Fraunce and after that ſhe hadde repoſed hir ſelfe a time, ſhee ſayled with hir gallante bande of thoſe ruffling Frenchmen, toward Newcaſtell, and landed at Tinmouth, but whether ſhee were afraid of hir owne ſhadowe, or that the Frenchmen caſt too many doubtes, the troth is, that the whole army returned to their Shippes, and a tempeſt roſe ſo ſuddaynely, that if ſhee had not taken a ſmall caruelle, and that with good ſpeede arriued at Berwike, ſhee hadde bin taken at that preſente tyme by hir aduerſaries. And although Fortune was ſo fauourable to hir, yet hir company with ſtormy blaſtes, was driuen on the ſhore before Banborough Caſtell, where they ſet their ſhips [figure appears here on page 1313] on fyre, and fledde to an Iſlelande c [...] holy Iſleand, where they were ſo aſſailed by the ba|ſterd Ogle, and an Eſquer, called Iohn Man|ners, with other of K. Edwardes friendes, that many of them were ſlayne, and almoſt fo [...] hũ|dred taken priſoners: but their Coronell Peter Breſſie, otherwiſe called Monſ. de Varenne, happened vpon a fiſherman, and ſo came to Ber|wike vnto O. Margaret, who made him Cap|taine of the Caſtell of Al [...]wike, which he with his frenchmen kept, till they were reſcued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 EEBO page image 1314Shortly after, Queene Margaret obteyned a great company of Scottes, & other of hir friẽds, and ſo bringing hir huſbande with hir, and lea|uing hir ſonne, called Prince Edward, in the towne of Berwike,Banborough Caſtell. entred Northumberlande, tooke the Caſtell of Banborough, and ſtuffed it with Scottiſhmen, and made thereof Captaine, Sir Raufe Grey, and came forwarde, towarde the Biſhopricke of Durham. When the Duke of Somerſet heard theſe newes,The Duke of Somerſet re|uolteth. hee without de|lay reuolted from King Edwarde, and fledde to King Henry. So likewiſe did Sir Raufe Per|cie, and many other of the kings friẽds, but ma|ny moe followed King Henrye, in hope to get by the ſpoyle, for his army ſpoyled and brenned townes, & deſtroyed fields whereſoeuer he came. King Edwarde aduertiſed of all theſe things, prepared an army, both by ſea and land. Some of hys Shippes were rigged and vittailed at Linue, and ſome at Hull, and well furniſhed with ſoldiers, herewith were ſet forth to the ſea.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Alſo, the Lorde Montacute, was ſent into Northumberlande, there to reyſe the people, to withſtand his enimies. And after this, the King in his proper perſon, acompanyed with his bree|thren, and a greate parte of the nobilitie of hys Realme, came to the Citie of Yorke, furniſhed with a mightie army, ſending a great part ther|of, to the ayde of the Lord Montacute, leaſt per|aduenture, he giuing too much confidence to the men of the Biſhopricke and Northumberlande, might through them be deceyued.The Lorde Montacute. The Lorde Montacute then hauing ſuche with him as hee might truſt, marched forth towards his enimies, and by the way, was encountred with the Lorde Hungerford, the Lord Roos, Sir Raufe Percy, and diuers other,Hegely More. at a place called Hegely more, where ſuddaynely, the ſaide Lordes in manner without ſtroke ſtriking, fled, and only ſir Raufe Percy abode, and was there manfully ſlayne,Sir Raufe Per|cyeſlaine. with diuers other, ſaying, when he was dying, I haue ſaued the bird in my boſome, meaning, that he had kept his promiſe and oth made to K. Hẽ|ry, forgetting belike, that hee in King Henries moſt neceſſitie abandoned hym, and ſubmitted him to king Edward, as before you haue heard.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Lorde Montacute ſeeing fortune thus proſperouſly leading his ſayle, aduanced for|ward, and learning by eſpials, that King Henry with his hoſt was encamped in a faire playne called Lyuels, on the water of Dowill in Ex|hamſhire, haſted thither, and manfully ſet on hys enimies in their owne campe, whiche like deſpe|rate perſons, with no ſmal courage receiued him. There was a ſore foughten fielde,Exham fielde. and long ere eyther parte could haue any aduãtage of y^e other, but at length, the victorie fell to the Lord Mon|tacute, who by fine force, entred the battell of his enimies, and conſtreyned them to flee,The Duke of Somerſet ta|ken. as deſpai|ring of all ſuccours. In whiche flighte and chaſe were taken Henrye Duke of Somerſet, whyche before was reconciled to Kyng Edwarde, the Lord Roos, the Lorde Molins, the Lord Hun|gerford, Sir Thomas Wentworth, Sir Tho|mas Huſey, Sir Iohn Finderne, and manye o|ther.King Henry fledde. King Henrie was a good horſeman that day, for he rode ſo faſt away, that no man might ouertake him, and yet hee was ſo neere purſued, that certaine of his Henxmen were taken, theyr horſes trapped in blew veluet, and one of them hadde on his head the ſayde Kyng Henries hel|mette, or rather (as maye bee thought) and as ſome ſaye, his highe cappe of eſtate, called Abococke, garniſhed with two riche crownes, which was preſented to king Edward at Yorke, the fourthe daye of May.The Duke of Somerſet be|headed. The Duke of So|merſette was incontinentlye beheaded at Exham, the other Lordes and Knyghtes [figure appears here on page 1314] EEBO page image 1315 were had to Newcaſtell, and there after a little deſpite, were likewiſe put to death.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Beſide theſe, diuers other, to the number of fiue and twentie, were executed at Yorke, and in other places.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Sir Humfrey Neuill, and William Tayl|voys, calling hymſelfe Earle of Kyme, Sir Raufe Grey, and Richard Tunſtall, with dy|uers other, which eſcaped from this battel, hidde themſelues in ſecrete places, but yet they kepte not themſelues ſo cloſe, but that they were eſ|pyed,The earle of Kyme, other|wiſe Angus, beheaded. and taken. The Earle of Kyme was ap|prehended in Riddeſdale, and brought to New|caſtell, and there beheaded. Sir Humfrey Neuill was taken in Holdernes, and at Yorke loſt his head. After this battell called Exam field, Kyng Edwarde came to the Citie of Dureſme, and ſent from thence into Northumberland, y^e Erle of Warwike, the Lord Montacute, the Lordes Fawconbridge, and Scrope, to recouer ſuche Caſtels, as his enimies there held, and with force defended.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 [...]e Ca|ſtel beſieged.They firſt beſieged the Caſtell of Alnowike, whiche Sir Peers Breſſe, and the Frenchmen kepte,Eight thou|ſãd hath [...]ar dyng. and in no wiſe woulde yeelde, ſending for ayde to the Scottes, wherevppon Sir George Douglas earle of Angus, wyth thirteene thou|ſande choſen men, in the daye tyme, came and reſcued the Frenchmen out of the Caſtell, the Engliſhmen looking on, which thought it much better to haue the Caſtell, without loſſe of theyr men, than to leeſe both the Caſtell, and theyr men, conſidering the greate power of Scottes, and their owne ſmall number, and ſo they en|tred the Caſtell, and manned it.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After this, they wanne the Caſtell of Dun|ſtanborough by force, and likewiſe the Caſtel of Bamborough.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Iohn Goys, ſeruant to the Duke of Somer|ſet, being taken within Dunſtanbourough, was brought to Yorke, and there beheaded, and Syr Raufe Grey beeing taken in Bamborough, for that he had ſworne to be true to King Edward, was diſgraded of the high order of Knighthood at Doncaſter, by cutting off his gilt ſpurres, rẽ|ting his coate of armes, and breaking his ſword ouer his head: and finally, he was there beheaded for his manifeſt periurie. After this, King Ed|warde returned to Yorke, where in deſpite of the Earle of Northumberlande, whiche then kepte himſelfe in the Realme of Scotland, he created Sir Iohn Neuill, Lorde Montacute, Earle of Northumberlande, and in reproofe of Iaſper Earle of Pembroke, he created William Lorde Herbert, Earle of the ſame place, but after when by mediation of friends the Earle of Northum|berland was reconciled to his fauoure, hee reſto|red him to his poſſeſſions, name, and dignitie, and preferred the Lord Montacute,1464 to the title of Marques Montacute, ſo that in degree, he was aboue his elder brother the Earle of Warwike, but in power, policie, and poſſeſſiõs, far meaner.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edwarde,An. reg. 4. though all things myghte ſeeme nowe to reſt in good caſe, yet hee was not negligent, in making neceſſarie prouiſiõ, againſt all attemptes of his aduerſarie King Henrye, and his partakers, and therefore reyſed Bul|warkes, and buylded fortreſſes on eache ſide of his Realme, where anye daunger was ſuſpected for the landing of any armie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 He cauſed alſo eſpials to be laide vpon y^e mar|ches, fore aneinſt Scotlande, that no perſon ſhoulde goe out of the Realme to King Henrie and his companie, whiche then ſoiourned in Scotland. But all the doubtes of trouble that might enſue by the meanes of K. Henries being at libertie, were ſhortly taken away and ended, for he himſelfe, whether he was paſt all feare, or that he was not wel eſtabliſhed in his w [...]s and perfect minde, or for that he could not long keepe himſelfe ſecret in a diſguiſed apparell, boldly en|tred into England. He was no ſooner entred,King Henry taken. but he was knowen and taken of one Cantlow, and brought toward the King, whome the Earle of Warwike mette on the way by the kings com|mandement, & brought him through London to the Tower, and there he was layde in ſure hold.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Queene Margaret his wife, hearing of the captiuitie of hir huſband, miſtruſting the chance of hir ſonne; al deſolate and comfortleſſe departed out of Scotland, & ſailed into France where ſhe remayned with hir father Duke Reigner, tyll ſhe returned into Englande to hir harme, as af|ter ye ſhal heare. The new D. of Somerſet, and his brother Iohn, ſailed into France, where they alſo liued in greate miſerie, till Duke Charles, bycauſe he was of their kinne, as diſcended of the houſe of Lancaſter by his mother, ſuccoured thẽ with a ſmall penſion, which was to thẽ a greate comfort. The Earle of Pembroke went from countrey to countrey,The earle of Pembrooke. not alwayes at his hartes eaſe, nor in ſafetie of life.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edward being thus in more ſuretie of his life than before, diſtributed the poſſeſſions of ſuch as tooke part with King Henry the ſixt, to his ſouldiers and Captaines, whiche he thought had well deſerued: and beſide this, he lefte no o|ther point of liberalitie vnſhewed, by the which he might allure to him the beneuolente mindes, and louing hartes of his people. And moreouer, to haue the loue of all men, hee ſhewed himſelfe more familiar both with the nobilitie, and com|munaltie than (as ſome men thought) was con|ueniente either for his eſtate, or for his honor, notwithſtanding the ſame liberalitie he euer af|ter vſed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 EEBO page image 1326The lawes of the Realme in parte hee refor|med, and in part he newly augmented.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 New coyne ſtamped.The coyne both of golde and of ſiluer, whych yet at this day is, he newly deuiſed, and deuided, for the golde hee named royols and nobles, and the ſiluer he called grotes and halfe grotes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After this, hee made Proclamation, that all perſons, which were adherẽts to his aduerſaries parte, and woulde leaue their armour, and ſub|mitte themſelues wholly to hys grace and mer|cie, ſhoulde bee cleerely pardoned and forgy|uen.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 By this kind of courteous dealing, he wanne him ſuch fauour of the people, that euer after, in all his warres, hee was through their aide and ſupport, a victor and conquerour.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When his Realme was thus brought into a good quiet eſtate, it was thought meete by hym and thoſe of his counſell, that a marriage were prouided for him in ſome couenient place, and therefore was the Earle of Warwike ſente ouer into Fraunce, to demaunde the Lady Bona, daughter to Lewes Duke of Sauoy, and ſiſter to the Ladye Carlote, then Queene of France, which Bona was then in the French Courte.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Warwike ſent into Fraunce about a ma|riage.The Earle of Warwike commyng to the Frenche King, as then lying at Tours, was of him honorably receyued, and righte courteouſly enterteyned. His meſſage was ſo well liked, and his requeſt thoughte ſo honorable for the ad|vancemente of the Lady Bona, that hir ſiſter Queene Carlote obteyned both the good will of the Kyng hyr huſbande, and alſo of hir ſiſter the foreſayde Lady, ſo that the matrimonie on that ſide was cleerely aſſented to, and the Earle of Dampmartine, appoynted with other, to ſayle into Englande, for the full finiſhyng of the ſame.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But heere conſider the olde prouerbe to bee true, whyche ſayeth, that mariage goeth by de|ſtinie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 For during the tyme that the Earle of War|wike was thus in Fraunce, and according to his inſtructions, brought the effect of his commiſſion to paſſe, the king beyng on huntyng in y^e Forreſt [...] Wychwood beſide Stony Stratford, came for his recreation to the Manor of Grafton, where the Ducheſſe of Bedforde then ſoiorned, wyfe to ſir Richard Wooduile Lord Riuers, on whome was then attendaunt a daughter of hirs, called the Lady Elizabeth Gray,The Lady Eli|zabeth Grey. widowe of ſir Iohn Gray knyght, ſlayne at the laſt batayle of Saint Albons, as before you haue heard.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Thys widdowe hauing a ſuite to the Kyng for ſuche landes as hir huſbande had giuen hir in ioynture, ſo kindled the Kings affection towards hir, that he not only fauoured hir ſuite, but more hir perſon, for ſhe was a woman of a more [...] mall countenance than of excellent beautie, and yet both of ſuche beautie and fauor, that with hir ſober demeanour, ſweete lookes, and comely ſmy|ling, (neither too wanton, nor to baſhfull) beſide hir pleaſant tongue and trimme wit, [...] ſo allu|red and made ſubiect vnto hir the hearte of that great Prince, that after ſhe had denyed hym to be his paramour, with ſo good maner, and wordes ſo well ſet as the better coulde not be deuiſed, hee finally reſolued with himſelfe to marrie hee, not aſking counſell of any man, till they might per|ceyue it was no boote to aduiſe him to the cõtra|rie of that his concluded purpoſe: But yet the Ducheſſe of Yorke his mother letted it as much as in hir laye: and when all woulde not ſerue, ſhee cauſed a precontracte to bee alledged, made by hym wyth the Ladie Elizabeth Lucye. But all doubtes reſolued, all things made cleere, and all cauillations auoyded, priuily in a morning, he marryed the ſayde Ladye Elizabeth Graye at Grafton aforeſayde, where hee firſte beganne to fanſye hir.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And in the next yere after ſhe was with great ſolemnitie crowned Queene at Weſtminſter.

1465

An. reg. 5.

Hir father alſo was created Earle Riuers, and [...]ade high Coneſtable of Englande: hir brother Lorde Anthonie was marryed to the ſole heyre of Thomas lorde Scales: Sir Thomas Graye ſonne to ſir Iohn Greye the Queenes firſte huſ|bande, was created Marques Dorſet, and mar|ried to Cicelie heire to the Lorde Bonuille.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Frenche king was not well pleaſed to be thus dalyed with, but hee ſhortely to appeaſe the grief of his wyfe and hir ſiſter the Ladye Bona, maried the ſaid lady Bona to the Duke of Mil|lane.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Now when the erle of Warwike had know|ledge by letters ſent to him out of England from his truſtie friends, that king Edward had gotten him a new wyfe, he was not a little troubled in his mynde, for that as hee tooke it,The Earle of Warwike of|fended with the kings maieſtie. his credence thereby was greatly miniſhed, and his honour much ſtayned, namely in the courte of Fraunce, for that it myght be iudged, he came rather lyke an eſpyall, to moue a thyng neuer mynded, and to treat a mariage determined before not to take effect. Surely he thought hymſelf euill vſed, that when he had brought the matter to his purpoſed intente and wiſhed concluſion, then to haue it quayle on his parte, ſo as all men mighte thinke at the leaſte wyſe, that his Prince made ſmall accompte of hym, to ſend him on ſuch a flee [...]|leſſe errand.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 All men for the moſte parte, agree that this mariage was the onely cauſe, why the Earle of Warwike conceyued an hatred agaynſte Kyng EEBO page image 1317 Edwarde, whome hee ſo muche before fauou|red.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Other affirme other cauſes, and one ſpecially, for that King Edwarde did attempte a thing once in the Earles houſe, whiche was muche a|gainſt the Earles honeſtie (whether hee woulde haue defloured his daughter or his neece, the cer|tayntie was not for both their honors openly reuealed) for ſurely, ſuche a thing was attempted by King Edwarde, whyche loued well, both to beholde, and to feele faire Damoſels: but whether the iniurie that the Earle thought hee receyued at the Kings hands, or the diſdeyne of authori|tie that the Earle had vnder the King, was the cauſe of the breach of amitie betwixt them: troth it is, that the priuie intentions of their heartes, brake into ſo many ſmall peeces, that England, Fraunce, and Flaunders, could neuer ioyne them againe, during their naturall lyues. But though the Earle of Warwike was earneſtly inflamed againſt the King, for that hee had thus married himſelfe without his knowledge, hauing regard onely to the ſatiſfying of his wanton appetite, more than to his honor,The Earle of Franke ke|pe [...] his gre [...]e [...]e. or ſuretie of his eſtate, he did yet ſo diſſimule the matter at his returne in|to Englande, as though hee had not vnderſtoode any thing thereof, but only declared what he had done, with ſuch reuerence, and ſhewe of friendly countenance, as hee hadde bin accuſtomed: and when hee hadde tarried in the Court a certayne ſpace, he obteyned licence of the King, to depart to his Caſtell of Warwike, meaning whẽ time ſerued, to vtter to the worlde, that whych he then kept ſecrete, that is to ſaye, hys inward grudge, whiche hee bare towardes the Kyng, with de|ſire of reuenge, to the vttermoſt of hys power.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Neuertheleſſe, at that tyme hee departed to the outewarde ſhewe, ſo farre in the Kynges fauoure, that manye Gentlemen of the Courte for honour ſake gladly accompanyed hym into his countrey.1466

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This yere alſo, the kings daughter, the Lady Elizabeth,An [...]. re. 6. after wife to Kyng the ſeauenth was borne, Kyng Edwarde concluded an ametie and league with Henrye King of Caſtill, and Iohn King of Aragon,C [...]teſholde [...]ex tranſ| [...]ed into [...] at the concluding wher|of, hee graunted licence for certayne Cotteſolde Sheepe, to be tranſported into the Countrey of Spayne (as people reporte) whych haue there ſo multiplyed and increaſed, that it hath turned the commoditie of England, much to the Spaniſhe profite.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Beſide thys, to haue an amitie with his next neighbor the King of Scottes, hee winked at the loſſe of Berwike, [...] wyth [...] and was contented to take a truce for fifteene yeares.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thus King Edwarde, though for refuſall of the Frenche Kings ſiſter in law, wanne him enimies in Fraunce, yet in other places hee pro|cured him friends, but thoſe friendes had ſtande hym in ſmall ſteede, if Fortune hadde not holpe hym to an other, euen at hys elbowe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This was Charles Earle of Charoloys, ſonne and heire apparant vnto Philippe Duke of Burgongue, whiche Charles beeyng then a widdower, was counſelled to bee a ſuter vnto Kyng Edwarde, for to haue in marriage the Lady Margaret, ſiſter to the ſame Kyng, a La|dy of excellent beautie, and endowed with ſo ma|ny worthy giftes of nature, grace, and fortune, that ſhee was thought not vnworthy, to matche with the greateſt Prince of the worlde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Lorde Anthonie baſterde,1467 brother to the ſayde Earle Charoloys, commonly called the baſterd of Burgoigne, a man of great wit, An. reg. 7. The baſterd of Burgoigne am+baſſador into Englande. cou|rage, and valiantneſſe, was appoynted by hys father Duke Phillip, to goe into Englande in Ambaſſade, about this ſute, who being furniſhed of plate and apparell, neceſſarie for his eſtate, ha|uing in his companie Gentlemen, and other ex|pert in al feates of cheualrie and martiall pro|weſſe, to the number of foure hundred horſes, tooke hys Shippe, and arriued in Englande, where he was of the King and nobles honora|bly receyued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thys meſſage beeyng declared, yee maye be ſure the ſame was ioyfully hearde of the Kyng and hys counſayle, the whiche by that affinitie, ſawe howe they myghte bee aſſured of a buckler agaynſte Fraunce: but yet the Earle of War|wike, bearyng hys hartie fauoure vnto the french King, did as muche as in hym lay by euill re|portes, to hynder thys marriage: but this not|withſtandyng, at length, the Kyng graunted to the baſterdes requeſt, and the ſayde baſterde o|penly in the Kyngs greate chamber contracted the ſayde Ladye Margaret, for, and in the name of hys brother the ſayde Earle of Charro|loys.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After thys marriage thus concluded,Iuſtes betwixt the baſtarde of Burgongne & the lord Scales the ba|ſterde chalenged the Lorde Scales, brother to the Queene, a man both egall in hart and vali|antneſſe with the baſterde, to fighte with hym both on horſebacke, and on foote, whyche de|maunde, the Lorde Scales gladlye accep|ted.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Kyng cauſing lyftes to bee prepared in Weſt Smythfielde for theſe champions, and very faire and coſtly galeries for the Ladyes, was preſente at thys martiall enterpriſe hym|ſelfe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The firſte daye, they ranne togyther diuers courſes with ſharp ſpeares, and departed with e|gall honour.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 EEBO page image 1318The nexte daye, they tourneyd on horſe|backe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Lorde Seales horſe had on his chafron a long ſharp pike of ſteele, and as the two cham|pions coaped togither, the ſame horſe (whether through cuſtome or by chance) thruſt his pike in|to the noſethrilles of the baſterdes horſe, ſo that for very payne, he mounted ſo high, that hee fell on the one ſide with his maiſter, and thẽ Lorde Seales rode roũd about him, w^t his ſword in his hand, till the King commaunded the Marſhall to help vp the baſterd, which openly ſaid, I can|not hold me by the clowdes, for though my horſe faileth me, ſurely I will not faile my contercom|panyon. The Kyng would not ſuffer them to do any more that day.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The morowe after, the two noble men came into the fielde on foote, with two poleaxes, and fought valiantly, but at the laſt, the poynte of the Poleaxe of the Lorde Scales, happened to enter into the ſight of the baſterds healme, and by fine force, mighte haue plucked him on his knees: the King ſuddaynely caſt downe his warder, and then the Marſhals them ſeuered.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The baſterde not content with this chaunce, and truſting on the connyng whiche hee had at the Poleaxe, required the King of iuſtice, that he might performe his enterpriſe. The lord Scales refuſed it not, but the Kyng ſayd, he would aſke counſell, and ſo calling to him the Conneſtable, and the Marſhall, with the officers of armes, af|ter conſultation had, and the lawes of armes re|hearſed, it was declared for a ſentence difinitiue, by the Duke of Clarence, then Conneſtable of Englande,The law of armes. and the Duke of Northfolke, then Marſhall, that if he would goe forward with his attempted chalenge, he muſt by y^e law of armes, bee deliuered to hys aduerſarie, in the ſame ſtate and like condition, as he ſtoode, when he was ta|ken from him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The baſterd hearing thys iudgemente, doub|ted the ſequeale of the matter, and ſo relinquiſhed his chalenge. Other chalenges were done, & va|liantly atchieued by the Engliſhmen, whiche I paſſe ouer.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The death of the Duke of Burgoigne.Shortly after, came ſorowfull tidings to the baſterd, that his father Duke Phillip was dead, and therevppon, taking his leaue of King Ed|warde, and his ſiſter the newe Duches of Bur|goigne, liberally rewarded with plate & iewels, with all ſpeede he returned to his brother y^e new Duke, who was not a litle glad, of the contract made for him with the ſaid Lady, as after it wel appeared.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In this ſame yeare, Kyng Edward, more for the loue of the Marques Montacute, than for any fauour hee bare to the Earle of Warwike, promoted George Neuill their brother,

George Neuil Archbiſhop of Yorke.

1468

to the Archbiſhoprike of Yorke.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Charles Duke of Burgoigne, reioycing that he had ſo well ſpedde, for concluſion of mariage with King Edwardes ſiſter,An. reg. 8. was very deſirous to ſee hir, of whome he had heard ſo great prayſe, wrote to King Edward, requiring him to ſende his ſiſter ouer vnto him, according to the coue|nants paſſed betwixt them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edward being not flacke in this mat|ter, appoynted the Dukes of Exceſter and Suf|folke, and theyr wiues, beeing both ſiſters to the Lady Margaret, to attende hir, till ſhee came to hir huſband. And ſo after that Shippes, and all other neceſſarie prouiſions were ready, they bee|ing accompanyed with a greate ſorte of Lordes and Ladyes, and other, to the number of fyue hundred horſe, in the beginning of Iune,The Lady Margaret, ſi|ſter to King Edward, ſent ouer to the Duke of Bur|goigne. depar|ted out of London to Douer, and ſo ſayled to Sluſe, and from thence, was conueyd to Bru|ges, where the mariage was ſolemnized betwixt the Duke and hir, with great triumph, & prince|ly feaſtings.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In this meane time, the Earle of Warwike, bearing a continuall grudge in his hart toward king Edward, ſith his laſt returne out of Frãce, perſwaded ſo with his two breethren, the Arch|byſhoppe, and the Marques, that they agreed to ioyne with him in any attempt which he ſhould take in hande againſt the ſaid Kyng.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Archebyſhoppe was eaſily allured to the Earles purpoſe, but the Marques coulde by no meanes bee reduced, to take any part agaynſte King Edward of a long tyme, til the Earle had both promiſed hym great rewards, and promo|tions, and alſo aſſured him of the ayde and po|wer, of the greateſt Princes of the Realme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And euen as the Marques was loth to con|ſente to thys vnhappie conſpiracie, ſo with a faynte harte, hee ſhewed himſelfe an enemie vn|to King Edwarde, whyche double diſſimulati|on, was both the deſtruction of hym, and hys breethren.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Beſide this, the Earle of Warwike, beeyng a farre caſting prince, perceyued ſomewhat in the Duke of Clarence, whereby hee iudged, that hee bare no greate good will towards the King hys brother, and therevpon, feelyng hys mynde, by ſuch talke as he of purpoſe miniſtred, vnderſtoode how hee was bente, and ſo wanne hym to hys purpoſe, and for better aſſuraunce of hys fayth|full friendſhippe, he offered him his eldeſt daugh|ter in marriage, with the whole halfe deale of his wiues inheritance.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And heerevppon, after conſultation hadde of theyr weightie buſineſſe and daungerous affayres, they ſayl [...] ouer to Calaice, of the EEBO page image 1319 whiche towne the Earle was capitayne, where his wyfe & two daughters then ſoiorned, whome the duke (being in loue with hir perſon) had great deſire to viſite.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But the Earle hauing in continuall remem|brance his purpoſed enterpriſe, apointed his bre|thren, the Archbiſhop & the Marques, that they ſhoulde by ſome meane in his abſence ſtirre vp ſome new rebellion in the Countie of York, and other places adioyning, ſo that thys ciuile warre ſhould ſeeme to all men to haue bin begun with|out his aſſent or knowledge, he being on the fur|ther ſide the Seas.

Compare 1587 edition: 1

1469

Anno. re. 9.

The Duke of Clarence beeing come to Ca|lais with the Earle of Warwike, after he hadde ſworne on the Sacrament to keepe his promiſe and pact made with the ſaide Earle whole and inuiolate, hee married the Lady Iſabell, eldeſt daughter to y^e Earle, in our Lady Church there.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Shortly after, according as had bin aforehãd deuiſed, a commotion was begunne in Yorke|ſhire, to the great diſquieting of that Countrey. The ſame chanced by this meanes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Saint Leo|nardes Hoſpi|tall in Yorke.There was in the Citie of Yorke, an old and rich Hoſpitall, dedicated to Sainct Leonard, for the harbourrough and relieuing of poore people, Certaine euill diſpoſed perſons, of the Earle of Warwikes faction, intending to ſet a broyle in the Countrey, perſwaded the huſbandmen to re|fuſe to giue any thing to the ſaide Hoſpitall, af|firming, that the corne giuen to that good inTent, came not to the vſe of the poore, but was conuer|ted to the behoofe of the maiſter of the Hoſpitall, and the Prieſtes, whereby they grew to be riche, and the poore people wanted their due ſuccoure and reliefe: and not contente with theſe ſayings, they fell to doings: for when the proctors of the Hoſpitall, according to their vſage, went about the Countrey to gather the accuſtomed corne, they were ſore beaten, wounded, and euill in|treated.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 A Rebellion.Shortly after, the conſpiracie of the euill diſ|poſed people, grew to an open Rebellion, ſo that there aſſembled to the number of fifteene thou|ſand men, euen ready bent, to ſet on the Citie of Yorke, but the Lord Marques Montacute, go|uernour and preſidente of that countrey for the King, taking ſpeedie counſaile in the matter, with a ſmall number of men, but well choſen, encountred the rebels before the gates of Yorke, where after a long conflict, he tooke Robert Hul|dorne their Captayne,Roberte Hui|dorne Capi|taine of the re|belles, taken and beheaded. and before them, com|maunded hys head to bee ſtriken off, and then, (bycauſe it was a darke euening) he cauſed hys Souldiers to enter into Yorke, and there to re|freſh them. Heere manye men haue maruelled, why the Marques thus put to deathe the Cap|tayne of thoſe people, whiche he had procured to this their rebellious enterpriſe. Some ſay, he did it, to the intent to ſeeme innocent and faultleſſe of his brothers doings. But other iudge, that he did it, for that contrarie to his promiſe made to his brother, he was determined to take part with King Edwarde, with whome (as it ſhall after appeare) he in ſmall ſpace entred into grace and fauour.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Rebels being nothing diſmayd with the death of their Captain, but rather the more bent on miſchiefe, by faire meanes, and craftie per|ſwaſions, gote to them Henry, ſonne to the Lord Fitz Hugh, and Sir Henry Neuill, ſonne and heyre to the Lorde Latimer, the one beeing ne|phew, and the other couſin germayne to the Erle of Warwike.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Although theſe yong Gentlemen bare the names of Captaynes, yet they had a gouernour that was Sir Iohn Conyers,Sir Iohn Co|niers. a man of ſuche courage and valiantneſſe, as fewe were to bee found in his dayes within the Northpartes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After they ſaw that they could not get Yorke bycauſe they wanted ordinance, they determi|ned with all ſpeede to marche toward London, intending to rayſe ſuche a toy in the peoples myndes, that they ſhoulde thinke King Edward neyther to bee a lawfull Prince, nor yet profi|table to the common wealth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edwarde hauing perfect knowledge of all the doyngs of the Earle of Warwike, and of his brother the Duke of Clarence, was by di|uers letters certified, of the greate armie of the Northerne men, with all ſpeede commyng to|warde London, and therefore in greate haſt,The Earle of Pembroke. hee ſente to William Lord Herbert (whome as yee haue heard, hee had created Earle of Pembroke) requiring hym withoute delay, to reyſe hys power, and encounter with the Northerne men.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Pembroke, commonly called the Lorde Herberte, both ready to obey y^e kings commaundemente, accordyng to hys duetie, and alſo deſirous to reuenge the malice whyche he bare to the Earle of Warwike, for that hee knewe howe hee hadde beene the onely let why he obteyned not the wardſhip of the Lord Bon|neuilles daughter and heire for his eldeſt ſonne, accompanyed with hys brother Sir Richarde Herberte, a valiaunt Knyghte, and aboue ſyxe or ſeauen thouſande Welchmenne, well furni|ſhed, marched forwarde to encounter with the Northernemẽ. And to aſſiſt him w^t archers, was apointed Humfrey L. Stafford of Southwike,The Lorde Stafforde. named, but not created Earle of Deuonſhire by the King, in hope that he would ſerue valiantly in that iourney: he had with him eight hundred archers.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 EEBO page image 1320When theſe two Lordes wer met at Cotteſ|holde, they hearde how the Northerne men were going toward Northampton, wherevppon, the Lorde Stafforde, and Sir Richarde Herberte, with two thouſande well horſed Welchmenne, rode forth afore the maine armye, to ſee the de|meanor of the Northerne men, and at length, vnder a woods ſide, they couertly eſpyed them, paſſing forward, and ſuddainely ſet on the rere|ward: but the Northerne mẽ with ſuch nimble|neſſe turned about,The Welch|men diſcom|fited. that in a moment, y^e Welche menne were diſcomfited, and many taken, the remnaunte returned to the armye with ſmall gayne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Northernemen well cooled with thys ſmall victorie, went no further Southward, but tooke their way towards Warwike, looking for aide of the Earle, whiche was lately come from Calais, with his ſonne in lawe the Duke of Clarence, and was rayſing menne to aide hys friends and kinſfolke.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The King likewiſe aſſembled people to ayde the Earle of Pembroke, but before eyther parte receyued ſuccoure from his friende or partaker, both the armies met by chance in a fayre playne, neere to a Towne called Hedgecote,Hedgecote. Banbury field. foure miles diſtante from Banburie, where there are three hilles, not in equall diſtance, nor yet in equall quantitie, but lying in manner (although not fully) triangle.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Welchmen gote firſt the Weſt hill, ho|ping to haue recouered the Eaſt hill alſo, which if they might haue obteyned, the victorie had bin theirs, as their fooliſh propheciers tolde them be|fore.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe Northerne menne encamped on the South hill, the Earle of Pembroke, and the Lord Stafford of Southwike, were lodged in Banburie, the day before the fielde, whiche was Saint Iames day, and there the Erle of Pem|broke put the Lorde Stafforde out of an Inne,Diſcord what i [...] breedeth. wherein he delighted much to be, for the loue of a Damoſell that dwelled in the houſe: and yet it was agreed betwixt them, that which of them ſo euer obteyned firſt a lodging, ſhoulde not be diſ|placed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Lord Stafford in great deſpite, departed with his whole bande of archers, leauing the Earle of Pembroke almoſt deſolate in y^e towne, who with all diligence returned to his hoſt, ly|ing in the fielde vnpurueyd of Archers.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Sir Henry Neuill, ſonne to the Lord Lati|mer, tooke with him certaine light horſemenne, and ſhi [...]ſhed with the Welchmen in the eue|ning, iuſt before their camp, where doing ryghte valiantly, but alittle too hardilie aduenturing himſelfe, was taken and yelded, and yet cruelly ſlayne, whiche vnmercifull acte, the Welchmen ſore rewed the next day ere night: for the Nor|therne men ſore diſpleaſed for the deathe of thys noble man, in the nexte morning, valiantly ſit on the Welchmen, and by force of archers, c [...]|ſed them quickly to diſcend the hill, into the val|ley, where both the hoſtes fought.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Pembroke did right valiantly,The valiant manhoode of Sir Richard Herbert. and ſo likewiſe did hys brother Sir Richarde Herbert, in ſo muche, that with his Polcare in hys hande, hee twice by fyne force paſſed tho|rough the battell of his aduerſaries, and with|out anye hurte, or mortall wounde retur|ned.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But ſee the happe, euen as the Welchmenne were at poynte to haue obteyned the victorie, Iohn Clappam Eſquier,Iohn Clappam ſeruaunte to the Erle of Warwike, mounted vp the ſyde of the Eaſt hill, accompanyed onely with fyue hundred menne, gathered of the raſcals of the Towne of Northampton, and other villages aboute, ha|uyng borne before them the ſtandert of y^e Earle of Warwike, with the white beare, crying, a Warwike a Warwike.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Welchmenne thynking that the Earle of Warwike hadde come on them with all hys puiſſance, ſuddaynely as menne amaſed, fledde: the Northren men them purſued,The Welch|men ſlayne. and flewe without mercie, ſo that there dyed of the Welch|men that day, aboue fiue thouſande, beſyde them that fledde and were taken.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Pembroke, and his brother Sir Richard Herbert, with diuers Gentlemen, were taken and brought to Banberie, where the Erle with hys brother, and other Gentlemen, to the number of tenne, that were lykewiſe taken, loſt [figure appears here on page 1320] their heads, but greate mone was made,Sir Richard Herbert be| [...]d. for that noble and hardie Gentleman, Sir Richard Herberte, beeyng able for his goodly perſonage and high valiancie, to haue ſerued the greateſt Prince in Chriſtendome.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Northamptonſhire men, with dyuers of the Northerne mẽ, by thẽ procured in this furie, EEBO page image 1321 made them a captaine, called Robert Hilliard, but they named him Robin of Reddeſdale, and ſodainly came to Grafton,Io [...]yn of [...]de [...]dal. The E. Riuers and his ſonne beheaded. where they tooke the Earle Riuers, father to the Queene, and hys ſonne ſir Iohn Wooduile, whom they brought to Northamton, and ther beheaded them both with|out iudgemente.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The King aduertiſed of theſe miſchaunces, wrote to y^e Sherifs of Somerſetſhire, & Deuon|ſhire, that if they might by any meanes take the Lord Stafford of Southwike, they ſhould with|out delay put him to death. Herevpon ſearch was made for him,The L. Scafford a Southwike [...]ded. till at lẽgth he was found in a vil|lage within Brentmarch, and after brought to Bridgewater was there beheaded.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After the battaile thus fought at Hedgecote commonly called Banburie fielde, the Northren men reſorted toward Warwike, where the Earle had gathered a great multitude of people, whiche Earle receyued the Northrenmen with greate gladneſſe, thanking ſir Iohn Coniers, and other theyr Capitaynes for theyr paynes taken in hys cauſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The king in this meane time had aſſembled his power, and was comming toward the Erle, who being aduertiſed thereof, ſent to the Duke of Cla|rence, requiring him to come and ioyne with him. The Duke being not farre off, with all ſpeede re|pared to the Earle, and ſo they ioyned theyr po|wers togither, and vpon ſecret knowledge had, that y^e king, bycauſe they were entred into termes by waye of comunication to haue a peace) tooke ſmall heede to himſelfe, nothing doubting anye outward attẽpt of his enimies the Erle of War|wike intending not to leeſe ſuch oportunity of ad|uantage, in the deade of the night, with an elect companie of men of warre (as ſecretely as was poſſible) ſet on the kings fielde, killing them that kept the watche, and ere the king was ware (for he thought of nothing leſſe than of that which thẽ happened) at a place called Wolney, foure myles from Warwike, [...]g Edward [...] petioner he was taken priſoner & brought to the Caſtell of Warwike.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And to the intent his friendes ſhoulde not knowe what was become of him, the Earle cau|ſed him by ſecrete iourneys in the night to be con|ueyed to Myddleham Caſtell in Yorkſhire, [...] and there to be kept vnder the cuſtodie of the Archbi|ſhoppe of Yorke and other his friendes in thoſe parties.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 King Edwarde being thus in captiuitie, ſpake euer faire to the Archbiſhop, and to his other kee|pers, ſo that he had libertie diuerſe dayes to goe on hunting. And one day vpon a playne when hee was thus abrode, [...] William [...]ley. there mette with him ſir Willi|am Stanley, ſir Thomas a Borough, and dy|uerſe other of his friends, with ſuch a great bande of menne, that neither his keepers woulde, nor once durſte moue hym to returne vnto Pryſ [...] againe.King Edward is deliuered out of Capti|uitie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Some haue thoughte that his keepers were corrupted with money, or fayre promiſes, and therefore ſuffered him thus to eſcape oute of daunger.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that he was once at libertie, hee came to Yorke, where he was ioyfully receyued, and ta|ryed there two dayes: but when he perceyued he coulde get no armie togither in that Countrey to attende him to London,He commeth to London. he turned from Yo [...]e to Lancaſter, where he founde his Chamberleyn the Lorde Haſtings well accompanied, by whoſe ayde and ſuche others as drewe to hym, beeyng well furniſhed, hee came ſafely to the Citie of London.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Earle of Warwike, and the Duke of Clarence had knowledge how king Edwarde by the treaſon or negligence of them whom they had put in truſt) was eſcaped their handes, they were in a wonderfull chaufe: but ſith the chaunce was paſt, they began eftſoones to prouide for the warre, which they ſawe was like to enſue, and found muche comfort, in that a great number of men, delyting more in diſcorde than in concorde, offred themſelues to ayde theyr ſide. But other good menne deſirous of common gui [...]e, and la|menting the miſerable ſtate of the realme, to re|dreſſe ſuch miſchiefe as appeared to be at hand, by theſe tumultes, tooke paine and road betweene the King, the Erle, and the Duke, to reconcile them eche to other.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theyr charitable motion and cauſes alledged, bycauſe they were of the chiefeſt of the Nobilitie, and therefore caried both credite and authoritye with them, ſo aſſwaged the woodes both of the king, the Duke and the Erle, that eche gaue faith to other to come and goe ſafely without ieopardy. In which promiſe both the Duke and Erle p [...]|ting perf [...] confidence, come both to London.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At Weſtminſter, the King the Duke, and the Earle, had long communication togither for to haue come to an agreement, but they fell at ſuche great wordes vpon rehearſal of olde matters, that in gret furie without any concluſion they depart, the king to Canterburye, and the Duke and the Earle to Warwike, where the Earle procured a newe armie to be rayſed in Lincolnſhire, & made Captaine therof, ſir Robert Welles ſonne to Ri|chard Lorde Welles, a man of greate experience in warre.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The King aduertiſed hereof,1470 without delaye prepared on armie, and our of hand he ſent to Ri|chard Lorde Welles, willing him vpon the fighte of his letters, to repayre vnto him: whiche to doe he had oftentymes refuſed, excuſing himſelfe by ſickneſſe and feebleneſſe of bodie. But when that excuſe ſerued not, he thinking to pourge himſelfe EEBO page image 1322 ſufficiẽtly, of all offence & blame before the kings preſence,Sir Thomas Dymmock. tooke with him ſir Thomas Dimmocke who had maryed his ſiſter, & ſo came to London, and when he was come vp, being admoniſhed by his friendes that the king was greatly with him diſpleaſed, hee with his brother in law tooke the Sanctuarie at Weſtminſter: but king Edwarde truſting to pacifie all this buſie tumult wythoute any further bloudſhed, promiſed both thoſe perſõs their pardons, cauſing them vpon his promiſe to come out of ſanctuarie to his preſence, and calling to him the Lorde Welles, willed him to write to his ſonne to leaue off the warre, and in the meane ſeaſon he with his armie went forwarde, hauing with him the Lord Welles,An. reg. 10. & ſir Thomas Dim|mocke, and being not paſt two dayes iourney frõ Stamforde, where his enimies had pitched theyr field, and hearing that ſir Robert Welles, not re|garding his fathers letters, kept his campe ſtill,The L. Wels and Thomas Dimmock be|headed. be cauſed the Lord Welles father to the ſaid ſir Ro|bert, and ſir Thomas Dimmocke to be beheaded contrarie to his promiſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Sir Robert Welles baring that the king ap|proched, and that his father and ſir Thomas Di|mocke were beheaded, though he was ſomewhat doubtfull to fight, before the Earle of Warwike were with his power aſſembled, hauing yet a yõg and luſtie courage, manfully ſet on his enimies. The battaile was ſore fought on both ſides, and many a man ſlaine, till ſir Robert perceyuing his [figure appears here on page 1322] people at poynt to flie, was buſily in hand to ex|hort them to tarie, and in the meane time being compaſſed about with his enimies was there ta|ken, and with him ſir Thomas de Laund knight, and many mo.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After the taking of their Captain, the Lincoln|ſhire men amaſed, threw away there coates the lighter to runne away, and fled amaine, and there|fore this battaile is called there yet vnto this day, Loſecote fielde.Loſecote field.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The king reioyſing at this victorie, cauſed ſir Robert Welles and diuers other to be put to exe|cution in the ſame place. The fame went that at this battaile was ſlaine ten M. men at the leaſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Earle of Warwike lay at the ſame time at his Caſtell of Warwike, and ment to haue ſet forwarde the next day towarde his armie in Lin|colnſhire, but when he heard that the ſame was ouerthrowne, he tooke newe counſaile, and wyth al diligence ymagined how to compaſſe Thomas Lorde Stanley, which had maryed his ſiſter, that he might be one of the conſpiracie:The faithful|neſſe of the L. Stanley. whiche thing when hee could not bring to paſſe (for the Lorde Stanley had anſwered him, that he woulde neuer make warre agaynſt king Edwarde) be thought no longer to ſpende time in waſt, and miſtruſting hee was not able to meete with his enimies, he with his ſonne in lawe the Duke of Clarence, departed to Exceter,The Duke o [...] Clarence [...] the erle of [...] wicke take [...]|ſ [...], and there tarying a fewe dayes determined to ſayle into Fraunce, to pur|chaſe ayde of King Lewes. And reſting vppon this poynte, hee hyred Shippes at Dartmouth, and when the ſame were readie trimmed and decked, the Duke and the Earle wyth theyr wyues, and a greate number of ſeruauntes em|barqued themſelues, and fyrſt tooke theyr courſe towardes Calays, whereof the Earle was Captayne, thinking there to haue lefte hys wyfe, and daughters, till hee had returned out of Fraunce.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But when they were come before the towne of Calays, they coulde not be ſuffered to enter, for the Lord Vauclere a Gaſcoigne, being the Erles Deputie in that towne, whether hee did it by diſ|ſimulation or hearing good will to King Ed|warde,The erle of Warwik [...] [...] out at Ca [...] (as by the ſequele it may be doubted whe|ther hee did or no) in ſteade of receyuing his ma|ſter wyth tryumph, hee bent and diſcharged a|gaynſt EEBO page image 1323 him diuerſe peeces of ordinaunce, ſending him worde, he ſhould not there take lande. This Nauie lying thus before Calays at an anker, the Ducheſſe of Clarence was there delyuered of a fayre ſonne, whiche childe the Earles Deputie would vneth ſuffer to bee Chriſtened within the towne, nor without great intreatie would permit two Flagons of wine to bee conueyed abourde to the Ladies lying in the Hauen.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The king of England aduertiſed of the refu|ſall made, by Monſeur de Vawclere to the Erle of Warwike, [...]ock [...]r de [...]ac [...]e made [...] of Calays. was ſo much pleaſed therwith, that incontinently he made him chiefe captaine of the towne of Calays by his letters patents, which he ſent to him out of hand, and therof diſcharged the Erle as a traytor and a rebell.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Duke of Burgoigne (vnto whom King Edward had written, that in no wiſe he ſhoulde receyue the Earle of Warwike, nor any of hys friendes within hys Countreyes) was ſo well pleaſed with y^e doings of Monſeur de Vawclere, that he ſent to him his ſeruaunt Philip de Com|mynes, and gaue to him yearely a thouſande Crownes in pencion, praying and requiring him to continue in truth and fidelitie towarde King Edwarde, as he had ſhewed and begonne. But though Monſeur de Vawclere ſware in the ſayd Philippes preſence, truly to take king Edwards part,The double dealing of Monſeur Va [...]e. yet hee ſente priuily to the Earle of War|wike lying at Wytſandbay, that if he landed, he ſhoulde be taken and loſt, for all Englande (as he ſayde) tooke part agaynſt him, the Duke of Bur|goigne,The Lord Du|ras was a Gaſ| [...]ſo. and al the inhabitants of the towne, with the Lord Duras the kings marſhal, and all the minne of the garniſon were his enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Erle hauing this aduertiſement from his feyned enimie, with his nauie ſayled towardes Normandie, and by the way ſpoyled and tooke many ſhippes of the Duke of Burgoignes ſub|iects, and at the laſt with all his nauie and ſpoile, hee tooke land at Dieppe in Normandie,The erle of Henrie lan|ded at Dieppe. where the gouernour of the Countrey friendly welco|med hym, and aduertiſed King Lewes of hys arriuall.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The French king deſirous of nothing more than to haue occaſion to pleaſure the Earle of Warwike, of whom the high renowme cauſed al mẽ to haue him in admiration, ſent vnto him, re|quiring both him and his ſonne in lawe the duke of Clarence, [...]. to come vnto his Caſtel of Amboys where be then ſoiourned.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Duke of Burgoigne hearing that the Duke and Earle were thus receyued in France, ſent a poſt with letters to the king Lewes, partly by way of requeſt, and partly by way of mena|cing, to diſſwade him from ayding of his aduer|ſaries, the ſaid duke and erle. But the French K. little regarded this ſute of the duke of Burgoigne and therefore anſwered that he might & woulde ſuccour his friends, and yet breake no league with him at all.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane time king Edwarde made in|quirie for ſuch as were knowne to bee ayders of the Erle of Warwike within his realme, of whõ ſome he apprehended as guiltie, and ſome doub|ting themſelues fledde to Sanctuarie, and other truſting to the kings pardon,Iohn Marques Montacute. ſubmitted themſel|ues, as Iohn Marques Montacute whome hee courteouſly receyued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 When Queen Margaret that ſoiourned with duke Reigner hir father heard tell that the Earle of Warwik was come to the French court, with all diligence came to Amboys to ſee him with hir onely ſonne prince Edward. And with hir came Iaſper Earle of Pembroke,The erles of Pembrok and Oxford. and Iohn Earle of Oxford, which after diuerſe impriſonments late|ly eſcaped, fled out of England into France, and came by fortune to this aſſemble.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe perſones after intreatie had of their af|fayres, determined by meane of the French king to conclude a league and amitie betweene them.A league. And firſt to begin withall for the ſure foundation of their newe treatie,Edward Prince of wales mari|ed. Edward prince of Wales wedded Anne ſeconde doughter to the Earle of Warwike, which Ladie came with hir mother into Fraunce.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After which mariage, the Duke & the Erles tooke a ſolemne othe, that they ſhoulde neuer leaue the warre, till eyther king Henrie the ſixt, or hys ſonne Prince Edwarde were reſtored to the Crowne, and that the Queene and the Prince ſhoulde depute and appoynt the Duke and the Erle to be gouernours and conſeruators of the common wealth, til time the prince were come to eſtate. Many other conditions were agreed as both reaſon and the weightineſſe of ſo great a bu|ſineſſe required.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Whileſt theſe things were thus a doing in the Frenche Court, there landed a Damſell be|longing to the Ducheſſe of Clarence (as ſhe ſaid) which made Monſeur de Vawclere beleeue, that ſhe was ſent from king Edward to the Duke of Clarence, & the Erle of Warwike with a plaine ouerture and declaration of peace. Of the which tydings, Vawclere was very glad for the Erles ſake: but this damoſell comming to the duke, per|ſwaded him ſo much to leaue off the purſute of his conceyued diſpleaſure towardes his brother king Edward,The promiſe of the Duke of Clarence. that he promiſed at his returne in|to England, not to be ſo extreme enimie againſt his brother as he was taken for, and this promiſe afterward he did keepe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 With this anſwere the Damoſell returned into England, the Erle of Warwike thereof be|ing clearely ignorant.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The French King lent both Shippes, men EEBO page image 1324 and money vnto Queene Margaret, and to hir partakers, and appoynted the Baſterd of Bour|bon, Admyrall of Fraunce with a great nauie to defende them agaynſt the nauie of the Duke of Burgoigne, whiche hee layde at the mouth of of y^e riuer Saine readie to encounter them being of greater force than both the Frenche nauy and the Engliſh Fleet: and yet king Reigner did alſo helpe his daughter with men and munitions of warre. When their ſhips and men were come to|gither to Harflue, the Erle of Warwike thought not to linger time, bycauſe he was certified by let|ters from his friends out of England, that aſſone as he had taken lande, there would be readie ma|ny thouſandes to do him what ſeruice and plea|ſure they coulde or might.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And beſide this, diuerſe noble men wrote that they would helpe him with men, armour money, and all things neceſſarie for the warre, and fur|ther to aduenture their owne bodies in his quarel.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The loue which the peo|ple bare to the erle of War|wike.Surely his preſence was ſo muche deſired of all the people, that almoſt all men were readie in armour, loking for his arriuall: for they iudged that the very Sunne was taken from the worlde, when he was abſent.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When hee had receyued ſuche letters of com|fort, he determined with the Duke, and the Erles of Oxforde and Pembroke (bycauſe Queene Margaret and hir ſonne were not fully yet furni|ſhed for the iourney) to go before with part of the nauie, and part of the armie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And euen as fortune would, the nauie of the Duke of Burgoigne at the ſame time by a tem|peſt was ſcattered and dryuen beſide the coaſt of Normandie, ſo that the Earle of Warwike in hope of a bone voiage, cauſed ſayles to be halfed vp, and with good ſpeede landed at Dartmouth [figure appears here on page 1324] in Deuonſhyre, from whence almoſte ſixe Mo|nethes paſſed he tooke his iorney toward France, (as before ye he haue heard.)

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Earle had taken lande, [...]atiõ he made a Proclamation in the name of King Henrie the ſixt, vpon high paynes commaunding and char|ging all men able to beare armour, to prepare themſelues to fight agaynſt Edwarde Duke of Yorke, which contrarie to ryght had vſurped the Crowne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 It is almoſt not to be beleeued, howe manye thouſandes of men of warre at the firſt things of the Earles landing reſorted vnto him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 King Edwarde wakened with the newes of the Erles landing, and the great repayre of peo|pl that came flocking in vnto him, ſent forth let|ters into all parts of his realme to rayſe an anny, but of them that were ſent for, few came, and yet of thoſe fewe the more part came with no greate good willes: which when he perceyued, hee began to doubt the matter, and therefore being accom|panied with the Duke of Glouceſter hys brother, the Lorde Haftings hys Chamberlaine, whiche had maryed the Earles Syſter, and yet was e|uer true to the King his maiſter, and the Lorde Scales brother to the Queene, hee departed in|to Lyncolnſhyre, and bycauſe hee vnderſtoode that all the Realme was vp agaynſt hym, and ſome parte of the Earle of Warwickes power, was within halfe a dayes iourney of him, follo|wing the aduice of hys Counſayle, with all haſt poſſible hee paſſed the Waſhes in greate leopar|die, and comming to Lynne,King Edw [...] cometh to Lynne and [...]|keth ſhipp [...] paſſe ouer [...] founde there an Engliſh Shippe, and two Hulkes of Hollande readie (as fortune woulde) to make ſayle, where|vpon hee with his brother the Duke of Glou|ceſter, the Lorde Scales, and dyuerſe other hys truſtie friendes, entred into the ſhip.The L. Haſ|tings. The Lorde Haſtings taryed a whyle after, exhorting all hys acquaintaunce, that of neceſſitie ſhoulde tary be|hinde, to ſhewe themſelues openly as friendes to king Henrie, for theyr owne ſafegarde, but hear|tily requiring them in ſecret, to continue faythfull to king Edward.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This perſwaſion declared, he entred the ſhip with the other, and ſo they departed, being in nũ|ber in that one ſhippe and two Hulkes,The [...] that paſ [...]ed [...]|uer with king Edwarde. about ſe|uen or eight hundred perſons, hauing no furni|ture of apparell or other neceſſarie things with them, ſauing apparell for warre.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 As king Edward with ſayle and oare was thus making courſe towardes the duke of Bur|goignes Countrey (whither he determined at the firſt to go) it chanced that ſeuen or eight gallant ſhips of Eaſterlings, then open enimies both to England and Fraunce, were abroade on thoſe Seas, and eſpying the Kings veſſels, beganne to chaſe him. The kings ſhip was good of ſayle,King Edw [...] arriued at [...]are. and ſo much gat of the Eaſterlings, that he cauſe on the coaſt of Holland, & ſo diſcended lower be|fore a towne in y^e country called Alkmare, & there caſt ancre as nere the towne as was poſſible, by|cauſe they could not enter the hauẽ at an ebbing water.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 EEBO page image 1325The Eaſterlings alſo approched the Eng|liſh ſhip as neare as their great ſhips could come at the lowe water, intending at the floud to haue their pray as they were verie like to haue atteined it in deede,The Lord C [...]late. if the Lorde Gronture, gouernour of that Countrey for the Duke of Burgoigne, had not by chaunce beene at the ſame tyme in that Towne, and vpon knowledge had of King Ed|wardes arriuall there in the Hauen, and in what daunger he ſtoode, by reaſon of the Eaſterlings, commaunded them not to bee ſo hardie as once to meddle with any Engliſh men, being both the Dukes friendes and allies.He commeth abade. And then did King Edwarde and all his companye come a lande after they had beene well refreſhed and gentlye comforted by the Lorde Grouture, they were by hym brought to the Haghe, a riche Towne in Hollande, where they remayned a while, hauing all things neceſſarie miniſtred vnto them by or|der of the Duke of Burgoigne, ſente vnto the Lorde Gronture, immediately vpon certificate ſent from the ſayd Lorde Gronture of king Ed|wardes arriuall.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the ſame was once ſpred abroade that King Edwarde was fledde the Realme, an in|numerable number of people reſorted vnto the Earle of Warwike to take hys part, but all king Edwardes truſtie friends went to diuerſe Sain|tuaries,King Edwards [...]iend [...] take Sanctuary. and amongſt other his wife Queene E|lizabeth tooke Saintuarie at Weſtminſter, and there in great penurie forſaken of all hir friendes, was deliuered of a fayre ſonne called Edwarde,Queene Eliza|beth deliuered of a Prince. whiche was with ſmal pompe lyke a poore mans chylde Chriſtened, the Godfathers beeing the Abbot and Priour of Weſtminſter, and the Godmother the Ladie Scrope.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The kentiſh|men make an [...]y bu [...]ley.The Kentiſhmen this ſeaſon (whoſe myndes be euer moueable at the change of Princes) came to the Suburbs of London, ſpoyled manſions, robbed beerehouſes, and by the counſaile of Sir Giffray Gates and other Saintuarie men, they brake vp the kings Benche, and deliuered priſo|ners, and fell at Radcliffe, Lunchouſe, & Saint Katherines, to burning of houſes, ſlaughter of people, and rauiſhing of women, whiche ſmall ſparckle had growne to a greater flame, if the Erle of Warwike with a greate power had not ſodainly quenched it, and puniſhed the offenders, which benefite by him done, cauſed him muche more to be eſteemed and lyked amongſt the com|mons than he was before.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 When he had ſetled al things at his pleaſure, vpon the .xij. day of October, [...]ng Henry [...]ed out of [...] and [...]a [...]e to his [...]g [...] gouern [...]. he rode to the tower of London, and there deliuered king Henrie oute of the warde, where hee before was kept, and brought him to the kings lodging, where he was ſerued according to his degree. And the .xxv. day of the ſayde Moneth, the Duke of Clarence accompanied with the Earles of Warwike and Shreweſburie, the Lorde Straunge, and other Lordes & Gentlemen, ſome for feare, and ſome for loue, and ſome onely to gaſe at the wauering worlde, went to the Tower, and from thence brought king Henrie apparelled in a long gowne of blew Veluet, through London to the Church of Saint Paule, the people on euerye ſyde the ſtreetes reioyſing and crying, God ſaue the king, as though ich thing had ſucceeded as they would haue had it: and when he had offred as kings vſe to do, he was conueyed to the Biſhops Palais, where he kept his houſhold like a king. When K. Henry had thus readep [...]ed and e [...]ſoones gottẽ his Regal power & authoritie,A parliament. he called hys highe Court of Parliament to begin the .xxvj. day of Nouember, at Weſtm. in the which K. Edward was adiudged a traytor to the countrey,King Edward ad [...]udged an vſurper. and an vſurper of the Realme. His goodes were confiſ|cate and forfeyted. The like ſentence was gi|uen againſt all his partakers & friends. And beſide this it was enacted, that ſuch as for his ſake were apprehended, and were either in captiuitie or at large vpon ſureties, ſhould be extreemely puniſhed according to theſe demerites, amongſt whõ was the L. Iohn Tiptoft Erle of Worceſter lieutenãt for king Edwarde in Irelande, exerciſing there more extreme crueltie than princely pitie, and namely on two infants being ſonnes to the Erle of Deſmond. This Erle of Worceſter was ey|ther for treaſon to him layde,The E. of Wor+ceter Tiptofe beheaded. or for malice a|gainſt him conceyued, atteynted and beheaded.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Moreouer, all ſtatutes made by king Edward were clearely reuoked, and the Crownes of the realmes of Englande and Fraunce,The Crowne entailed. were by au|thoritie of the ſame Parliament entayled to king Henrie the ſixth, and to his heyres Males, and for default of ſuch heyres, to remaine to George Duke of Clarence, and to his heyres male: and further the ſayd Duke was enabled to bee nexte heyre to his father Richard Duke of Yorke, and to take from him all his landes and dignities, as though he had beene his eldeſt ſonne at the tyme of his death. Iaſper Erle of Pembroke, and Iohn Earle of Oxford, and diuerſe other by king Ed|ward attainted, were reſtored to their old names, poſſeſſions, and ancient dignities.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Beſide this, the Earle of Warwike (as one to whom the common welth was much bounde [...]) was made gouernor of the realme,The Erle of Warwicke in|ſtituted gouer+nour of the realme. with whome as fellow was aſſociated George Duke of Cla|rence. And thus was the ſtate of the realme quite altered. To this Parliament came the Mur|ques Montacute, excuſing himſelfe that for feare of death he declined to take king Edwardes part, which excuſe was accepted.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When Queene Margaret vnderſtoode by hir huſbands letters that the victorie was gotten by EEBO page image 1326 their friendes, ſhe with hir ſon Prince Edwarde and hir traine entred their ſhips, to take their voi|age into England: but the winter was ſo ſharpe, the weather ſo ſtormie, and the winde ſo contra|rie, that ſhe was faine to take lande againe, and to deferre hir iourney till another ſeaſon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Iaſper Erle of Pembroke.About the ſame ſeaſon, Iaſper Erle of Pem|broke went into Wales to viſite his landes there in Pembrokeſhire, where he found Lorde Henry ſon to his brother Edmond Erle of Richmond, hauing not full ten yeares of age, he being kept in maner like a captine, but honorably brought vp by the Lady Herbert, late wife to William Erle of Pembroke, beheaded at Banburie (as ye before haue heard.Margaret coũ|teſſe of Rich|mond and Darbie.) This Henrie was borne of Marga|ret the onely daughter and heire of Iohn the firſt duke of Somerſet, then not being full ten yeares of age, the which Ladie though ſhe were after ioi|ned in mariage with Lorde Henrie ſon to Hum|frey duke of Buckingham, and after to Thomas Stanley Earle of Darby, both being yong and apt for generation, yet ſhe had neuer any mo chil|dren; as though ſhee had done hir part to bring forth a man childe, and the ſame to be a king (as hee after was in deede, entituled by the name of Henrie the ſeuenth as after ye ſhall heare.)

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Erle of Pembroke toke this childe being his nephew, out of the cuſtodie of the Ladie Her|bert, and at his returne brought the childe wyth him to London to king Henrie the ſixte, whome when the king had a good while behelde,The ſaying of king Henry the ſixte, of Henry of Rich+mont after k. Henry the ſeuenth. he ſayde to ſuch princes as were with him: Lo ſurely this is he to whom both we and our aduerſaries lea|uing the poſſeſſion of all things ſhall hereafter giue rowme and place.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 So this holy man ſhewed before the chaunce that ſhould happen, that this Erle Henrie ſo or|deyned by God, ſhould in tyme to come (as he did in deed) haue and enioy the kingdome, and whole rule of this realme of England.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Erle of Warwike vnderſtanding, that his enimie the Duke of Burgoigne had receyued king Edward, and ment to ayde him for recoue|rie of the kingdome, hee firſt ſent ouer to Calais foure .C. Archers on horſbacke to make warre on the Dukes countreys, and further prepared foure M. valiant men to go ouer very ſhortly, that the Duke might haue his handes euen full of trouble at home. And where ye haue heard that the Erle of Warwike was kept out of Calais at his flee|ing out of Englande into Fraunce, ye ſhall note that within a quarter of an houre after it was known that he was returned into England, and had chaſed King Edwarde oute of the Realme, not onely Monſeur de Vawclere, but alſo all o|ther of the garniſon & towne,The ragged ſtaffe. ſhewed themſelues to be his friends, ſo that the ragged ſtaffe was ta|ken vp and worne in euery mans cap, ſome ware it of golde enameled, ſome of ſiluer, and hee that could haue it neither of golde nor ſiluer, [...] it of whytiſh ſilke or cloth: ſuche wauering myndes haue the common people, bending like a reed with euery winde that bloweth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Duke of Burgoigne hauing an armye readie at the ſame time to inuade the frontiers of Fraunce, to recouer the townes of Saint Quin|tines and Amiens, lately by the French king ta|ken from him, doubted to be hindered greatly by the Engliſh men, if he ſhould bee conſtrayned to haue war with them: for the duke of Burgoigne helde not onely at that ſeaſon Flaunders, but al|ſo Bulleyne, and Bullennoys, and all Artoys, ſo that hee was thereby in daunger to receyue harme out of Calais on eche ſide.The D. of Bur|goigne ſendeth Ambaſsadors to Calays. Therefore he ſent Ambaſſadours thither, which did ſo muche with the Counſayle there, that the league was newly confirmed betwixt the Realme of Eng|lande and the Dukes Countreys, only the name of Henrie put in the wryting in ſteade of Ed|warde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This matter hyndered ſore the ſute of King Edwarde, dayly ſuing to the Duke for ayde at hys handes, the more earneſtly in deede, bycauſe of ſuche promiſes as by letters were made vnto him oute of Englande, from hys aſſured friends there.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But Duke Charles woulde not conſent o|penly to ayde King Edwarde,

1471

He aydeth k. Edward [...] hand.

but ye ſecretely vnder hande by others, he lent to him fiftie thou|ſande Florens of the Croſſe of Saint Andrew, and further cauſed foure great Shippes to be ap|poynted for him in the hauẽ of de Vere, otherwiſe called Camphire in Zealãd, which in thoſe dayes was free for all men to come vnto, and the Duke hyred for him fourtene ſhips of the Eaſterlings well appoynted, and for the more ſuretie tooke bonde of them to ſerue him truely till hee were landed in Englande, and fyftene dayes after.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Eaſterlings were glad of this iourney, truſting if he got agayne the poſſeſſion of Eng|lande, they ſhoulde the ſooner come to a peace, and obteyne reſtitution of theyr lyberiges and franchiſes whiche they claymed of former tyme to haue wythin this realme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Duke of Burgoigne cared not muche, on whoſe ſide the victorie fell, ſauing for payment of his money: For he would oft ſay, that he was friende to bothe partyes, and eyther parte was friendly to him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Indeede as hee was brother in lawe to the one, ſo was hee of kynne to the other, as by hys Grandmother being daughter to Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaſter.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When therefore all King Edwardes furni|ture and prouiſion for his iourney were once rea|die,VV. Fleetr [...] hauing nowe with him about two thouſand EEBO page image 1327 able menne of warre, beſyde Mariners, hee en|tred into the Shippes wyth them in the Ha|uen before Fiſhing in Zealande, vppon the ſe|conde day of Marche: and bycauſe the winde fell not good for hys purpoſe, hee taryed ſtill abourde for the ſpace of nine dayes, before it turned meete for his iourney.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 An. reg. 11. But after that the wind once came about as he wiſhed, the ſayles were hoyſſed vpon the .xj. of March being Monday, and forward they ſay|led, [...]arineth on the coaſt of Norfolke. directing their courſe ſtreight ouer towardes the coaſt of Norffolke.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 On the next day being Tueſday, and the .xij. of March, towardes the Euening they roade be|fore Cromer, where the king ſent a lande ſir Ro|bert Chamberlaine, with ſir Gylbert Debenham knights, and diuerſe other, to the ende they might diſcouer the Countrey, and vnderſtand howe the people within the lande were bent towardes him, eſpecially thoſe countreys there next adioyning.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Vpon their returne, he vnderſtoode that there was no ſuretie for him to lande in thoſe partyes.The Erle of Oxford. by reaſon of the good order whiche the Earle of Warwike, and the Erle of Oxford eſpecially had taken in that countrey to reſiſt him: for not only the duke of Norffolk, but all other the gentlemen (whom the Erle of Warwike had in any ſuſpi|tion) were by letters of priuy ſeale ſent for, and eyther committed to ſafe keeping about London, or elſe enforced to finde ſuretie for their loyall de|meanour towards king Henrie: yet thoſe knights and other that were thus ſente forth to make in|quirie, were well receyued of their friendes, and had good cheare. But after the king perceyued by theyr report, how things ſtood thereaboutes, hee cauſed his Shippes to make courſe towardes the north partes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The ſame night following, a great ſtorme of windes and weather roſe, ſore troubling the ſeas, and continued till the .xiiij. day of that mo|neth being Thurſday, on the whiche daye with great daunger, [...] arriueth [...] the head of [...]ber. by reaſon of the tempeſtuous rage and torment of the troubled Seas, he arriued at the head of Humber, where the other ſhips were ſcattered from him, eche one ſeuered frõ other, ſo that of neceſſitie they were driuen to land in ſun|der where they beſt might, for doubt to be caſt a|way in that perillous tempeſt,

Compare 1587 edition: 1 [...]e hadeth at [...]eaſpurre.The king with the Lord Haſtings his cham|berlaine, and other to the number of fiue hun|dred men being in one ſhip, landed within Hum|ber on Holderneſſe ſide, at a place called Rauen|ſpurre, euen in the ſame place where Henrie Erle of Darbie, after called k. Henrie the fourth, lan|ded, when hee came to depriue king Richarde the ſecond of the crowne, and to vſurpe it to himſelfe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Richarde Duke of Glouceſter, and three hundred men in his companie, toke land in an o|ther place, foure miles diſtant from thence, where his brother king Edward did land.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle Riuers, and with him two hun|dred men landed at a place called Pole, fourtene miles from the hauẽ where the king came a land. The reſidue of his people landed ſome here ſome there in places where for theyr ſuretyes they thought beſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 On the morow being the .xv. of March, nowe that the tempeſt ceaſed, and euery man being got to land, they drewe from euerye of their landing places towardes the king, who for the firſt nyght was lodged in a poore village two miles frõ the place where he firſt ſet foote on land.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 As touching the folkes of the Countrey, there came few or none to him, for by the incenſing of ſuch as had bene ſent into thoſe parties from the Erle of Warwike and other his aduerſaries, the people were ſhrewdly induced to ſtande agaynſte him. But yet in reſpect of the good will that ma|ny of them had borne to hys father, they coulde haue beene content, that hee ſhoulde haue enioyed his ryght to his dewe enheritaunce of the Du|chie of Yorke, but in no wyſe to the tytle of the Crowne. And herevppon they ſuffered hym to paſſe, not ſeeking to annoy him, till they myght vnderſtande more of his purpoſed meaning.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 The king perceyuing howe the people were bent, noyſed it abroade that hee came to make none other chalenge, but to hys inheritaunce of the Duchie of Yorke, and withall ment to paſſe firſt vnto the Citie of Yorke, and ſo forward to|wardes London, to encounter with hys aduer|ſaryes, that were in the South partes: For al|though his neareſt way had beene through Lin|colnſhyre, yet bycauſe in taking that waye hee muſte haue gane agayne to the water, in paſſing ouer Humber, be doubted leaſte it woulde haue beene thought, that he had withdrawne himſelfe to the ſea for feare, and ſo to auoyde the rumours that might haue beene ſpredde therof, to the hyn|deraunce of his whole cauſe, he refuſed that way and tooke this other, ſtill broyting it (as before we ſayde) that his comming was not to chalenge the Crowne, but onely to bee reſtored vnto hys lawfull right and inheritaunce of the Duchie of Yorke, which was diſcended to him from his fa|ther: and here it ſeemed that the colour of iuſtice hath euer ſuche a force in it ſelfe, amongeſt all men, that where before fewe or none of the com|mons coulde be founde that woulde offer them|ſelues to take his parte, yet nowe that hee did (as they thought) clayme nothing but that which was his right, they began ſtreyght to haue a ly|king of his cauſe. And where there were gathered to the number of ſix or ſeuen thouſande men in dyuerſe places, vnder the leading chiefely of a Prieſt, and of a Gentleman called Martine EEBO page image 1328 de la Mare,Martyn de la Mare or Mar|tyne of the ſea in purpoſe to haue ſtopped his paſ|ſage: now the ſame perſons tooke occaſion to aſ|ſiſt him, and when hee perceyued mens myndes to bee well qualifyed wyth this feyned deuice, he marched forth till hee came to Beuerley, whiche ſtoode in his direct way as hee paſſed towardes Yorke.He paſſeth to|wardes Yorke. He ſent alſo to Kingſtone vpon Hull, diſtant from thence a ſixe myle, willing that hee might be there receyued, but the inhabitants who had beene laboured by his aduerſaries, refuſed in any wiſe to graunt therevnto.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Warwike aduertiſed by Meſ|ſengers of king Edwardes arriuall, and of his turning toward Yorke, with all haſt wrote to his brother the Marques Montacute, who hadde layne at the Caſtell of Pomfret all the laſte Winter, wyth a greate number of Souldiers, willing hym to conſider in what caſe theyr af|fayres ſtoode, and therevpon with all ſpeede to ſette vppon King Edwarde, or elſe to keepe the paſſages, and to ſtay him from comming any further forwarde, tyll hee himſelfe as then be|ing in Warwikeſhyre buſie to aſſemble an ar|mye, myght come to hys ayde with the ſame.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But this notwythſtanding, although there were greate companies of people of the Coun|treyes thereaboutes aſſembled, they came not yet in ſight of the King, but ſuffred hym quiet|ly to paſſe, eyther bycauſe they were perſwaded that hee ment (as hee in outwarde wordes pre|tended) not to clayme any tytle to the Crowne, but onely his ryght to the Duchie of Yorke, or elſe for that they doubted to ſette vppon hym, al|though his number were farre vnequall to theirs, knowing that not onely he himſelfe, but alſo hys companie were mynded to ſell theyr liues deare|lye before they woulde ſhrynke an ynche from any that was to encounter them. It maye bee that dyuerſe of the Captaynes alſo were corrup|ted: and although outwardly they ſhewed to bee agaynſt him, yet in heart they bare him good wil, and in no wiſe minded to hinder him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 K. Edward with out interrupti|on paſſeth for|ward to YorkeSo, forwarde hee marched, tyll bee came to Yorke, on a Monday beyng the eightenth day of Marche.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Before hee came to the Citie by the ſpace of three Myles, the Recorder of Yorke, whoſe name was Thomas Coniers (one knowne in deede not to beare hym any faythfull good will) came to hym,Th. Conyers recorder of Yorke and gaue him to vnderſtande, that it ſtoode in no wiſe with his ſuretie, to preſume to approche the Citie, for eyther hee ſhould bee kept oute by force, or if he did enter, hee ſhoulde bee in daunger to be caſt awaye by hys aduerſa|ries that were within.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 King Edwarde neuertheleſſe ſithe hee was come thus farre forwarde, knewe well ynoughe there was no going backe for him, but manfully to proceede forwarde with hys begunne [...] and therefore kepte on hys waye, and ſho [...] after there came to him out of the Citie, Robert Clyfforde, and Rycharde Bourgh, who affirm him that in the quarell whiche hee pretended to purſue, to witte, for the obteyning of hys right to the Duchie of Yorke, he ſhoulde not ſayle, but be receyued into the Citie: but immediately af|ter came the ſayde Coniers agayne with the like tale and information as hee had brought before, and thus King Edwarde one while put in com|forte, and an other while diſcouraged, marched forth till he came to the gates of the Citie, where his people ſtayed whyleſt hee and aboute .xvj. or xvij. other ſuch as hee thoughte meeteſt,King Edw [...] commeth [...] to Yorke. w [...]e forth, and entred the Citie wyth the ſayde Clif|forde and Bourgh, and (as ſome wryte) there was a prieſt ready to ſay Maſſe, in which Maſſe tyme the King receyued the Sacrament of the Communion,He receiued an othe. and there ſolemnly ſware to keepe and obſerue two ſpeciall Articles: although it was far vnlyke that he mynded to obſerue eyther of them: the one was that hee ſhoulde vſe the Ci|tizens after a gentle and courteous maner: and the other, that hee ſhoulde bee faythfull and obe|dient vnto King Henries commaundementes. For this wilfull periurie (as hath beene thought) the iſſue of this king ſuffered for theyr fathers of|fence, the depriuation not onelye of landes and worldlye poſſeſſions, but alſo of theyr naturall lyues by theyr cruell Vncle king Richarde the thirde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 When king Edwarde had thus gotten into the Citie of Yorke, he made ſuch meanes among the Citizens, that he got of them a certaine ſum of money, and leauing a garniſon within the ci|tie contrarie to his othe, for feare leaſt the Citi|zens after his departure, might happily moue ſome rebellion aginſt him, he ſette forwarde the next day towards Tadcaſter, a towne .x. miles from thence, belonging to the Erle of Northum|berland. The next day he tooke his way towards Wakefielde, and Sendall, a Caſtell and Lord|ſhip belonging to the inheritaunce of the Dukes of Yorke, leauing the Caſtell of Pomfret vpon his left hande,The Ma [...] Monta [...] feeth king E [...]+ward to p [...] by hym. where the Marques Mon [...]e with his armie lay, and did not once offer to ſtop him. Whether the Marques ſuffred him ſo paſſe by ſo, with his good will or no, diuerſe haue dy|uerſly coniectured. Some thinke that it lay not in the power of the Marques greatly to annoy him, doth for that the king was wel beloued in thoſe parties, and againe all the Nobles and common there for the moſt part were towardes the Earle of Northumberlande, and wythoute him or his commaundement they were not willing to ſturre. And therefore the Erle in ſitting ſtill & not mouing to or fro, was thought to do K. Edward EEBO page image 1329 as good ſeruice as if he had come to him, and ray|ſed people to aſſyſt him, for diuerſe happilye that ſhoulde haue come with him, remembring diſ|pleaſures paſte, woulde not haue beene ſo faythful as the Erle himſelfe, if it had come to the iumpe of any hazarde of battaile.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 About Wake fielde and the partes there ad|ioyning, ſome companie of his friendes came to him, whereby his power was encreaſed, but no|thing in ſuch numbers as he looked for. From Wakefielde he croſſed on the left hand, ſo to come againe into the high way, [...] Edwarde [...] to [...]on. and came to Donca|ſter, and frõ thence vnto Notingham. Here came to him ſir William Parre, and ſir Iames Har|rington, with ſix hundred men well armed and appoynted: alſo there came to him ſir Thomas a Bourgh, [...]d. and ſir Thomas Montgomerie with their aydes, which cauſed him at theyr firſt com|ming to make Proclamation in his owne name, to witte, of King Edwarde the fourth, boldely affyrming to him, that they would ſerue no mã but a king.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Whileſt he remayned at Notingham, and al|ſo before he came there, hee ſent abrode diuerſe of his auaunt courrers to diſcouer the countrey, and to vnderſtande if there were anye power ga|thered agaynſt him. Some of them that were thus ſent aproched to Newarke, and vnderſtoode that within the towne there, the duke of Exceter, the erle of Oxford,The Duke of [...] with a [...]er at [...]ke. the lord Bardolfe, & other were lodged with a great power to the number of four M. men, whiche they had aſſembled in Eſſex, Norffolke, Suffolke, and in the ſhires of Cam|bridge, Huntington, and Lincolne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The duke of Exceter and the Erle of Oxford, and other the chiefe chaptains aduertiſed that K. Edwards foreriders had bene afore the towne in the Euening, ſuppoſed verily that hee and his whole armie were comming towards thẽ, wher|vpon they, not thinking it good to abide longer there, determined with al ſpeed to diſlodge, and ſo about two of the clocke after midnight they de|parted from Newarke, leauing ſome of theyr people behinde, which either ſtate away from thẽ, and taried of purpoſe, or could not get away ſo ſoone as their fellowes. In deede the for [...]riders that ſo diſcouered them within the towne of Ne|warke aduertiſed the king thereof in al poſt haſt, who incontinently aſſembled his people, and forthwith marched towards them: but before hee came within three miles of the towne, hee had knowledge that they were fl [...]dde and gone from Newarke, wherevpon be returned again to No|tingham, intending to keepe on his neareſt waye towardes the Earle of Warwike, whom he vn|derſtood to be departed from London, and to bee come into Warwikeſhyre, where and in the Countreys adioyning he was buſied in lenying an army, with the which he purpoſed to diſtreſſe him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The King then from Notingham came to Leyceſter, where three thouſande able men,King Edwarde commeth to Leyceſter. and well furniſhed for the warre came vnto him. Theſe were ſuch as he knewe would liue and die in his quarell, the moſt parte of them belonging vnto the Lorde Haſtings the kings Chamber|laine. And thus he being more ſtrongly accom|panied than before, departed from Leyceſter,The earle of Warwick in Couentry. and came before the walles of the Citie of Couentrie the, xxix. day of March.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Warwike was withdrawne into this Citie, keeping himſelfe encloſed therein with his people, beeing in number ſixe or ſeuen thouſande men.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The king ſent to him, and willed him to come forth into the fielde, and there to make an ende of the quarell in plaine battaile: but the Erle at that preſent refuſed ſo to do.King Edwarde prouoketh the erle of War|wicke to fight. For although vnder pre|tence of king Henries authoritie, he was reputed the kings generall lieutenant of the whole realm, whereby he had got ſuch power togither, as was thought able ynough to matche with the King for number, yet bycauſe hee doubted howe they were bent in his fauour, hee durſt not commytte the matter vnto the doubtfull chaunce of a bat|tayle, till he had more of hys truſtie friendes a|bout him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The king therefore three dayes togither pro|uoked him to come forth,Hee cometh to Warwicke. but when hee ſawe it would not be he remoued to Warwike an eight myles from Couentrie, where hee was receyued as king, and ſo made his Proclamations from that tyme forth in all places where he came, vn|der his accuſtomed name and tytle of king. Hee lodged here at Warwicke, the rather (as was thought) to prouoke the Earle to iſſue forth of Couentrie to giue him battaile, howbeit that de|uiſe nothing auayled: but yet there came dayly dyuerſe perſons on the Earles behalfe to treate with the king about a peace,A [...]reaty for peace. that ſome good com|poſition might haue bene concluded, and the king for the aduauncement of peace and tranquilitie within the realme, offred large conditions, as a free pardon of life to the Erle and all his people, with many other beneficiall Articles on their be|halfes, which to manye ſeemed verie reaſonable, conſidering their heynous offences. But the Erle would not accept anye offers, except hee might haue compounded ſo as it pleaſed himſelfe, and as was thought in no wiſe to ſtande with the kings honour, and ſuretie of his eſtate.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 In this meane while, the Earle of Warwike ſtill looked for the Duke of Clarence,The Duke of Clarence. who by the ſayde Earles appoyntment had aſſembled a po|wer of men of warre about London: but whẽ the Erle perceyued that the Duke lingered forth the EEBO page image 1330 tyme, and did not vſe ſuch diligence as was re|quiſite, as one that had bene in doubt of warre or peace, he began to ſuſpect that the Duke was of his brother corrupted, and therin he was nothing deceyued: for true it is, that whileſt the king was as yet beyond the ſeas, in the Dominion of the duke of Burgongne, the duke of Clarence began to wey with himſefe the greate inconuenience in|to the which aſwell his brother King Edwarde, as himſelfe and his yonger brother the Duke of Glouceſter were fallen, through the diſſention be|twixt them (which had bene compaſſed & brought to paſſe by the politique working of the Earle of Warwicke and hys complices) as fyrſt the diſinheriting of them all from theyr right|full tytle to the Crowne, ſecondlye the mortall and deteſtable warre, that coulde not but enſue betwixt them to ſuche miſchiefe, that to whether part the victorie enclyned, the victorer ſhould re|maine in no more ſuretie of his owne perſon or eſtate after the vpper hande gotte, than before: and thirdly he well perceyued alreadie, that hee was had in great ſuſpition, and not heartily be|loued of anye the Lordes and Rulers that were aſſured partakers with king Henry and the Lan|caſtrian faction, inſomuch they ſticked not dayly to goe about to breake and make voyde the ap|poyntments, articles, and couenants, made and promiſed to him, and of likelyhoode would dayly more and more intende thereto, for in truth hee ſawe that they purpoſed nothing ſo much as the deſtruction both of him and of all his bloud, all which things throughly conſidered, with many other as they were layde afore him, by right wiſe and circumſpect perſons, which in this behalf had cõference with him, he conſented that by ſome ſe|cret wayes and meanes a recõciliation might be had betwixt him and his brethren, the king & the duke of Glouceſter, the whiche to bring to ſome good and full effect, theſe honourable perſonages following became dealers therein. Firſt of all the duches of Yorke their mother, the duches of Ex|ceter, and the duches of Suffolke their ſiſters, the Lorde Cardinall of Canterburie, the Biſhop of Bathe, the Earle of Eſſex, but moſt eſpeciallye the Duches of Burgongne their ſiſter alſo, and diuerſe other right wiſe and prudent perſonages,Prieſts vſed for priuy meſ|ſengers. who wrought by mediation of certaine Prieſtes, and other ſuche as they vſed for meſſengers be|twixt them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Finally by the earneſt trauaile and diligence ſhewed by the ſayd Duches of Burgongne (who inceſſantly ſent to & fro ſuch hir truſtie Meſſen|gers now to the king being on that ſide the ſeas,King Edward and his bro|ther of Clarẽce reconciled vn|witting to the erle of War|wike. and then to the Duke remayning here in Eng|lande) at length they were made friendes, and a perfect agreement concluded and ratifyed, wyth aſſurance betwixt them ſo ſtrongly as might be, to the furthering whereof the Kings Chamber|laine the Lorde Haſtings fayled not to doe hys beſt, ſo as by his good diligence, it was thought the king was the ſooner induced to wiſhe to ioyne eſtſoones in true friendſhip with his ſayde brother of Clarence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And as it well appeared the Duke of Cla|rence acquit himſelfe faythfully therein: for hea|ring now that his brother king Edwarde was landed and cõming forwards towards London, he gathered his people,The dili [...]+lation of th [...] D. of Clare [...] outwardly pretending to paſſe with them to the ayde of the Erle of War|wike agaynſt his brother, although impartly hee ment the contrarie, and ſo accompanied wyth a|boue foure thouſande men, he marched forth to|wardes the place, where he thought to finde hys brother.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edwarde being then at Warwike, and vnderſtanding that his brother of Clarence ap|proched, in an after noone iſſued forth of that towne with all his forces, and paſſed on till hee came into a fayre large fielde three myles diſtant from Warwike towards Banburie, where hee might beholde his brother of Clarence in good ar|ray of battayle, comming towards him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 When they were now within halfe a mile ap|proched togither, the king placed his people in or|der of battaile, vnder their banners, and ſo left the ſtanding ſtill, and appoynted them to keepe their grounde, whileſt he taking with him hys brother of Glouceſter, the Lorde Riuers, the Lorde Ha|ſtings, and a fewe other, went forth to meete hys brother of Clarence: and in like ſort the Duke of Clarence tooke with him a fewe of the Nobilitie that were about him, and leauing his armye in good order departed from them to meet the king, & ſo they met betwixt both the hoſts with ſo ſweete ſalutations, louing demeanor,The breth [...] meete louing|ly together. & good countenan|ces, as better might not bee deuiſed betwyxt bre|thren of ſo highe and noble eſtate: and beſydes that, the lyke friendly entertainment, and cour|teous demeanour appeared in the ſalutings of the other Noble men, that were on them abun|dant, whereof al ſuch as ſawe it, and loued them, greatly reioyced, gyuing God thankes for that ioyfull meeting, vnitie, and concorde, appea|ring thus manyfeſtly betwixte them, and here|wyth the Trumpettes and other Inſtrumentes ſounded, and the King withall brought the d [...]e vnto his armie, whom he ſaluting in moſt cour|teous wyſe, welcomed them into the lande, and they humbly thanking him, did to him ſuch reue|rence as apperteyned.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This done, the K. leauing his hoſt again kee|ping their ground w^t the ſame few perſons which he toke with him before, went with his brother of Clarence vnto his armie, and ſaluting thẽ with ſweete & courteous words, was ioyfully of them EEBO page image 1331 welcomed, and ſo after this, they all came togy|ther ioyning in one, and either part ſhewing thẽ|ſelues glad thus to meete as friends with the o|ther, they went louingly togither vnto Warwik with the king, where and in the countrey there|aboutes they lodged as they thought ſtoode moſt with their caſe and ſafeties.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Herewith the Duke of Clarence deſyrous a|boue all things to procure ſome good and perfite accorde, betwixte hys brother the King, and the Erle of Warwike (which ſhould bring great quietneſſe to the lande, and delyuer the common wealth of many daungers that myght enſue by reaſon of ſuche numbers of partakers, as well Lordes as other that were confederate with the Earle) the ſayde Duke treated with the Kyng preſent,The Duke of C [...]ce ſee| [...] make peace betwixt [...]he Land the E [...] Warwik. and ſent meſſengers vnto Couentrie to the Earle, moouing as well the one as the other moſt inſtantly to frame theyr mindes vnto a pa|cification.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The king at the inſtance of his brother was contented to offer large conditions, and verie be|neficiall for the Earle and his partakers, if they woulde haue accepted them: but the Earle whe|ther vtterly diſpayring of his owne ſafetie, if hee ſhoulde agree to any peace, or elſe happily for that he thought it ſtoode with his honour to ſtand vnto ſuch promiſes and couenaunts as hee had made with the French King, and with Queene Margaret, & hir ſon prince, Edward, vnto whom he was bounde by othe not to ſhrinke or ſwarue from the ſame, he refuſed all maner of ſuche con|ditions as were offred.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Inſomuch that when the Duke had ſent to him, both to excuſe himſelfe of the act whiche he had done, and alſo to require him to take ſome good waye wyth King Edwarde, nowe while he myght, the Erle after hee had paciently hearde the Dukes meſſage, hee ſeemed greatlye to ab|horre his vnfaythfull dealing, in turning thus from hys confederates and alies, contrarie to his othe and fidelitie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 To the meſſengers (as ſome write,) hee gaue none other anſwere but this,The erle of Warwicks an| [...]re to the Duke of Cla| [...]ce meſſage that he had leuer bee like himſelfe, than like a falſe and periured Duke, and that he was fully determined neuer to leaue warre, till he had either loſt his own life, or vtter|ly ſubdued his enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 As it was thought, the Erle of Oxfords per|ſwaſion wanted not, to make him the more ſtif|ly to hold out, and rather to trie the vttermoſt hazard of war, than to agree to acknowledge K. Edward for his lawfull ſoueraigne lord & king. Whervpon no appoyntment nor any agreement at all could be brought to paſſe, & ſo al that treaty which the duke of Clarence had procured, brake off and tooke none effect.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 There came to the Erle of Warwike whileſt he lay thus at Couentrie, beſide the Erle of Ox|ford, the duke of Exceter, & the Lorde Marques Montacute, by whoſe comming that ſide was greatly ſtrengthned, & the nũber much encreaſed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 The K. vpon conſideration hereof, and percei|uing he could not get the Earle to come forth of Couentrie, departed from Warwike, and eſt|ſoones ſhewing himſelf with his people before the Citie of Couentrie, deſired the erle and his power to come forth into the fields, that they might end their quarel by battel: which the erle and the other lords with him vtterly refuſed as thẽ to do. This was y^e .v. of April being Friday.King Edwarde paſſeth to|wards Londõ. An. reg. 11. The K. herevpõ was reſolued to march towards London, where his principall aduerſarie king Henry remayned, vſing his kingly authoritie by diuerſe ſuch of the nobilitie as were about him, wherby K. Edward was barred and diſappoynted of many aydes & aſſiſtants, which he was ſure to haue, if he coulde once breake that force of the royal authoritie, that was ſtill thus exerciſed agaynſt him in K. Hen|ries name. Wherefore (by the [...] of his bre|thren and other of his counſaile) accordingly as it had bene ordeined before this his laſt [...]ting forth frõ Warwik, he kept on his way towards Lon|dõ, cõming to Dãtrie on the Saterday at night, and on the morow being Palmſonday, he hearde ſeruice in y^e church there, & after [...]d vnto Northãp|ton, where he was ioyfully receyued. Frõ thence he toke the next way towardes London, leauing continually behind him as he paſſed forth a com|petẽt band of ſpeares & archers, to be at back [...] of y^e erle of Warwiks people, as peraduenture be might ſend abrode to trouble him & his army by the waye. In this meane while, that things paſſed in maner as before ye haue heard, Ed [...]d duke of Somerſet, & his brother Iohn Marques Dorſet, Tho. Courtney erle of Deuonſhire, & o|ther being at London, had knowledge by aduer|tiſemẽts out of France, that Q. Margaret with hir ſon prince Edward, the coũteſſe of Warwik, the prior of S. Iohns, the L. Wenlocke, & diuerſe other their adherents and partakers, with al that they might make, were ready at y^e ſea ſide, purpo|ſing with al ſpeede to ſaile ouer into England, & to arriue in the weſt coũtrey wherevpon they de|parted forth of London, and with al haſt poſſible drew weſtwarde, there to raiſe what forces they could, to ioine with thoſe their friends immediat|ly after they ſhould ouer come to land, & ſo to aſ|ſiſt thẽ againſt K. Edward & his partakers.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 True it is, that the Queene with hir ſon, and the other perſones before mentioned, tooke theyr ſhippes, the .xxiiij. daye of Marche, continuyng on the Seas before they coulde lande (throughe tempeſtes and contrary windes) by the ſpace of twentie dayes, that is tyll the thirtenth of Aprill, on which day, or rather on the fourtenth they EEBO page image 1332 landed at Weymouth, as after ſhall appeare: but now touching king Edwardes proceeding for|ward on his iourney towards London, yet haue to vnderſtand, that vpon the Tueſday the .ix. of Aprill he came to Saint Albons, from whence he ſent comfortable aduertiſements to the Queene his wife, remayning within the Sanctuarie at Weſtminſter, & to other his faythfull friendes in and about Lõdon, to vnderſtand by co [...]ext mea|nes how to deale to obteyne the fauor of the Ci|tizens, ſo as he might be of them receyued. The Erle of Warwike vnderſtanding all his doings and purpoſes, wrote to the Londoners, willing & charging them in any wife to kepe king Edward out of their citie, & in no condition to permit him to enter:The Archbi. of Yorke. and withall he ſent to his brother the Archb. of Yorke, willing him by al meanes poſſi|ble to perſwade the Lõdoners not to receiue him, but to defend the Citie agaynſt him for y^e ſpace of two or three dayes at the leaſt, promiſing not to faile but to come after him, & to be readie to aſ|ſaile him on the back, not doubting but wholy to diſtreſſe his power, & to bring him to vtter confu|ſion. The Archb. herevpon the .ix. of Aprill, called vnto him at Paules, all ſuch Lords, knights, and gentlemen, & other that were partakers on y^e ſide, to the number in all of ſix or ſeuen thouſand men in armor, and herewith cauſed king Henrie to mount on horſebacke, and to ride from Paules through Cheepe down to Walbroke,King Henry ſheweth his ſelfe to the Londoners. & ſo to fetch a compaſſe as the cuſtome was when they made their general Proceſſions, returning backe againe to Paules vnto the Biſhoppes Palace, where at that time he was lodged.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Archbiſhop ſuppoſed that ſhewing the king thus riding through the ſtreetes, hee ſhoulde haue allured the Citizens to aſſyſt his part. True it is that the Maior and Aldermen had cauſed the gates to be kept with watch and warde: but now they well perceyued that king Henries po|wer was to weake, as by that ſhewe it had well appeared, to make full reſiſtance againſt K. Ed|warde, and ſo not for them to truſt vnto, if King Edward came forward, & ſhould attempt to en|ter the Citie by force: for it was not vnknowne vnto them, that many of the worſhipfull Citi|zens, and other of the Commons in great num|bers, were fully bent to ayde king Edward, in all that they might, as occaſion ſerued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thus what through loue that many bare to King Edwarde, and what through feare that diuerſe ſtoode in, leaſt the Citie beeing taken by force myght happily haue beene put to the ſacke, with the loſſe of many an innocent mannes life, the Maior,The Londo|ners reſolue to receyue K. Edwarde. Aldermen, and other the worſhipfull of the Citie fell at a poynt among themſelues, to keepe the Citie to king Edwardes vſe, ſo as hee might haue free paſſage and entrie into the ſame at his pleaſure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Archbiſhop of Yorke perceyuing the af|fections of the people,The Archbi. of Yorke. and howe the moſt part of them were now bent in fauour of king Edwarde vppon the ſayde Kings approche towardes the Citie, he ſent forth ſecretely a Meſſenger to him, beſeeching hym to receyue him againe into hys fauour, promyſing to bee faythfull to hym in tyme to come, and to acquitte this good turne hereafter wyth ſome ſingular benefite and plea|ſure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The king vpon good cauſes and conſiderati|ons therevnto him mouing, was contented to receyue him againe into his fauour. The Archb. hereof aſſured, reioyced greatly, and well & truely acquit him concerning his promiſe made to the king in that behalfe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The ſame night following was the Tower of London recouered to king Edwards vſe.The to [...] [...]+couered to [...] Edwards vſe. And on the morrow being Thurſday, and the .xj. of Aprill, king Edward quietly made his entrie in|to the Citie with his power,King Edw [...] entreth into London. hauing fiue .C. ſmo|kie gunners marching foremoſt being ſtrangers, of ſuch as he had brought ouer with him. He firſt rode to Paules Church, and from thence he went to the Biſhops Palace, where the Archb. of York preſented himſelf vnto him, and hauing K. Hẽrie by the hand, deliuered him vnto king Edwarde,King Henry [...] deliuered [...] him. who being ſeaſed of his perſon, and diuerſe other his aduerſaries, he went from Paules to Weſt|mynſter, where he made his deuout prayers, gy|uing God moſt hearty thanks for his ſafe returne thither againe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This done, he went to the Queene to com|fort hir, who with greate pacience had abidden there a long time, as a Sanctuarie woman, for doubt of hir enimies, and in the mean ſeaſon was deliuered of a yong Prince, which ſhee nowe pre|ſented vnto him, to his great heartes reioycing and comfort. From Weſtminſter the king re|turned that night vnto London againe, hauing the Queene with him, and lodged in the houſe of the Duches his mother.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 On the morrow being good Fryday, he tooke aduiſe with the Lordes of his bloud, and other of his counſayle, for ſuch buſineſſe as he had in ha [...], namely howe to ſubdue ſuche his enimies as ſought his deſtruction.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Warwike calling himſelfe lieu|tenant of England vnder the pretenſed authori|tie of king Henrie, hoping that King Edwarde ſhoulde haue much a doe to enter into London, marched forth from Couentrie with all his puiſ|ſance, following the king by Northãton,The earle of Warwike [...]+loweth the [...] in hope to haue ſome great aduantage to aſſaile him, ſpe|cially if the Londoners kept him out of their city, as he truſted they would, for then hee accounted himſelf ſure of the vpper hand, or if he were of thẽ EEBO page image 1333 receyued, yet hee hoped to find him vnprouided in celebrating the feaſt of Eaſter, and ſo by ſet|ting vppon him on the ſodaine, hee doubted not by that meanes to diſtreſſe him: but K. Edward hauing intelligence of the Earles intention, pro|uided all things neceſſarie for battaile, & hearing that the Erle of Warwike was now come vnto Saint Albons with his armie, he determined to marche forth to encounter him before hee ſhoulde approche neare the Citie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 [...] The Earle of Warwike, accompanied with Iohn Duke of Exceter, Edmond Duke of So|merſet, Iohn Earle of Oxford, and Iohn Neuill Marques Montacute his brother, vnderſtan|ding that king Edward was not onely receyued into London, but alſo had got king Henrie into his hands, perceyued that the tryall of the matter muſt needes bee committed to the hazard of bat|tell, and therefore being come to the towne of S. Albons, he reſted there a while, partly to refreſhe his ſouldiers, and partly to take counſaile how to proceed in his enterprice. At length, although he knew that his brother the Marques Montacute was not fully wel perſwaded w^t himſelf, to like of this quarell which they had in hand, yet the bro|therly affection betwixt them tooke away all ſu|ſpition from the Earle, and ſo he vtterly reſolued to giue battaile, and thervpon remoued towards Bernet, a towne ſtanding in the midway be|twixt London and Saint Albons aloft on a hill, at the ende whereof towardes Saint Albones there is a fayre plaine for two armyes to meete vpon,Gladmore [...]th. named Gladmoore heath. On the further ſide of which plaine towardes Saint Albons the Erle pight his campe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edwarde on the other part being furni|ſhed with a mightie army (hauing ioyned to that power which he brought with him certaine new ſupplies) vpon Eaſter euen the .xiij. of April in the after noone marched forth, hauing his ſayd army deuided into foure battailes.The ordering [...] the kings [...]y. He tooke with hym king Henrie, and came that euening vnto Ber|net, tenne ſmall myles diſtant from London, in which towne his foreryders finding certaine of the Erle of Warwikes foreryders, bet them out, and chaſed them ſomewhat further than halfe a myle from the Towne, where by an Hedge ſide they founde readie aſſembled a great number of the Earle of Warwikes people.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The King after this comming to Bernet, woulde not ſuffer a manne to remayne in the Towne (that were of his hoſte) but commaun|ded them all to the fielde, and with them drewe towardes hys enimyes, and lodged wyth hys armye more nearer to them than hee was aware of, [...]ng Edward [...] [...]tore [...]les. by reaſon it was darke, ſo as hee coulde not well deſcerne where they were encamped, forti|fying the fielde the beſt hee coulde for feare of ſome ſodaine inuaſion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 He tooke his grounde not ſo euen afore them as hee woulde haue done, it be might, haue diſco|uered the place, where they had lyne, and by rea|ſon thereof he encamped ſomewhat aſyde [...]e of them, cauſing his people to keepe as much ſilence as was poſſible.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 They had great artillerie on both partes,Artillerie. but the Earle was better furniſhed therewith than the king and therefore in the nighte ti [...] th [...] ſhotte off from his camp [...] in ma [...] continuedly, but doing [...] hurt to the kings [...] ſhooting them by reaſon they lay muche meane than the Erle or any of his men [...] eſteeme, and ſuche ſilence was kept in the Kings campe, that no noyſe bewrayed them w [...]te they lay for to the ende it ſhoulde not bee knowne to the eni|myes, howe near the King wyth his armie was lodged vnto them,A good pollicy the King woulde not ſuffer any of hys Gunnes in all that nyght to bee ſhot off, leaſt thereby they myghte haue geſſ [...] the ground, and ſo leuelled theyr Artillarie to his a [...]|noyance.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Earely on the nexte morning betwixt foure and fiue of the Clocke, notwithſtanding there was a greate myſte that letted the fight of bothe partes to diſcouer the fieldes, the king aduaun|ced hys Banners, & cauſed his Trumpettes to ſounde to the battaile.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 On the other part, the Erle of Warwike at the verie breake of the day,Hall. had likewiſe ſet hys men in order of battaile in this maner:

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the right wing hee placed the Marques Montacute,The order of the battel of both ſides. and the Earle of Oxforde with cer|taine horſemen, and he with the Duke of Exce|ter tooke the left wing, and in the myddeſt be|twene both, he ſet Archers, appoynting the duke of Somerſet to guide them as their chieftaine.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edwarde had ſet the duke of Glouceſter in the foreward, the middleward he himſelfe with the duke of Clarence, hauing with them King Henrie, did rule and gouerne. The Lorde Ha|ſtings led the rerewarde, and beſide theſe three battails he kept a companie of freſh men in ſtore, which did him greate pleaſure before the ende of the battaile.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Here is to be remembred, that aſwell the king on his parte, as the Earle of Warwike on hys, vſed many cõfortable wordes to encourage their people, not forgetting to ſet forth theyr quarels as iuſt and lawfull, the king naming his aduer|ſaries traytours and rebels, and the Erle accoun|ting him a tyrant, and a torcious vſurper. But when the tyme came that they once got ſight ey|ther of other, the battel began very ſharpe & cruel, firſt wyth ſhotte, and after by ioyning at hande blowes. At the fyrſt yet they ioyned not front to frõt, as they ſhould haue done, by reaſon of the EEBO page image 1334 myſt that tooke away the ſight of eyther armye, and ſuffred the one not to diſcerne perfectlye the order of the other, inſomuche that the one ende of the Earle of Warwikes armie ouerraught the contrarie ende of the Kings battaile whiche ſtoode Weſtward and by reaſon thereof through the valiancie of the Earle of Oxforde that ledde the Earles vowarde,The valiancie of the erle of Oxforde. the Kings people on that part were ouermatched, ſo that manye of them fled towardes Barnet, and ſo to London, brin|ging newes that the Earle of Warwike hadde wonne the fielde.

[figure appears here on page 1334]

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Earles men in deede followed freely in chaſe of thoſe, that were thus put to the worſe, and ſlue many of them, but the reſidue of thoſe that fought in other partes coulde not perceyue this diſtreſſe of the Kings people, bycauſe the thicke myſte woulde not ſuffer them to ſee anye ſpace, farre off, but onelye at hande, and ſo the kings battaile that ſaw not any thing what was done beſide them, was nothing diſcouraged. For a few excepted, that ſtoode next to that part, there was not any one that wyſt of that diſcomfiture, and the other of the Erle of Warwikes men, that fought in other places ſomewhat diſtant from them,The manfull courage of the Erle of War|wike were nothing the more encouraged by this proſperous ſucceſſe of theyr fellowes, for they perceyued it not. And in like caſe as at the Weſt ende the Earles battaile ouerreached the Kings, ſo at the Eaſt ende the Kings ouerreached the Earles, and with like ſucceſſe put the Erles peo|ple in that place to the worſe. At length after ſore fight, and great ſlaughter made on both ſides king Edwarde hauing the greater number of men (as ſome write, though other affyrme the contracie) beganne ſomewhat to preuaile: but the Earle on the other ſyde remembring his an|cient fame and renowme, manfully ſtucke to it, and encouraged his people ſtill ſupplying wyth newe ſuccours in places where hee ſawe expedi|ent, and ſo the ſight renued more cruel, fierce, and bloudie than before, inſomuche that the victorie remayned ſtill doubtfull, though they had fought from morning till it was now farre in the day.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 K. Edward therefore willing to make an ende of ſo long a conflict, cauſed a new power of freſh men (which he had for this purpoſe kept in ſtore) to ſet on his enimies. The Erle of Warwicke was nothing abaſhed herewith, but vnderſtan|ding that this was all the reſidue of King Ed|wardes power, comforted his men to beare oute this laſt brunt, and in ſo doing the victorie was ſure on their ſide, and the battayle at an ende: but King Edwarde ſo manfully and valiaunt|ly aſſayled hys aduerſaryes, in the myddle and ſtrongeſt part of theyr battayle, that with great violence he bare downe all that ſtoode in his way, for hee was followed and aſſyſted by a number of moſte hardye and faythfull menne of warre, that ſhewed notable proufe of tried manhoode in that inſtant neceſſitie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Warwike, (when his ſouldi|ers awearyed with long fight, and ſore weake|ned wyth woundes and hurtes receyued in the battaile) gaue little heede to his wordes, (beeing a man of an inuincible ſtomacke) ruſhed into the middeſt of his enimies, whereas he (aduentu|ring ſo farre from his companie, to kill and ſlea his aduerſaryes,The Earle of Warwicke ſlaine. that hee coulde not bee reſkued) was amongeſt the preaſſe of his enimyes ſtriken downe and ſlaine.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Marques Montacute thinking to ſuc|cour his brother,The Marques Montacute ſlayne. was likewiſe ouerthrowne and ſlain, with many other of good calling, as knights and Eſquiers, beſide other Gentlemen.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Some write that this battaile was ſo driuen to the vttermoſt point, that king Edward him|ſelfe was conſtrained to fight in his own perſon, EEBO page image 1335 and that the Erle of Warwike which was wont euer to ride on horſbacke from place to place, and from ranke to ranke, comforting his men, was now aduiſed by y^e Marques his brother, to leaue his horſe, and to trie the extremitie by hand, ſtro|kes.The number ſlaine at Ber| [...]ld. On both parties were ſlaine (as Hall hath) ten thouſande at the leaſt, where Fabian ſayth but .xv.C. and ſomewhat aboue. Other wryte that there dyed in all about three thouſand.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Vpon the kings part were ſlaine, the Lorde Crumwell, the Lord Say, the Lorde Montioys ſonne and heyre, ſir Humfrey Bourchier ſonne to the L. Berners, & diuerſe other knights, eſquiers, and gentlemen. The battaile dured the ſpace of three houres very doubtfull by reaſon of the miſt, & in ſkirmiſhing and fighting, now in this place now in that, but finally the victorie fell on the Kings ſide, and yet it could not bee eſteemed that his whole armie paſſed nine thouſande fighting men, (as ſome wryte) where his aduerſaryes (as by the ſame wryters appeareth) were farre aboue that number. But bycauſe thoſe that ſo wryte, ſeeme altogyther to fauour King Edwarde, we may beleue as we liſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Duke of Somerſet, and the Earle of Oxforde fledde in companie of certaine Nor|thren menne, whiche hadde beene at the bat|tayle,The Duke of Sommerſet & the Erle of Oxford. and as ſome wryte, the Earle of Ox|ford kepte forth wyth them, and retyred after into Scotlande, but yet as well the Duke of So|merſet, as the ſayd Erle of Oxforde in fleeing to|warde Scotlande, [...]hal. changed their purpoſe vpon the way, and turned into Wales to Iaſper Earle of Pembroke.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Duke of Exceter being ſtryken downe and ſore wounded,The Duke of Exceter. was left, for deade in the field, amongſt other the dead bodies, bycauſe hee was not knowne, and by reaſon thereof comming to himſelfe, got vp, and in greate daunger eſcaped vnto Weſtminſter, and there tooke Sanctuarie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 [...]d.King Edwarde hauing got this victorie, re|freſhing himſelfe and his people a while at Ber|net, returned the ſame day vnto London, lyke a tryumphaunt Conquerour, [...]ading wyth hym King Henrie as a captiue priſoner, and ſom [...]|king a ſolemne entrie at the church of S. Paule offred his ſtande [...].

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The deade bodyes of the Earle and Mar|ques, were brought to London in a Coff [...] and before they were buryed in by the ſ [...] of three dayes, lay open vyſaged in the Cathedral church of Saint Paule, to the inte [...] that all menne might eaſily receyue, that they [...]rydedly were deade.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The common brayde raunce that the King was not ſo ioyous of the Earles death as ſor|rowfull for the loſſe of the Marques whom hee full well knewe, (and no leſſe was it euident to other,) to be his faythfull friende and well wyl|ler, for whoſe onely ſake, hee cauſed both theyr bodies to bee buried wyth theyr aunceſters at the Priorie of Biſſam.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 On the Tueſday in Eaſter Weeke, came knowledge to King Edwarde, that Queene Margaret the wyfe of King Henrie,Queene Mar|garet landeth with a power out of France wyth hir ſonne Prince Edwarde was landed vpon Ea|ſter day at Weymouth in Dorcetſhire, accom|panyed with Iohn Longſcrother Priour of Sainte Iohns, commonly called Lorde Trea|ſorer of Englande, who went ouer into Fraunce to fetche them: Alſo the Lorde Wenlocke, a man made onely by king Edwarde, beſyde dy|uerſe other Knightes and Eſquires, of whome part had beene long foorth of the Realme, and part newly gone ouer thyther to them in compa|nie of the Lorde Treaſorer.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 They tooke theyr Shippes at Hunflue, the xxiiij. of Marche (as before you haue heard) but through contrarie wyndes and tempeſtes, they were driuen backe, and conſtrayned to abide for conuenient winde, whiche although it came ſometyme about fitte for theyr purpoſe, it conti|nued not long in that ende, ſo as if therevppon they tooke the Sea, at any tyme, they were for|ced to returne backe againe to land ere they could paſſe halfe the way ouer: and thus being diuerſe tymes vnder ſay [...]e, in hope to paſſe the Seas hy|ther into Englande, they were ſtyll driuen backe againe, till the thirtenth of Aprill beeing Eaſter euen, on which day the winde comming fauou|rably about, they tooke the Seas, and ſayled for|ward towards this land. The Coũteſſe of War|wike hauing a ſhip of aduauntage, arriued before the other at Porteſmouth, & from thence ſhe went to Southãpton meaning to haue gone to Wey|mouth, where ſhe vnderſtood that y^e Queene was landed: but here had ſhe knowledge of the loſſe of Bernet field, & that hir huſband was there ſlain. Wherevpon ſhee went no further towardes the Q. but ſecretely gotte hirouer the water into the newe Forreſt,The counteſſe of Warwik ta|keth Sanctuary. and tooke Sanctuarie within the Abbay of Beaulieu.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Queene Margaret, & hir ſonne Prince Ed|ward with the other that landed at Weymouth,The Duke of Sommerſet & the erle of Deuonſhire cõ|fort Queene Margaret. [...] from thence to an Abbey neare by called [...]. Thither came vnto them Edmond duke of Somerſet, and Thomas Courtney Earle of D [...]ſhi [...] with other, and welcomed thẽ into England, cõforting the Queene in the beſt ma|ner they [...]ulde and willed hir not to deſpayre of good ſucceſſe, for albeit they had loſt one fielde, (whereof the Queene had knowledge the ſame daye beeing Monday in Eaſter Weeke, the fif|tenth of Apryll, and was therefore ryght ſorrow|full) yet they doubted not but to aſſemble ſuche a puyſſance, and that very ſhortly, forth of diuerſe EEBO page image 1336 partes of the Realme, as beeing faythfull and wholy bent to ſpende theyr lyues and ſhed the beſt bloud in theyr bodyes for hir ſake, and hir ſonnes, it ſhoulde be harde for King Edwarde to reſiſt them with all the power hee had or coulde make.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Hall.The preſence of theſe noble men greatly com|fort [...] hir, and relieued hir of the ſorrowes, that in maner ouerwhelmed hir penſiue hearte, for ſhee doubted ſore the ende of all theſe proceedings, the which they concluded vpon to follow, for the ad|uancement of hir and hirs, ſpecially it miſgaue hir,The ſeat [...] whi|che Queene Margaret had for l [...] ſonu [...]. that ſome euill ſhoulde chaunce to hir ſonne prince Edward, for ſhe greatly weyed not of hir owne perill (as ſhe hirſelf confeſſed, & therefore ſhe would gladly haue had them either to haue defer|red the battell till a more conuenient time, or elſe that hir ſon might haue bene conueyed ouer into France againe, there to haue remayned in ſafetie, till the chance of the next battell were tried: but they being of a contrarie minde, and namely the duke of Somerſet, ſhe at let length conſented to that which they were reſolued vpon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thus euery man being bent to battaile, ga|thered his power by himſelfe, firſt in Somerſet|ſhire, Dorſetſhire, and part of Wilſhyre, and af|ter in Deuonſhire and Cornwall, for the better encouraging of which Countreys to ioyne with them in theyr quarell, they repayred to Ex|ceter. Here they ſent for ſir Iohn Arundell, and ſir Hugh Courtney, and many other, in whome they had any confidence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 To be ſhort, they wrought ſo, that they rayſed the whole powers of Cornwall and Deuonſhire, and with a great army departing forth of Exce|ter, they tooke the right way to Glaſtenburie, and from thence to Bathe, rayſing the people in all partes, where they came: for thoſe Countreyes had beene ſo laboured, firſt by the Earle of War|wike, and after by the duke of Somerſet, and the Erle of Deuonſhire (which two noble men were recoued as olde inheritors of the ſame countreys) that the people ſeemed there greatly enclyned in the fauour of king Henrie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edward being at London, was dayly aduertiſed by faythfull eſpials of all the doings of his aduerſaries, and was in no ſmall agonie, by|cauſe he coulde not learne what way his enimies ment to take, for be purpoſed to encounter them in one place or other, before they ſhould approche nere to London. And vpon ſuch reſolution with ſuch an army as he had got about London,King Edwards ſetteth forward his enemies. fur|niſhed with all artillerie and other prouiſions ne|ceſſarie, hee ſet forward the .xix. of Aprill, & came to Windſore, where hee ſtayed a ſeaſon, as well to celebrate the feaſt of Saint George, as to a|bide the comming of ſuche bandes as he had ap|poynted to repayre thither vnto him, making there his generall aſſemble.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The enimies to maſker him the more, ſent forth their foreryders vnto ſundrie townes, both as well to rayſe people in the Countreys aboute, as to make the King to belieue, that their purpoſe was to paſſe thoſe wayes, where neuertheleſſe they ment not once to come: and herevpon when they departed from Exceter, they ſent firſt theyr foreryders ſtreyght to Shafteſburie, and after to Saliſburie, and then they tooke the ſtreight way vnto Taunton, to Glaſtenburie, and after to Welles, where houering about in the Countrey, they ſente another time their foreryders vnto a towne called Yuell, and to Bruton, as if theyr meaning had bene to drawe towardes Reading and ſo through Barkſhire, and Oxfordſhire, to haue marched ſtreight to London, or elſe to haue ſet vpon the king at ſome aduauntage, if it were offered.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But king Edwarde conſidering aduiſedly of the matter, perceyued well that they being in an angle of the Realme, if they ment to go to Lon|don, they muſt eyther holde the ſtreight waye forth by Saliſburie, or elſe drawing vp to the ſea ſide, paſſe alongſt through Hamſhyre, Suſſex, and Kent, or happily if they miſtruſted theyr owne ſtrengthes, as not able to matche wyth his puyſſaunce, they woulde then ſlyppe on the left hande, and drawe towardes Cheſſhire, and Lancaſhyre, there to encreaſe theyr forces, and peraduenture by the waye to ioyne wyth a po|wer of Welche menne, vnder the leading of Iaſper Earle of Pembrooke, who hadde beene ſente into Wales long afore, to frame and putte in a readineſſe the people there to aſſyſte King Henryes friendes, at theyr commyng thytherwardes. And ſuche was theyr pur|poſe in deed, for they had great confidence in ſuch ayde as they truſted to haue of the Cheſſhire and Lancaſhire men.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edwarde meaning to approche nea|rer vnto them, that hee mighte the [...]er make way to ſtoppe them of theyr paſſage, on whiche hande ſoeuer they drewe, departed from Wind|ſore the morrowe after Saint Georges day, be|yng the .xx [...]ij. day of Apryll, keeping [...] iourneye tyll on Saterdaye the .x [...]vij. of [...] pryſſhe [...] came to Abing [...]o [...], where hee lay Sun|day all day.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 On Monday hee marche of [...]e to C [...]+cheſter, wh [...] hee hadde ſure ad [...], [...] they intended to bee at Bathe the ſame daye beeyng Tueſdaye, and on Wedneſdaye to come forwarde to gyue him battaile: Where|vpon king Edwarde deſirous to ſet his people in order of battayle, drewe with them forth of the towne, and i [...]ped in the field three miles dy [...] [...] from thence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 EEBO page image 1337On the morrowe, hearing no certayntie of their cõming forward, hee marched to Malmeſ|burie, ſtil ſeeking to encounter them: but here hee had knowledge, that they hauing changed theyr purpoſe, meante not to gyue hym battaile, and therefore were turned aſide, and gone to Bri|ſtowe, where they were receyued, relieued, and well refreſhed, by ſuche as fauoured theyr cauſe as well with vittayles, men, and money, as good ſtore of artillerie: wherevppon, they were ſo en|couraged, that the Thurſeday after, they tooke the fielde agayne, purpoſing to giue King Ed|warde battell indeede, and for the ſame intente, had ſente theyr foreriders to a Towne, diſtaunt from Briſtowe nyne myles, called Sudburie, appoynting a grounde for theyr fielde, a myle off the ſame Towne,Sudbury hill. towardes the Kings campe, called Sudburie hill.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The King hereof aduertiſed, y^e ſame Thurſe|day, being the firſt of May, with hys army fayre raunged in order of battaile, came towards the place, by them appoynted for their field: but they came not there, for hearing that King Edwarde did thus approche, vpon a new change of reſolu|tion, they left that way: albeit, ſome of theyr her|bengers were come as farre as Sudburie towne, and there ſurpriſed fiue or ſixe of the Kings par|tie, that were raſhly entred that Towne, atten|ding onely to prouide lodgings for theyr may|ſters.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Lordes thus hauing eftſoones chaunged theyr purpoſe, not meaning as yet to fight with the King, directed their way ſtraight towardes Berkeley, trauelling all that night. Frõ Barke|ley, they marched forwarde towardes Glouce|ſter.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The King in the meane time, on the Thurſe|day after noone, came to the ſame ground, called Sudburie hill, and there ſtayed, ſendyng [...]che ſ [...]ow [...]ire [...], to hearken what they mighte vnder|ſtand of the enimies, whome he tooke to be ſome|where at hand: but when hee coulde not heare a|ny certaynetie of them, he aduaunced forwarde, lodging hys van [...]garde in a valley beyond [...] the hill, towardes the Towne of Sudburie, and lay hymſelfe with the reſidue of hys people at y^e [...] place, called Sudburie hill.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 About three of the clocke after midnight, hee was aduertiſed, that his enimies hadde taken theyr way by Barkely, towardes Glouceſter. Heerevpon, taking aduice of hys counſell, what was beſt to doe, he was coũſelled to ſend ſome of hys ſeruauntes with all ſpeede vnto Glouceſter, to Richarde Beauchamp, ſonne and he [...] [...] Lorde Beauchamp of P [...], to whome [...] hadde before thys preſente, committed the rule and cuſtodie of the Towne [...] Caſtel of Glou|ceſter.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Kyng ſente therefore with all ſpeede vnto him, commaundyng hym to doe hys [...]t, to defend the Towne and Caſtell agaynſte hys enimies, if they came to aſſayle the ſame, as [...] was ſuppoſed they intended, and if they ſ [...]dy, hee promiſed to come with hys whole armie preſently to the reſcue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The meſſengers dyd theyr diligence, and ſo beeyng ioyfully receyued into Glouceſter, [...] Towne and Caſtell, by the vigilant, regarde of the ſayde Richard Beauchamp, was put in [...] keeping.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And this meſſage was done in good tyme, for true it is, there were diuers in the Towne, that could haue bin well contented, that the Queene, and the Lordes with hir, ſhoulde haue bin recey|ued there, and woulde haue aduentured to haue broughte it to paſſe, if they had not bin thus pre|uented: and the Queene and the Lordes with hir, hadde good intelligence with dyuers in the Towne, ſo as they were putte in greate hope, to haue entred the ſame: wherevpon, they trauelled theyr people ryghte ſore all that night and mor|ning, comming before the Towne of Glouce|ſter, vppon the Friday, about tenne of the clocke. And when they perceyued that they were diſap|poynted of theyr purpoſe, and theyr entrie [...]tly denyed, they were highly therewith diſpleaſed, for they knew very well, that dyuers within the Towne bare theyr good willes towardes them but after they hadde vſed certayne menacyng braueries, and made a ſhewe as if they hadde meane to aſſault y^e gates, and walles ſo to haue entred by force, they departed theyr wayes mar|ching with all ſpeede towardes T [...]w [...]+rie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 It myght be maruelled at, why they attempted not the winning of Gloucester indeede, Glouceſter, why it was not aſſaulted. considering the friendes whiche they knewe they hadde within it: but the cause whyche moued them chiefly to forbeare, was, for that as well they without, as the other within the Towne, knewe that King Edward approched at hande, and was ready to set vppon them on the backes, of they hadde once begunne to haue assaulted the Towne, and so, neyther they within the Towne, that were the Kyngs friendes, doubted the enimies forces, nor the enimie indeede durst attempte anye suche enterprice agaynste them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 About foure of the clocke in the after noone, they came to Tewkesburie, A long march. hauing trauelled that nighte last past, and that day, sixe and thirtie long myles, in a foule Countrey, all in lanes and stonie wayes, betwixt wooddes, without anie good refreshing, so that as well as the men, as the horses, were ryghte weerie: and where the more parte of theyr armye consisted of foote men EEBO page image 1338 men, the Captaynes coulde not haue gone any further, excepte they woulde haue left theyr footmenne behynde them, and so of necessitie, they were driuen to staye there, determinyng to abide the aduenture that God woule sende them, for well they knewe that the Kyng followed the(m) very neere at hande, so as if they shoulde haue gone further, and lefte the most parte of theyr companie behynde, as it coulde not otherwise haue chanced, he would haue bene readye to haue taken the aduauntage whollye, so to distresse them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The place where the Lords encam|ped.Herevpon, they pight theyr fielde in a cloſe, euen harde at the Townes ende, hauyng the Towne and the Abbey at theyr backes, and di|rectly before them, and vpon eache ſyde of them, they were defended with comberſome lanes, deepe ditches, and manye hedges, beſide hylles and bales, ſo as the place ſeemed as noyſome as myght bee, to approche vnto.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Kyng thys Friday, verye earely in the mornyng, aduaunced hys Standertes, and in good order of battell, hauing deuided his armye into three wardes, marched thorough y^e playnes of Cotteſwolde, the daye was very hotte, and hauyng in hys armye aboue three thouſande footemenne, hee trauelled with them and the re|ſidue a thirtie myles and more, by all whyche way,The painefull march of king Edward with his armye. they could fynde neyther Horſemeate, nor mans meate, no not ſo muche as water for theyr Horſes, excepte one little brooke, of the whiche, they receyued no greate reliefe, for what with the Horſes and carriages that paſſed tho|rough it, the water meane ſo troubled, that it ſerued them to no vſe: and ſtill all that daye, Kyng Edwarde with hys armye, was with|in fyue or ſyxe myles of hys enimies, hee in the playne Countrey, and they among the wooddes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Kyng Edwarde had euer good eſp [...]als, to ad|ueriſſe hym ſtill what his enimies did, and which way they tooke.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At length, he came with all hys armye, vnto a diſlage called Chiltenham,Chiltenham. lyke a fyue myles diſtant from Tewkeſburie, where he hadde cer|tayne knowledge, that hys enimies were alrea|dye come to [...]ew [...]eſburie, and were encamped there purpoſing to abyde hym in that place, and to d [...]yuer hym battell.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Kyng Edwarde therevppon, made no long delay but tooke a little reflection hymſelfe, and cauſed hys people to doe the lyke, with ſuch pro|uiſion of vittayles as he had appoynted to de|comi [...]yed forth with hym, for the reliefe of hym|ſelfe and hys armie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thys done, hee ſee forwarde towardes hys enimies, and lodged that nyghtes in a fielde, not paſt three myles diſtaunce from there.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 On the morrowe beeyng Saterday, and fourth of May, hee drewe towardes hys eni|mies, and marſhalled his armye,The ordering of King Ed|wards b [...] deuided into three battailes in thys ſort. He putte hys bro|ther the Duke of Glouceſter in the fore warde, and hymſelfe in the middle ward. The Lorde Marques, and the Lorde Haſtings ledde the rereward. Heerewith, hee approched the enimies camp, whyche was righte harde to be aſſailed, by reaſon of the deepe ditches, hedges, trees, buſ|ſhes, and comberſome lanes, wherewith the ſame was fenced, both a frount, and on the ſydes, ſo as the King coulde not well approche them to any aduauntage: and to be the better in a readineſſe, to beate backe the Kyngs power, when hee ſhoulde come to aſſaulte them, they were embattelled in thys order:The ordering of the [...] hoſt. the Duke of Somerſet, and hys brother the Lorde Iohn of Somerſette ledde the foreward: The middle warde was gouerned by the Prince, vnder thẽ conduct of the Lorde of Saint Iohannes, and the Lorde Wenlocke (whome King Edwarde hadde aduanced to the degree of a Barone) The rereward was appoynted to the rule of the Erle of Deuonſhire.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thus may ye perceyue, that King Edwarde was put to hys ſhiftes, howe (to any aduantage) to aſſault hys enimies. Neuertheleſſe, he beeyng well furniſhed with greate artillerie, the ſame was aptly lodged, to annoy the enimies, that they receyued great domage thereby,The Duke of Glouceſter. and the Duke of Glouceſter, who lacked no policie, gal|led them greeuouſly with the ſhotte of arrowes, and they rewarded theyr aduerſaries haue a|gayne, with lyke paymente, both with ſhotte of arrowes, and greate artillerie,Tewkes [...]er [...] fielde. although they hadde not the lyke plentie of gunnes a [...] the king hadde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The paſſages were ſo comberſome, that it was not poſſible to come vpon any euen hande, to ioyne at hand blowes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Duke of Glouceſter vppon a politike purpoſe (as ſome haue written) reouted [...]uche with all his companie, which when the Duke of Somerſet perceyued, eyther moued therewith, [...] bicauſe he was too fore annoyed with the ſhotte in that place where he with his fore wa [...]h,The Duke of Somerſet. [...] lyke a Knyght more couragious than [...]ir|eu [...]d [...] came out of his ſtrength with hys would vaſell, and aduaunced hymſelfe, ſome|what aly [...] ſhippes the Kings [...] and by certayne paſſages afore an [...]e, and for that pur|poſe prouided (to the Kings parte, although [...] on) hee paſſed a lane, and came into a [...] right afore the K. where he was einbaefel [...], not doubting, but the Prince, eche [...], with the middle wa [...], [...] follo|wed iuſt at his back, but whether y^e L. Wlẽlocke EEBO page image 1339 diſſimuled the matter for king Edwardes ſake, or whether his hart ſerued him not, ſtill he ſtode, and gaue the looking on.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 [...]all.The king, or as other haue, the duke of Glou|ceſter, taking the aduantage that he adue [...] [...]ood for turned againe face to face to the duke of So|merſet his battayle, and winning the hedge and ditche of hym, entred the cloſe, and with greate violence put hym and his people vp towards the hill from whence they were deſcended.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Here is to bee noted, that when the king was come before hys enimies, ere he gaue the onſe [...]te hee perceyued that vppon the ryghte hande of theyr Campe, there was a Parke, and muche ſtore of woodde growyng therein, and doubtyng leaſt hys aduerſaries hadde layde any ambuſhe within that woodde,The politike foreſight of the King. he choſe foorth of his compa|nies two hundred ſpeares, commandyng them to keepe a ſtale, lyke a quarter of a myle from the fielde, to attende vpon that corner of the woodde, out of the whiche the ambuſhe, if any were, was to iſſue, and to encounter with them, as occaſion ſerued: but if they perceyued that there was no ambuſhe at all, then to imploye their ſeruice as they ſhoulde ſee it expediente and behouefull for the tyme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This politik prouiſion for danger that might haue enſued, (although there was none that way for to) ſerued yet before the [...]end of the battayle, to greate good purpoſe. For when thoſe ſpares perfectly vnderſtoode that there was no ambuſhe within the wood, and withall ſa [...] conueniente tyme to employe themſelues, other cares and brake with full rand [...] vppon the Duke of So|merſette and hys [...], in ſo violent wyſe vppon the ſodayne, that where they hadde before ynough to doe with thoſe wyth whome they were firſte matched,The van [...]gard of the Lords diſtreſſed. [...] with this newe charge giuen vppon them, by thoſe two hun|dred ſpeares, they were not a little diſmayed, and to conclude, ſo diſcouraged, that ſtreight|wayes they tooke them to flyght, ſome fledde in|to the Parke, other into the meadowe there at hande, ſome into the lanes, and ſome hidde them in dykes, eche one makyng what ſhift he could, by the whyche he hoped beſte to eſcape: but ma|ny neuertheleſſe were beaten downe, ſlayne, and taken priſoners.

[figure appears here on page 1339]

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Duke of Somerſet ſeyng this vnfortu|nate chance, as ſome write, tourned to the mid|dle warde, and there finding the Lord Wenlock ſtanding ſtill,A [...]em [...]ble ſtroke. after he had reuiled him, and called him traytour, with his axe he ſtroke the braynes out of his head.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Duke of Glouceſter purſuing after them, that fledde with the Duke of Somerſette to theyr camp, wher the reſt of their armie ſtode, entred the trench, and after him the king, where he bare himſelfe ſo knightely, that therevpon the Queenes parte wente to wracke, and was put to flight, the king and other falling in chaſe af|ter them, ſo that many were ſlayne, but eſpeci|ally at a mylne in the medow faſt by the towne, a great ſorte were drowned, many ran towards the towne, ſome to the churche, and diuers to the Abbey, & other to other places, wher they thou|ght beſt to ſaue themſelues.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the winning of the campe, Hall. Prince Edward taken. ſuche as ſtoode to it were ſlayne out of hande. Prince Edward was taken as he fled towardes the towne, by ſir Richarde Croftes, and kept cloſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the fielde and chaſe were ſtayne,Nobles ſlaine. the Lord Iohn of Somerſet, called Marques Dorſet, Thomas Courtney Earle of Deuonſhire, Sir Iohn Delues, Sir Edwarde Hampden, Sir Roberte Whitingham, and Sir Iohn Leuke|ner, with three thouſand other.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 After the fielde was ended, proclamation was EEBO page image 1340 made, that whoſoeuer could bring foorth Prince Edwarde alyue or deade, ſhoulde haue one An|nuitie of a hundred pounde during hys lyfe, and the Princes lyfe to be ſaued, if he were broughte foorth alyue. Sir Richarde Croftes nothing miſtruſtyng the kings promiſe,Sir Richard Croftes deliue|reth the prince in hope that his life ſhould haue bin ſaued broughte foorth hys pryſoner Prince Edwarde, beeyng a fayre and wel proportioned yong Gentleman, whom when kyng Edwarde hadde well aduyſ [...]d, hee demaundeed of hym, howe he durſt ſo preſump|tuouſly enter into his Realme with banner diſ|played? wherevnto the Prince boldly anſwered, ſaying, to recouer my fathers Kingdome & he|ritage from his father and graundfather to him, and from him after hym, to me [...]liueally deſcen|ded. At whyche woordes, kyng Edwarde ſayde nothyng, but with hys hande thruſte him from hym,Prince Ed|ward mur|thered. or as ſome ſay, ſtroke him with his gant|lette, whome incontinentely, George Duke of Clarence, Richarde Duke of Glouceſter, Tho|mas Grey Marques Dorcet, and Wylliam Lorde Haſtings that ſtoode by, ſodeynely mur|thered: For the which cruell acte, the more part of the dooers in theyr latter dayes dranke of the lyke Cuppe, by the ryghtuous Iuſtice and due puniſhment of God. His body was homely en|te [...]ed w^t the other ſimple corpſes, in y^e church of y^e Monaſterie of blacke Monks in Teukeſbury.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thys was the laſte ciuill battayle that was foughte in King Edward the fourths days, whi|che chaunced thys fourth daye of Maye, beyng Saterdaye, in the eleuenth yeare of his reygne, and in the yeare of our Lorde, 1471.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After the victo [...] was thus archieued, the [...] repayred to the Abbey Churche there, [...]o gy [...] God thankes for th [...] good ſucceſſe, whyche it hadde pleaſed hym to [...]ſſe him with: and [...] findyng a greate number of his enemyes, [...] were fledde thyther to ſaue themſelues, he gaue them all hys free pardon: Al [...]t there was no franchyſe there for rebelles: but that he myghte haue commaunded them to haue bene drawen foorth without breache of any liberties of that Churche. Hee graunted alſo that the deade bo|dies, as well of the Lordes as other, ſtayne in that battel, myght be buried in the ſame church, or els where it pleaſed their frendes or ſeruants, without any quartering or headyng, or ſetting vp the heades or quarters in any publike places.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 There were found in the abbey and other pla|ces of the towne, Edmunde duke of Somerſet, Iohn Lonſtrother, Lorde Prior of S. Iohan|nes, Sir Thomas Treſſham, Sir Gerneys Clifton, and diuers other Knightes and Eſqui|ers, whiche were apprehended, and all of them being broughte before the D. of Glouceſter ſit|ting as Conneſtable of England, and the Duke of Northfolke, as Marſhall in the middeſt of the Towne, they were arreigned, condemned, and iudged to die, and ſo vpõ the Teweſday, being y^e ſeauenth of May, the ſaid D. and the L. Prior, w^t the two forenamed Knightes,The Duke of Somerſet and other behea|ded. and twelue o|ther knightes, were on a ſcaffold ſet vp in y^e mid|dle of the towne for that purpoſe, beheaded, and [figure appears here on page 1340] permitted to bee buried, without anye other diſ|mẽbring, or ſetting vp of their heads, in any one place or other. The ſame Teweſday the K. de|parted from Tewkeſburie towards Worceſ [...]er, and by the way had knowledge,Queene Mar|garet taken. that D. Mar|garet was found in a pore houſe of religion, not far frõ thence, into y^e which ſhe was withdrawẽ, for ſafegard of hir ſelfe, the Saterday in the mor|ning, beeing the day of the battell. She was af|ter brought to London as priſoner, and ſo kept, till hir father ranſomed on with greate ſummes of money, whyche bee borowed of L [...]wes the e|leuenth, Kyng of Fraunce, and bycauſe hee was not able to make repaymente thereof, EEBO page image 1341 he ſold vnto the ſaid Lewes (as the French wri|ters affirme) the Kingdomes of Naples, and both the Sicils, with the countie of Prouance.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 King Edward being at Worceſter, had ad|uertiſements brought forth of the North partes, that the people there, [...] were about to aſſemble in armour againſt him, in fauour of King Henry, wherevpon, he left the right way to London, and rode to Couẽtrie, meaning to encreaſe the num|ber of his people, and ſo with a puiſſant army, to goe Northwards. Herevpon, comming to Co|uentrie, the eleuenth of May, and remayning there a three dayes, he well refreſhed ſuch as had bin with him at Tewkeſburie fielde. Hither was broughte to him Queene Margaret, from whence ſhe was conueyd to London, there to remain in ſafekeeping (as before ye haue heard.)

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Whileſt hee was buſie in ſending abroade to his friends to leauie an armie, he was aduertiſed that the commotion in the North was pacified, for after that it was knowen abroade, howe hee had obteyned the victorie, as well at Tewkeſbu|rie, as at Barnet, and in manner, ſubdued al his enimies, the Captaynes that had ſtirred the peo|ple to that Rebellion, began to quayle, and for|ſaking their companies, dyuers of them made ſute to the Earle of Northumberlande, that it mighte pleaſe him to be a mediator to the King for their pardon, [...] in [...] M [...]he [...]d. ſo that now, there was no Re|bellion in all the North partes, but that as well, the Citie of Yorke, as all other places, were at the Kings commaundement, readie in al things to obey him, [...] [...]le of [...]ber| [...] as true and loyall ſubiects. And this was confirmed by the Earle of Northum|berlands owne mouth, who on the fourteenth of May, came to the King, as yet remayning at Couentrie, by reaſon wherof, it was not thought needefull, that the King ſhoulde trauell any fur|ther Northwarde at that time, either about the pacifying of the people, or to ſee execution done vpon the offendors, ſith all was there in good tranquilitie and quiet.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But now when al things ſeemed to be at reſt, and no Rebellion after ſo happie victories doub|ted, newes came to him before his commyng to Couentrie, [...] Ne| [...]erde [...]idge. from the Lords of his bloud, abiding at London, that one Thomas Neuill, baſterde ſonne to that valiant Captayne the Lord Tho|mas Fawconbridge (who had lately before bene ſente to the Sea, by the Earle of Warwike, and after fallen to practiſe piracie) had ſpoyled dy|uers Merchante Shyppes, Portingalles, and others, in breache of the auncient amitie that long had continued betwixte the Realmes of England and Portingale: and furthermore, had now got to him a greate number of Marriners, out of all parts of the lande, and manye traitors and miſgouerned people, from each quarter of the Realme, beſyde dyuers alſo forth of other countreys, that delighted in theft and robberies, meaning to worke ſome exployte againſte the King: and verily, his puiſſance increaſed dayly, for hauing bin at Calais, and broughte from thence into Kente many euill diſpoſed perſons, he began to gather his power in that Countrey, meaning (as was thoughte) to attempte ſome great and wicked enterpriſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 After the Kings comming to Couentrie,The baſe [...]de Fauconbridge before London wyth an army. hee receiued aduertiſementes, that this baſterd was come before London, with many thouſandes of men by lande, and alſo in Shippes by water, purpoſing to robbe and ſpoyle the Citie. Many Kentiſhmen were willing to aſſiſt hym in thys miſcheuous enterpriſe, and other were forced a|gainſte their willes, to goe with him, or elſe to ayde hym with their ſubſtance and money, in ſo much, that within a ſhort time, he had got togy|ther ſixteene or ſeauenteene thouſande men, as they accompted thẽſelues, with whome he came before the Citie of London the twelfth of May, in the quarrell (as he pretended) of King Henry, whome hee alſo meant to haue out of the tower, and to reſtore him againe vnto his Crowne and royall dignitie, and for that intente, he required to enter the Citie with his people, that receyuing King Henrye forth of the Tower, they myghte paſſe with him thorough the Citie, and ſo to march ſtraight towards King Edward, whoſe deſtruction they vowed to purſue, with all theyr vttermoſt indeuors. But the Maior and Alder|men of the Citie, woulde not in any wiſe agree to ſatiſfie theyr requeſt heerein, vtterly refuſing to receyue him, or any of his company, into the Citie. King Edwarde from tyme to time by poſtes was enformed of all theſe doyngs, and by aduiſe of counſell, the fourteenth of May, ſent to the ſuccoures of the Maior and Aldermen,Succours ſent to the Citie of London. a fifteene hundred of the choyſeſt ſoldiers he hadde about him, that they myghte help to reſiſt the e|nimies, till hee had got ſuch an armie togyther, as was thoughte neceſſarie, meaning with all conuenient ſpeede, to come therewith to the reſ|cue of the Citie, and preſeruation of the Quene, Prince, and his daughters, that were within the Tower, not in very good ſafegard, conſidering the euill diſpoſitions of many within the Citie of London, that for the fauour they had borne to the Earle of Warwike, and deſire to bee parta|kers of the ſpoyle, cared not if the baſterd myghte haue atteyned to his full purpoſe, and wiſhed intente.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The ſixtenth of May, King Edwarde ſette forth of Couentrie, towardes London. But here yee haue to vnderſtand, that when the baſterde coulde not be receiued into the Citie, neyther by gentle perſwaſions, nor greeuous threatnings, EEBO page image 1342 he made ſemblaunce, to paſſe ouer the Thaymes at Kingſton bridge, a tenne miles from Londõ, and thitherwards hee drewe with his whole po|wer by lande, leauing hys Shippes afore Saint Katherines and thereaboutes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 The baſterdes purpoſe to ſpoile the ſub|urbs of Lon|don.His pretẽce was, to ſpoyle and deſtroy Weſt|minſter, and the ſuburbes of the Citie on that ſide, and after, to aſſault the Citie it ſelfe, to trie if he might enter by force, and ſo to bee reuenged of the Citizens, that had refuſed to receyue hym: but as he was onwards vppon this iourney, hee was aduertiſed, that Kyng Edward was pre|paring to come forwardes agaynſt hym, aſſiſted in manner,The baſterd altereth his purpoſe. with al the great Lords of y^e realme, and others in great number, more than he hadde bin at any time before, by reaſon whereof, doub|ting what myghte followe, if paſſing the ryuer, he ſhoulde fortune ſo to be encloſed, that he ſhuld be driuen thereby to encounter with the Kyngs power at ſuch oddes, hee thought it beſt to alter his purpoſe, and ſo returning, came backe a|gayne before London, and muſtered hys people in Saint Georges field, araunged and placed in one entier battaile, and to the intent they might worke theyr purpoſed feate, before the Kinges comming to the reſcue, they reſolued with all theyr forces to aſſault the Citie, and to enter it if they could by playne ſtrength, that putting it to the ſacke, they mighte conuey the riches to theyr Shyppes, whyche lay in the Riuer, be|twixte Sainte Katherins and Blacke wall, neere to Ratcliffe: heerevpon, hauing broughte certayne peeces of artillerie forth of theyr Ships, they planted the ſame alongſt the water ſyde, ryghte ouer agaynſte the Citie, and ſhotte off luſtely to annoy them within, ſo muche as was poſſible: but the Citizens on the other ſide, lodged their great artillerie againſte their aduerſaries, and with violente ſhotte thereof ſo galled them, that they durſt not abide in anye place alongſt the water ſyde, but were driuen euen from theyr owne ordinance.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The baſterd yet meanyng not to leaue anye way vnaſſayed that myghte aduance hys pur|poſe,The baſterde meaneth to enter the City by force. appoynted a greate number of hys retinue, to ſet fire on the bridge, ſo to open the paſſage, and to enter into the Citie that way forth, and withall, hee cauſed aboue three thouſande other to paſſe by Shyppes ouer the Thaymes, giuing order, that when they were gote ouer, they ſhuld deuide themſelues into two battailes, the one to aſſault Aldgate,Aldgate, and Biſhopſgate aſſaulted. and the other Byſhoppes gate, whiche order accordyngly was executed, they doyng theyr beſt at both places to force y^e gates, not ſparing to bende and diſcharge ſuch gunnes as they hadde broughte with them againſte the ſame, nor ceaſſing with arrowes, to annoy thoſe that there ſtoode at defence, whereby much hurte was done, as well at the one place as the other, fire beeyng ſet on both the gates, in purpoſe to haue brent them vp, and ſo to haue entred.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The fire which they had kindled on y^e bridge, little auayled them (although they brente there,Houſes [...] on the bridg [...] to the number of a threeſcore houſes) for the Citizens hadde layde ſuche peeces of ordinance directly in their way, that although the paſſage hadde bin wholly open, they ſhoulde haue hadde harde entring that way forth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Maior, Aldermen, and other worſhip|full Citizens, were in good aray, and eache man appoynted and beſtowed where was thoughte needefull.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Earle of Eſſex, and manye Knyghtes, Eſquiers, and Gentlemen, with theyr friendes and ſeruauntes, came to ayde the Citizens, ta|kyng great payne to place them in order, for de|fence of the gates and walles: and furthermore, deuiſed howe and in what ſorte they myghte make a ſally ferth vppon the enimies to diſtreſſe them: and ſurely, by the intermingling of ſuche Gentlemen and Lordes ſeruauntes in euerye parte with the Citizens, they were greatly en|couraged to withſtand theyr enimies. The Re|bels yet, vnder the leading of one Spiſing, bare themſelues ſo ſtoutely at Aldgate, that they wan the bulwarkes there, and droue the Citizens backe, within the portculice, and entred with them, to the number of ſixe or eyghte, but ſome of them were ſlayne with the fall of the portcu|lice that was let downe vpon them, to keepe the reſidue out, and thoſe that were entred within the gate, were ſoone diſpatched. Heerewith, they laſſhed freelie, the one parte at the other, with gunnes and bowes, although no great hurt was done with ſhotte,The vall [...] of Roberte Baſſet Alder|man. till at length Roberte Baſſet Alderman (that was appoynted to the keeping of this gate, with the moſt part of the Citizens) and the Recorder, named Vrſewike, either of them bring well armed in ſtrong Iackes, com|maunded the portculice to bee drawen vp, and mayntenauntly ruſhed forth vpon their enimies, putting them backe vnto Sainte Bothulphes Church.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 At the ſame inſtante, the Earle Riuers, ha|uing gote togyther a foure or fiue hundred men, well choſen, and apparelled for the warre, iſſued forthe at the poſterne, by the Tower, and aſſay|ling the Kentiſhmen, euen vppon the poynte as they were thus put backe, mightely layde vppon them, firſte with arrowes, and after ioyning with them at handſtrokes, ſlewe and tooke ma|nie of them priſoners, ſo that the Rebels were fully putte to flighte, and followed firſte to Mile ende, and from thence, ſome vnto Popelar, ſome to Stretforde, and Stepnith, and in manner, eache way forth, aboute that parte of the Citie, EEBO page image 1343 the chaſe beeyng followed for the ſpace of two miles in lengthe, many of them were of Eſſex, and ſo made their courſe homewardes, but the more parte of them fledde to the waterſide, and [figure appears here on page 1343] getting to their ſhippes, paſſed ouer the Thames to the reſte of their companye. The other like|wiſe that were buſie to aſſault Byſhopſgate, when they vnderſtoode that their fellowes were diſcomfited and fled from Aldgate, they likewiſe ſlipped away, and made the beſt ſhifte they could to ſaue themſelues. There were a ſeuen hundred of them that fledde from Aldgate, and other pla|ces, ſlaine out right, beſide the priſoners. And yet there were fiers brennyng all at once at Aldgate, Byſhopſgate, and on the bridge, and many hou|ſes conſumed wyth the ſame fiers. But now the baſterde, vnder whom that company was direc|ted, that had ſet fier on the bridge, when he ſawe that hee myght not preuaile, and vnderſtoode the euill ſucceſſe of thoſe whiche he had ſette ouer the Thaymes, hee withdrewe alſo, and lefte the bridge.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 [...] Ioſſe| [...].Here the hardy manhoode of Raufe Ioſſelin Alderman is not to bee paſſed wyth ſilence, who after hee hadde valiantly reſiſted the baſterde and his hande that aſſaulted the bridge, vpon their re|tire, ſallied foorthe vppon them, and followyng them in chaſe a long the water ſide, till they came beyonde Ratcliffe, ſlewe and tooke verye many of them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The baſterde notwithſtanding gathered his companyes togyther,The baſtered [...]peth on [...]lacke heath. and wyth ſuche as were willyng to remayne wyth hym, encamped on Blacke heathe, by the ſpace of three dayes next enſuyng, to witte, the ſixteenth, ſeuenteenth, and eighteenth of May, vtterly deſpayryng of hys wiſhed praye, ſith hee hadde beene thus repulſed from London, to hys vtter confu|ſion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And nowe to conclude, hearyng that Kyng Edwarde was commyng wyth a ryghte puiſ|ſaunt armye, the ſayde baſterde and hys people durſte no longer abide, but brake vp and diſ|perſed themſelues, ſome one way, and ſome an other. They of Calais gotte them thither a|gayne wyth all ſpeede, and ſuche as were of o|ther Countryes, repayred likewiſe to theyr homes, and many of the Kentiſhemen went alſo to their houſes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The baſterde wyth hys Mariners and ſuche riotous rebelles, robbers, and wicked perſons as ſoughte nothyng but ſpoile, gotte them to ſhippeborde, and wyth all their veſſelles drewe downe to the coaſte.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edward hauyng aſſembled an armie of thirtie thouſande men (as ſome write) and accompanied in manner wyth all the greate Lordes of Englande, came to London the one and twentye of May, beeing Tueſday, where hee was honourablye receyued by the Mayor, Aldermen, and other worſhippefull Citizens, where euen vppon their fyrſte meetyng wyth hym, hee dubbed diuers of them Knightes, as the Maior, the Recorder, and other Aldermen, and worſhippefull Commoners of the Citie, whyche hadde manfullye and valiauntlye ac|quite themſelues againſte the baſterde Fau|conbridge and hys wicked companye of Re|belles.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Moreouer, heere is to bee remembred, that poore Kyng Henrye the ſixth, a little before de|priued (as yee haue hearde) of hys Realme and imperiall Crowne, was nowe in the Tower ſpoyled of hys lyfe, Hall. King Henry the ſixth mur|thered in the Tower. by Rycharde Duke of Glouceſter, (as the conſtante fame ranne) who to the intente that hys brother Kyng Edwarde myghte raygne in more ſure|tie, murthered the ſaide King Henry with a dag|ger, althoughe ſome writers of that time fa|uouryng altogyther the houſe of Yorke, haue recorded, that after hee vnderſtoode what loſſes hadde chaunced to hys friendes, and howe not only his ſon, but alſo all other hys chief partakers were dead and diſpatched, he tooke it ſo to harte, that of pure diſpleaſure, indignation, and me|lancolie, hee dyed the three and twentith of May.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 The dead corps on the Aſcention euen,The nine and twentith of May. was conueyed with bylles and gleaues pompouſly (if you wyll call that a funerall pompe) from the Tower, to the Churche of Sainte Paule, and there layde on a beere, where it reſted the ſpace of one whole daye, and on the nexte daye after, it was conueyd without Prieſt or EEBO page image 1344 Clearke, torche or taper, ſinging or ſaying, vnto the Monaſterie of Cherteſey, diſtant from Lon|don fifteene miles, and there was it firſt buryed, but after, it was remoued to Windeſore, and there in a newe vawte, newly intumulate. Hee raigned eyght and thirtie yeares, ſixe monethes & odde dayes, & after his readẽption of y^e Crowne ſixe monethes. He lyued two and fiftie yeares, hauyng by hys wife one onely ſonne, called Ed|warde, Prince of Wales. He was of a ſeemely ſtature, of body ſlender, to whiche proportion, all other members were aunſwerable, hys face beautifull, in the whiche continually was reſi|dente, the bountie of minde, with the whiche hee was inwardlye indewed. Of hys owne natural inclination, he abhorred all the vices, as well of the body as of the ſoule. His pacience was ſuche, that of all the iniuries to hym done (whyche were innumerable) hee neuer aſked vengeaunce, thinkyng, that for ſuche aduerſitie that chaunced to hym, hys ſynnes ſhoulde bee forgotten and forgyuen. What loſſes ſo euer happened vnto hym, hee neuer eſteemed, nor made anye ac|compt thereof, but if any thyng were done, that myghte ſounde as an offence towards GOD, hee ſore lamented, and with great repentaunce ſorowed for it, ſo that full vnlyke it is, that hee dyed of anye wrath, indignation, and diſplea|ſure, bycauſe hys buſineſſe about the keeping of the Crowne on hys head, tooke no better ſuc|ceſſe, excepte peraduenture yee will ſaye, that it greeued hym, for that ſuch ſlaughters and miſ|chieues as hadde chaunced within thys lande, came to paſſe onely through hys folly and de|faulte in gouernemente, or that more is, for hys fathers, his Grandfathers, and hys owne vniuſt vſurping, and deteyning of the Crowne. But howſoeuer it was, for theſe before remembred, and other the lyke properties of reputed holy|neſſe, whych was ſayde to reſt in hym, it plea|ſed God to worke miracles for hym in hys lyfe tyme, as menne haue lyſted to report, by reaſon whereof,Canonizing of kings, deere King Henrye the ſeauenth ſewed to Pope Iulio the ſeconde, to haue hym canonized a Sainct, but for that the canonizing of a King, ſeemed to bee more coſtly than of a Byſhoppe, the ſayde Kyng left off hys ſute in that behalfe, thynkyng better to ſaue his money, than to purchaſſe a newe holy day of Sainte Henrye, with ſo great a price, remitting to God the iudge|mente of hys will and intent.

Eaton col|ledge.Thys Henrye the ſixte, amongſt other good deedes, buylte the Schoole of Eton by Win|deſor, and alſo the Kings Colledge in the Vni|uerſitie of Cambridge,Kinges col|ledge in Cambridge. whereof hys liberal mind towardes the mayntenance of good learning, may euidently be coniectured.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 But nowe to returne to King Edward. Ye ſhall vnderſtande, that after hys commyng to London, hee reſted there but one day, or two at the moſt, takyng hys iourney forthrighte into Kente with all hys armie, following the [...]a|ſterd, and other his complices, to ſuppreſſe them, if they were in anye place aſſembled agayn [...] to reſiſt him, but after they were once diſ [...]ed, they durſt not ſhewe themſelues agayne [...] ar|mour, thoſe onely excepted, that were wi [...] [...]a|wen vnto Sandwiche with the baſterde,S [...]dwich [...] by the rebe [...] whiche for the more parte were marriners, an eyght or nine hundred, beſyde certayne other euill diſpo|ſed perſons, that accompanyed hym, as hys ſol|diers, and men of warre, with whoſe aſſiſtance, the Baſterde kepte that Towne by ſtrength, ha|uing in the hauen a ſeauen and fortie Shyppes, greate and ſmall vnder his gouernaunce,The rebelle [...] ſue for par [...] but vp|pon the Kings approching neere vnto thoſe par|ties, they ſente to hym for pardon, promiſing, that vpon a reaſonable appoyntment, for y^e ſafe|gard of their liues, and other indempnities to bee hadde for their benefite, they woulde become hys faithfull ſubiectes, & deliuer into his hands all the Shippes. Their offer the K. vppon great conſi|derations, & by good deliberate aduice of counſell, thought beſt to accept, & there vpon, being at that time in Canterburie, he graunted to theyr peti|tions, and ſent immediately vnto Sãdwich hys brother Richard Duke of Glouceſter, to receyue them to mercie, togither with all the Shippes, which according to their promiſe, they deliuered into his handes. But notwithſtanding that (as ſome write) the Baſterde Fauconbridge, and o|ther of hys companie that were gote to Sand|wiche, had thus theyr pardons by compoſition at the Kyngs hande, we finde neuertheleſſe, that the ſayde Baſterd, beeing afterwards at Sea (a rouing belyke,The baſterd [...] of Faucon|bridge be [...]+ded. as hee hadde vſed before) came at length into the open hauen at Southhampton, and there, taking lande, was apprehended, and ſhortly after beheaded.

[figure appears here on page 1344]

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 This chanced (as should appeare by Fabian) about EEBO page image 1345 about the latter end of October. Moreouer Roger Vaughan that had bin sent by K. Edwarde into Wales, [...] V [...]ghã [...] anon after Teukesbury field (being a man of great power in that countrey) to entrap and surmise by some secrete sleight the Earle of Pembrooke, the sayd erle being therof aduertised, tooke the same Roger, and without delay stroke off his head. After this, was the erle besieged in the towne of Pembrooke by Morgan Thomas, but the siege was reised by Dauid Thomas brother to the sayd Morgan, [...] Tho [...]s a faithfull frende to the Erle, and then the erle by his help was conueyed to Tynby, where he got ships, and with his nephew the Lord Henry erle of Richmond sayled into Britain, [...]e earle of Pembrooke [...] his Ne| [...]re, the erle [...]nde [...] euer into [...] where of the Duke they were curteously enterteyned, with assurance made, that no creature should do them any wrong or iniurie within his dominions.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edward viſiting diuers places in Kent ſatte in iudgement on ſuch as had ayded the ba [...]|ſtard in the laſt cõmotion, of whom diuers were condemned and executed, as Spiſing one of the captains that aſſaulted Algate, whoſe head was ſet vp ouer the ſame gate: [...]tion. and ſo likewiſe was the head of one Quintine, a butcher, that was an other captaine amongſt them, and chief of thoſe that aſſaulted Biſhops gate, as ſome write.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Moreouer, at Canterbury, the Maior of that citie was executed, and diuers other at Roche|ſter, Maydſtone, and Blackheath: for the Lord Marſhal and other Iudges beeing appointed to hold their Oyer and determiner in that countrey of Kent, there were aboue an hundred indited & condemned: Diuers alſo of the Eſſex men that had bin partakers in this rebellion with the ba|ſtard, and holpe to ſet fire on Biſhops gate & Al|gate, were hanged betwixt Stratford & London. Manie of the welthy cõmons in Kent were put to grienous fines, and when the king had made an end of his buſineſſe in that countrey, he retur|ned to London, comming thither againe vppon Whitſon euen,Fabian. being the firſte of Iune, and ha|uing thus within the ſpace of .xj. weekes, recoue|red in maner the whole poſſeſſion of his realme, being relieued of the moſt part of all his doubtfull feare, he ment to remoue al ſtops out of the way, and therfore ſent the Archebiſhop of Yorke bro|ther to the Erle of Warwike,The archi| [...] of Yorke. and to the Mar|ques Montacute ouer to Guyſnes, therto be kept in ſafe cuſtodie within the caſtel, where he conti|nued a long ſeſon, til at length he was by friend|ſhip deliuered, and ſhortly after through very an|guiſh of mind, departed this life, whom Lau [...]e Bathe, and after him Thomas Rothe [...]an in the ſea of Yorke, did ordinarily ſucceede.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Beside this, Iohn Earle of Oxford, whiche after Barnet field, The Earle of Oxforde. bothe manfully and valiantly kept Sainct Michaels mount in Cornewall, either for lacke of ayde, or perswaded by his frendes, gaue vp the Mounte, and yelded himselfe to king Edward (his life only saued) whiche to hym was graunted, 1472 but to bee oute of all, doubtfull imaginations, King Edward also sente hym ouer the sea to the Castell of Hammes, where by the space of twelue yeares he was in strong prison shut vp and warely looked to.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edwarde was not a little disquieted in his minde, An. reg. 12. for that the Earles of Pembrooke and Richemont were not onely ascaped out of the Realme, but also well receyued and entertained of the Duke of Britaine, Meſſengers ſent to the duke of Britaine. hee sente therefore in secrete wise graue and close messengers, to the sayde Duke, the whyche shoulde not sticke to promisse the Duke greate and riche rewardes, so that hee would deliuer both the Earles into their handes and possession.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Duke after hee hadde hearde them, that were sente, made thys aunswere, that hee could not with his honour deliuer them to whom hee hade gyuen his faith to see them preserued from all iniurie, but this (hee saide) he woulde do for the King of Englande that they shoulde bee so looked vnto, as he needed not to doubt of anye attempt to bee made againste hym by them or by theyr meanes. The Kyng receyuing this aunswere, wrote louingly to the Duke of Britaine that hee woulde consider his friendshippe, wyth conuenient rewardes, if it shoulde please him to bee as good as hys promisse. The Duke perceiuyng gaine commyng by the abode of the twoo English earles in his country, caused them to be seperated in sunder, and all their seruants being Englishmen to be sequestred fro(m) them, & in their places appointed Britons to attend them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In the thirteenthe yeare of his raigne King Edwarde called his highe courte of Parliament at his Pallaice of Weſtminſter,

1473

An. reg. 13.

in the whiche all lawes and ordinaunces made by hym before that day were confirmed,A Parliament. and thoſe that King Henry had abrogated after his readeption of the Crowne were againe reuiued. Alſo lawes were made for the confiſcation of traytors goodes, and for the reſtoring of them that were for his ſake, fled the realme, whiche of his aduerſaries hadde ben attaynted of high treaſon, and condemned to dye Moreouer towards his charges of late ſu|ſteyned, a competent ſumme of money was de|maunded and freely graunted.A Subſidie. There was alſo a pardon granted almoſt for all offences, and all men then being within the Realme,A pardon. were relea|ſed and diſcharged of all high treaſons & crimes, although they had taken part with his aduerſa|ries againſt him. In this ſeaſon the D. of Bur|gongne had ſore warres with the French K. & to be the more ſpedily reuẽged on his aduerſarie,Ambaſſadours from the duke of Burgongne. he ſent Ambaſſadors into Englande, to perſwade EEBO page image 1346 kyng Edward to make war alſo on the French Kyng, for the recouerie of his auncient right in the Realme of Fraunce, by the ſame Frenche Kyng agaynſte all equitie, withholden and de|teyned.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edward not ſo much for y^e lou [...]he hare to the duke of Burgongne, as for deſire to be re|uenged on the Frenche king, whome he tooke to be his enimie for ayding the Earle of Warwike, Queene Margaret, and hir ſonne Prince Ed|warde and their compli [...]es, gaue good eare to the duke of Burgongne his meſſengers, and finally after he had taken aduice of his counſell, the ſaid Meſſengeres were anſwered, that K. Edwarde in the beginning of the next yeare would land at Caleys with a puiſſaunt armie, both to reuenge ſuche iniuries as hee had receiued at the Frenche kings handes,Oportunitie not to bee neg|lected. and alſo to recouer his right, whi|che he wrongfully deteyned from him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In deed the tyme ſerued verie well for y^e En|gliſhmẽ to atchieue ſom high enterpriſe in Frãce at that preſent, for not onely the Duke of Bur|gongne as then made warre againſt the French K. but alſo many great men within the realm of France,The Earle of Sainct Pol. miſlyking the maners of their king be|gan to haue ſecret intelligẽce with the ſaid duke, and namely Lewes of Lutzenburgh earle of S. Paule Coneſtable of France was ſecretly confe|derate with the duke of Burgongne, intendyng verily to bring the French kyng to ſome greate hinderance, the better to haue his purpoſe accom|pliſhed in certain weightie matters.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 King Edward vnderſtanding all theſe thin|ges was greatly encoraged to make a iorney in|to France, & therevpon with all diligence prepa|red all things ready for the ſame, and bicauſe he wanted money, and coulde not well charge hys cõmons with a newe ſubſidie, for that he had re|ceyued the laſt yeare great ſums of money gran|ted to him by Parliament,A shift to reco|uer money. he deuiſed this ſhift to call afore him a great number of the wealthyeſt ſort of people of his realme, and to them decla|ring his neede, and the requiſite cauſes therof, he demaunded of euerye of them ſome portion of money, which they ſticked not to giue, and ther|fore the K, willing to ſhew y^t this their liberalitie was very acceptable to him, he called this grant of money a Beneuolence, notwithſtanding that many with grudge gaue great ſummes toward that newe found ayde, which of them might bee called a Maleuolence: but the K. vſed ſuche gen|tle faſhions toward them, with frendly prayer of their aſſiſtance in his neceſſitie, that they coulde not other wyſe doe but frankely and freelye yeelde and giue hym a reaſonable and compe|tent ſumme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1

1474

An. reg .14.

When all things conuenient for ſuche an en|terpriſe were in a redineſſe, the king came to Do|uer, where he founde .v.C. ſhippes and dayes rea|die to tranſpore hym and his armie.The king [...] an army [...] ouer into Fraunce. And ſo the fourth day of Iuly he paſſed ones, and la [...]de [...] at Caleys with great triumph, but his armie, hor|ſes, and munitions of warre ſcared paſſed ouer in [...] dayes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In thys Armye (beeing one of the hoſte ap|poynted that had paſſed oute of Englande in|to Fraunce in many yeares before) were fifteene hundred men of armes well horſes of the which the moſt parte were harded and riches [...]pped, and many of them trimmed in one [...]te. There were alſo .xv.M. Archers with bowes and ar|rows, of the which a great number we [...] on horſ|backe: there were alſo a great companie of other fighting men, and of ſuche as ſerued to ſ [...]e, vp Tentes and pauilions, to attende the artillerye and to encloſe their campe, and otherwiſe to la|boure, and to bee employed in ſeruice. In all this armye was there not one Page. The King of Englande was at his arriuall highly diſplea|ſed wyth the Duke of Burgongne, whiche in the worde of a Prince hadde, promiſſed to meete hym at hys landyng wyth twoo thouſande men of armes and lyghte horſemenne, [...]de a great number of Launſquenetz, and Halberdices, and that hee woulde haue begonne the warre three monethes before the Kings tranſporting where|as contrarily,The ſiege of Nuſſe. the duke lay lingeryng at the ſiege of Nuſſe, and let paſſe the occaſion of atchieuing a more profitable enterpriſe. Kyng Edward in|continently diſpatched the Lord Scales in poſte vnto the Duke,The Lorde Scales. to put hym in remembraunce of his promiſe, and to aduiſe him to come and ioyn wyth hym before the Sommer were ſpente.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Before King Edwarde departed from D [...]|uer,A defyaunce ſent to the Frenche King hee ſente an officer of armes vnto the french King wyth a defyaunce. The Frenche Kyng receyuyng the King of Englandes letters at the meſſengers hande, redde the ſame, and after he hadde conſidered thereof at leaſure, hee called the Engliſhe Harrault aſide, and to hym de|clared the little truſte that was to bee putte in the Duke of Burgongne, and the Coneſtable, by whoſe procurement hee knewe that King Ed|warde was procured to come at that ſeaſon into Fraunce, and therefore it ſhoulde hee better for hym to haue peace wyth an old enemy, than to ſtaye vppon the promiſſes and familiaritie of a newe diſſimulyng friende, whyche peace bothe moſt pleaſed God, & was the thyng that he moſt deſyred: when hee hadde ſayde, he gaue to the Herrauld three hundred Crownes, promyſyng him a thouſande Crownes if any good appoint|ment came to paſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 Thys Herrauld was borne in Normandie,The office of as H [...]. & being more couetous of the crowns thã ſecrete according as of duetie by his office hee ought to EEBO page image 1347 haue bin, promiſed to do all things that in him lay, and further ſhewed ways by the whiche the French king myght enter into the port of treatie for peace, the whiche he doubted not but would ſorie to a good concluſion. The Frenche kyng glad to heare theſe thinges, gaue to the Hyrauld when he ſhould depart, beſyde the other cowarde, a peece of crim [...] veluet of .xxx. yards long. The Lo Scales cõming to y^e duke of Burgongne, be|fore Nuſſe, could not perſwade him to [...]tyſe his fielde,The Duke of Burgongne commeth to king Edvvard. & as it ſtoode him vpon, to come and ioyne with K. Edward, til at length conſtrained therto by other means, he left Nuſſe vnconquered, ſen|ding the moſte parte of his armie into Lorrain, came with a ſmall company to K. Edward ly|ing before Caleys. King Edwarde at the firſte cõming of the duke vnto him, ſemed much to re|proue his vnwyſe dealing, in makyng ſo ſlowe haſt to ioyne with him at thys tyme, ſith for his ſake, and at his ſute, he had paſſed the ſeas with his army, to the intent to make warres in Frãce in reuenge of both their iniuries, the time ſeruing their turnes ſo well as they could wiſh or deſire, the oportunitie wherof, could neuer happely bee recouered agayn. The Duke after he had knew fed himſelfe, with alledging the diſhonour that ſhould haue redounded to him if he had [...]efte the ſiege of Nuſſe, without meane of ſome ſhew of compoſition, encoraged K. Edward to aduance forward with many golden promiſes, aſw [...]ll of his owne parte, as of the Coneſtable, the King agreed to y^e dukes perſwaſion, & ſo ſet forwarde: but yet when he was entred into the dukes coũ|treys, y^e Engliſhmẽ wer not ſo frendly entertai|ned as they loked to haue bin: for at their cõming to Peronne, there were but a fewe ſuffred to en|ter the gates, the remnant were driuen to lodge in the fieldes, better puru [...]yed of their owne, than of the dukes prouiſion. And at their cõming be|fore S. Quintines (which town the Co [...]eſtable had promiſed to deliuer into the hands of y^e duke of Burgongne) the artillerie ſhot off,The Conſtable of Fraunce a deepe diſſaſter. and they of the town came foorth both on horſeback & foot to ſkirmiſh with them y^e approched, of y^e whiche .ij. or .iij. were ſlaine. This entertaynment ſeemed ſtrange to K. Edw. pondering the laſt daye pro|miſe, & this dayes doing. But y^e duke excuſed the matter, & woulde haue perſwaded him to make coũtenãce to beſiege the town, y^t the Coneſtable might haue a color to render it into his hands, as though he did it by cõſtrainte. But the K. remẽ|bring what had bin tolde to hys Herralde by the French K. how he ſhuld be diſſimuled w^t, percei|ued the Freñch kings words to be too true, & ther|fore thought it more ſurer to heat the fair words of the Coneſtable, & the duke, than to giue credite to their vntrue & diſceytfull doings. The engliſh men returned to their campe in a great chafe to|wards the Coneſtable, & the next day to increaſe their diſpleaſure, on other co [...] was miniſtred that ſmarted force:The Duke of Burgongne de|parteth. for duke Charles of Burgon|gne toke hi [...]lton ſodenly of [...] Edward, alled|ging that he muſt needes [...] his armie [...] Bar|roys, promiſing ſhortly, [...]aith all his puiſſaunce to returne agayne to the greate commoditie of them both. This departing muche troubles the king of England, bicauſe he looked for no ſuche thing, but thought [...]ther y^t he ſhoulde haue had the duke his continual felow in armes: & therfore this diffi [...]ling and vnſted [...]aſt working, cauſed the king to thinke, that he neuer thought, & to doe that he neuer intended. The Frenche K. in thys meanwhile had aſſembled a mighty power, once the whiche he had made captaine Monſ. Roh. de Eſtoutvile, whome he ſent into Arthoys, to de|fend the fro [...]iers there againſte he kyng of En|glandes entrie, and hee hymſelfe tarried ſtill at S [...]ults to But though hee ſhewed countenaunce thus of warre, yet inwardly deſirous of peace, ac|cording to the aduice giuen him by the engliſhe Herraulde, hee cauſed a varlet or yeoman, as I may cal him, to be put in a c [...]te armor of Frãce, which for haſt was made of a trumpet baner for K. Lewes was a man nothyng preciſe in out|ward ſhewes of hande, oftentymes hauing ney|ther officed of armes nor trumpet in his courte.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This counterfaite Herraulde being throughly inſtructed in his barge,A meſſenger ſent to the K. of Englande. was ſente to the K. of England, & ſo paſſing f [...]rth when be approched the Engliſhe campe, hee put as his [...]e of Ar|mes, [...] being [...] of the [...]ders, was brou|ght to k [...] where the Lord Howarde, and the Lorde [...]t [...]ley wer [...] at diner o [...] whome he was curteouſly [...]ued, and by them conueyed to y^e kings pro [...]nge, vnto whom he declared his meſ|ſage ſo wittily, that in the [...]nd he obteined a ſafe conduct [...] [...]or one hunderd horſſes, for ſuche per|ſons as his maiſter ſhould appoint to meete, as many to be aſſigned by K. Edward in ſome in|different place betweene bothe enimies, to haue at lyke ſafe con [...] from hys ſaid maiſter, as he re|ceiued from him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 After that the ſafe conducts were deliuered on both patres, the Ambaſſadors m [...]tte at a village beſide Ami [...]s: withe kyng of Englandes ſide, the Lorde Howarde, Sir Thomas Sentloger, doctor Morton after biſhop of Ely,Commiſſioners appointed to treate of peace. and Chan|cellour of England, were chiefe. For the French K. the baſtard of Bourbon Admirall of France. the Lorde of Sainte Pierre, the Byſhoppe of Evreux called Heberge, were apointed as prin|cipall. The Engliſhmenne demaunded the whole Realme of Fraunce, or at the leaſt Nor|mandye and whole Acquitayne, the allegati|ons were proued by the Englyſhmen; and po|litikely defended by the Frenchmen, ſo that with EEBO page image 1348 argumentes, without concluſion, the daye paſ|ſed, and the commiſſioners departed, and made relation to then maiſters. The Frenche K. & his counſel wold not conſent y^t the Engliſhmẽ ſhuld haue one foot of land [...] Fraunce, but rather determined to put himſelf & the whole realme in hazard & aduenture. At the next me [...]ng y^e cõmiſ|ſioners agreed vpon certain articles, which were of doth y^e princes accepted & allowed. It was ſ [...] accorded y^t the French K. ſhuld pay to y^e king of Englãd without delay. 75000. crowns of y^e ſun, & yerely .l.M. crowns to be payd at London,Articles of a|grement be|tvvene kyng Edvvarde and the french king. du|ring K. Edwards lift. And further it was agre|ed, y^t Charles the Dolphyn ſhould mary the lady Elizabeth, eldeſt daughter to K. Edward, & they two to haue for y^e maintenãce of their eſtates, the whole duchy of Guyinne, or elſe l.M. crownes yerely, to be payd within y^e toure of Lõdon by y^e ſpace of .ix. yeres, & at the end of y^e terme the Dol|phyn & his wife to haue y^e whole duchye of Guy|enne, & of y^e charge the French K. to be clerely ac|quit. And it was alſo cõcluded, that the .ij. prin|ces ſhuld come to an enterview, & ther take a cor|poral othe for the performance of thys peace,VVant of mo|ney procureth peace. ey|ther in ſight of other. On the K. of Englands pac [...] wer cõpriſed as alyes (if they wold therto aſ|ſ [...]t) y^e dukes of Burgogne & Britanie. It was al|ſo couenãted, y^t after the whole ſum aforeſayd of 75000. crowns were payde to K. Edw. he ſhuld leaue in hoſtage the L. Haward, & ſir Io. Chey|ny maiſter of his horſe, til he w^t al his army was paſſed the ſeas. This agrement was very accep|table to y^e French K. for he ſaw himſelf and hys realme therby deliuered out of great peril y^t was at hand: for not only he ſhuld haue bin aſſailed, if this peace had not takẽ place, both by y^e power of Englãd & Burgongne, but alſo by the duke of Britain, & diuers of his own people, as y^e Com|ſtable & others. The K. of England alſo vnder|ſtanding his own ſtate, for wante of moneye, to maynteyne the warres,The duke of [...] ſ [...] enimie to peace if they ſhalbe long conti|nue (though otherwiſe he deſired to haue, attẽptes ſome high enterpriſe againſt the Frenchmẽ was the more eaſily induced to agree by thoſe of his counſel, y^t loued peace better thã war, & their wy|ues ſoft beds better thã hard armor & a ſtony lod|ging. But the D. of Glouceſter & other, whoſe ſwords thirſted for Frenche bloud, cried out on this peace, ſaying w^t al their trauell pain & expen|ces wer to their ſhame, loſt and caſt away, & no|thing gayned but a continual mocke.The Duke of Burgongne cõ|meth [...] haſte to the King of Englande. When the duke of Burgogne heard y^t there was a peace in hand betwixt K. Edward & the French king, he came in no ſmall haſt from Lutzenburgh, only accõpanied with [...]up horſes into the K. of En|glandes lodging, and began as one in a greate chafe ſore to blame his doings, declaring in plain termes how diſhonorable this peace ſhuld be vn|to him, hauing atchiued and thing of that a [...]ed the which he came. The K. of England after [...] had giuen him leaue to ſp [...] his fancie, anſwe|red him ſomwhat [...]ountly againe, openly repro|uing him for his promiſe de [...]inge [...] dealing with him; wherefor his cauſe, chiefly he had paſſed the [...]eas, & now found in [...] touch greatly one point which he had couenãted. The duke being in a great rage,He departeth from the King in a rage. had the king of England for wel, & ſodainly toke his horſe [...]od [...] again to Lutzenburgh, promiſing not to [...] into any league with the Frenche King, till [...]ng Edward was paſſed the ſeas again into Englãd & had bin there .iij. months: but this promiſe [...] not perfourmed, for v [...]ceſſitie bee tooke a wiſer why & agreed with the French K. vpon [...] immediatly after the departure of the Engliſhe armie oute of his countreye.The Coneſta|ble of Fraunce his offer to King Edvvard. The Conſtable of France alſo, doubting y^t his vntrouthe would be diſcloſed to his deſtraction, by meane of this a|greeu [...] betwene y^e kings of England & France, as ſoon as he heare they were entred into ch [...]| [...]tion therof, ſent to king Edw. requiring him not to credite the French kings prouiſions, which he [...] no lõger ab [...]e, thã vntil he ſhuld vnto vnderſtand, that he was on the other ſide of the ſea: & rather than he ſhuld agree, for want [...] [...]+ney, he offered to bend him .l.M. crowns. But the king of England, ſith the accord was pa [...] & a|greeth, wold not charge any thing for the promi|ſes of ſo ſlipper a merchãt as he knew the [...]|ſtable to be. After y^t the peace was concluded, the Engliſhmen were permitted to enter into the town of Amiens, and there to buy ſuch neceſſa|rie things as they wanted, & had plentie of wine and good cheere made them of the French kings coſt, for at the entrie of euery gate, there were .ij. long tables ſet on euery ſide of the ſtreete where they ſhould paſſe, & at euery table fi [...]e at gen|tlemen of the beſt companions of all the coun|trey were appointed to enterteyn the engliſhmen as they entred, and to ſee them ſerued withoute looking. This chere laſted .iij. or .iiij. dayes not only to the Frenche kings coſte, but alſo to hys vnquietnes at length, doubting to haue but diſ|poſſeſſed of his towne: For one day ſhote entred the number of .ix.M. engliſhmen well armed in ſundry companies, ſo that no frenchman durſ [...] [...]e forbid them to enter, but finally order was takẽ by the king of England, who ment no de|ceit, that no greater nũber ſhuld enter, than was conuenient, & the other were called backe, ſo that the French king & his counſel were well qui [...], & rid of caſting further perils thã nede required.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 After this,The enter|vievv betvvixt King Edvvard the fourthe, and the French King. bothe the Kynges enterviewed togither at Picqueny on the water of Some .iij. leagues aboue Amiens, ſhewyng greate curteſie eyther to other. The letters of both their agree|ments EEBO page image 1349 were opened & red, and then either Prince layd his right hand on the miſſal, & his left hande on y^e holy Croſſe (as it was tearmed) & toke there a ſolemne othe to obſerue and kepe the treatie for ix. yeares concluded betweene them with al their confederates and alies, compriſed, mẽcioned and ſpecified in the ſame, and further to accompliſhe the marriage of their children. There was wyth either prince .xij. noble mẽ at this meeting, which was vpõ a bridge caſt ouer the water of Some, a geate beyng ſet a trauerſe the ſame in the mids, ſo from ſide to ſide, that the one Prince could not come vnto the other, but only to imbrace eche o|ther, in putting their armes through the holes of the grate. There were four Engliſhmen appoin|ted to ſtand with the Frenchmen on the bridge to ſee their demeanor, and likewiſe .iiij. Frenchmen were appointed to the Engliſhmen for the ſame purpoſe. There were with the king of England his brother the duke of Clarence, the erle of Nor|thumberland, the biſhop of Elie his chãcellor, the lord Haſtings his chamberlain, and .viij. others. They hadde louing and very familiar talke to|gither a good ſpace, bothe afore their company, and ſecretly alone, whileſt their company of cur|teſy withdrew ſomewhat backe. Finally, when theſe Princes had ended their communication, they toke leaue eyther of other in moſt louyng & amiable wiſe, & then mounting on horſback, they departed, the French king to Amiens, and Kyng Edward to his armie.The Frenche kings liberaliti. The Frenche king gaue to dyuers of the Engliſh Lords great rewards, as to the L. Chancellor, to the L. Haſtings, to y^e L. Haward, to ſir Thomas Montgomery, to ſir Thomas Sentleger, to ſir Iohn Cheyny, to the Marques Dorſet, and to diuers other. And be|ſide the extraordinarie rewards, which he beſto|wed amongſt them to haue their ſtedfaſt fauour and good willes, he gaue to them great pẽcions, amounting to the ſumme of .xvj. thouſand crou|nes a yere. When the king of England had re|ceiued his money,King Edvvard rewardeth into Englande. & his nobilitie their rewardes, he truſſed vp his tents, and laded his baggage, & departed towards Caleys, where at his cõming thither, he toke ſhip, and ſailed with a proſperous winde into Englande, and was royally recey|ued vpon Blackheath by the Mayre of London and the Magiſtrates, & .v.C. comoners apparel|led in Murrey, the .28. daye of September, and ſo cõueyed thorough y^e citie of Weſtmin. where for a while after his long labor, he repoſed him|ſelfe. About the ſame ſeaſon, the French king to compaſſe his purpoſe for the getting of the Con|neſtable into his hands, toke truce with the duke of Burgongne for .ix. yeres, as a cõtractor in the league, and not comprehended as an other prin|ces alye.Sir Thomas Montgomery. The K. of England aduertiſed hereof, ſente ouer Sir Thomas Montgomerye to the French king, offring to paſſe the ſeas agayn the next ſommer in his ayde to make warres on the duke of Burgongne, ſo that the French K. ſhuld pay to him fiftie thouſand crownes for the loſſe whiche hee ſhould ſuſtein in his cuſtome, by rea|ſon that the woolles at Caleys bycauſe of the warres could haue no vent, and alſo pay half the charges, and half the wages of his ſouldiors and men of warre. The Frenche K. thanked the K. of England for his gentle offer, but hee alledged that the truce was already concluded, ſo that he coulde not then attempte any thing againſt the ſame without reproche to his honour. But the trouth was, the French K. neither loued the ſight not [...]ed the companie of the King of England on y^e ſide the ſea, but when he was here at home, he both loued him as his brother, and tooke hym as his frende. Syr Thomas Montgomery was with plate richly rewarded, and ſo diſpatched.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 There returned with him the Lord Hawarde and ſir Iohn Chey [...]y,1475 whiche were hoſtages with the French king till the Engliſh army were returned into Englande.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 K. Edw. hauing eſtabliſhed al things in good order, as mẽ might iudge,An. reg. 15. both within his realme & without, was yet troubled in his mind,Henry earle of Richmonde. for that Hẽry the erle of Richmond, one of y^e bloud of K. Henry y^e vj. was aliue, & at libertie in Britaine: therfore to attẽpt eftſoons the mind of Frauncis D. of Britain, he ſent ouer vnto y^e ſaid duke, one doctor Stillington & two other his ambaſſadors laden with no ſmal ſum of gold.Ambaſſadours into Britaine. Theſe ambaſſa|dors declaring their meſſage, affirmed y^t the K. their maſter willed to haue the erle of Richmõd, only for this purpoſe, to ioyn with him in alyãce by marriage, & ſo to plucke vp al the leauings of diſcord betwixt him & the contrary faction. The duke gently heard the Orators, & thoughe at the firſt he by excuſes denied their requeſt, yet at the length beleuing that K. Edw. wold giue to the erle his eldeſt daughter, y^e lady Elizabeth in ma|riage, he conſented to deliuer him, & receyued of y^e engliſh Orators a great ſumme of mony: but ere they were embarked with their pray, the D. being aduertiſed, that the erle of Richmond was not ſo earneſtly fought for, to be coupled in ma|riage with K. Edward his daughter, but rather that his head might be chopped off with an hat|chet,The Earle of Richmonde taketh Sanctu|arie. cauſed his treaſorer Peter Landoyſe to cõ|uey the ſayd Erle of Richmond into a ſanctua|rie at S. Malo, wher the Engliſh ambaſſadors then lay, only ſtaying for a cõuenyẽt wind: who complayned, that they were euill vſed to bee ſpoyled both of their moneye and merchandiſe, yet bycauſe the matter was ſo handeled, that it ſeemed the Earle eſcaped into the Sanctuarie thoroughe theyr owne negligence, after they hadde receyued hym into their handes, EEBO page image 1350 they were ſoone aunſwered, but yet promiſe was made that the Erle ſhould be ſafely kept, either in the Sanctuarie, or elſe as priſoner in the Dukes houſe, that they ſhuld not need to feare him more than his ſhadow. And thus the K. of Englande purchaſed for his money, the keeping of his eni|mie, the ſpace onely of .iij. dayes, and no more.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edw. was ſomwhat diſpleaſed wyth this chance, but yet truſting that the D. of Bri|tayn wold according to promiſe, ſee the Erle of Richmont ſafely kept from doing any greuance to him or his ſubiects, put all doubtes therof out his mynd, & began to ſtudy how to kepe a liberal princely houſe, and thervpon ſtoryng his cheſts with money, hee imployed no ſmall portion in good houſe keepyng.

Compare 1587 edition: 1

1476

An. reg. 16. The deathe of the Duke of Burgongne.

This yere the duke of Burgongne was ſlain by the Swytzers, before the towne of Nancy in Lorrayne, after whoſe death the French K. wan all the townes which the ſayd Duke held in Pi|cardie and Arthoys, and bycauſe that the towne of Bolongne and countie of Bolongnoys, ap|pertayned by right of inheritance vnto the Lord Berthram de la Toure, Earle of Auuergne, the Frenche king bought of him his righte and title in the ſame, and recompenced hym wyth other lands in the countie of Foreſts, and in other pla|ces. And bicauſe the forenamed town and coun|tye were holden of the Erledome of Arthoys, he chãged the tenure, and auowed to hold the ſame towne and countye of our Lady of Bolongne, and therof did homage to the image in the great churche of Bolongne, offering there an Heart of gold, weying two thouſand crowns, ordeyning further that his heires and ſucceſſors at their en|trie into their eſtates, by them ſelues or their de|puties, ſhuld offer an hart of like weight & value as a reliefe & homage for y^e ſame town & coũtye.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 1477About this ſeaſon through great miſhap, the ſparke of priuie malice was newly kindeled be|twixt the K. and his brother the D. of Clarẽce, inſomuch that where one of the dukes ſeruantes was ſodeinly accuſed (I can not ſay whether of truth, or vntruly ſuſpected by the dukes enimies) of poyſoning, ſorcerie or inchauntmente, and therof cõdemned, & put to executiõ for the ſame, the Duke whiche might not ſuffer the wrong|full condemnation of his man (as he in his con|ſcience iudged) nor yet forbeare but to murmure and reproue the doyng therof, moued the Kyng with his dayely exclamation to take ſuche diſ|pleaſure with hym, that finally the Duke was caſt into the Tower, An. reg. 17. George Duke of Clarence drovvned in a butte of Malm|cy. and therwith adiudged for a traytour, and priuilye drowned in a butte of Malmeſey, the .xj. of Marche, in the beginning of the .xvij. yeare of the kings reigne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Some haue reported, that the cauſe of thys noble mans death roſe of a fooliſh propheſie whi|che was, that after king Edwarde ſhould [...]gne one, whoſe firſt letter of his name ſhould be [...] wherwith the K. and the Quene wee [...] trou|bled, & began to conceiue a grea [...] [...] a|gainſt this duke, and could not be [...] had brought him to his end. And as the [...] wõt to encõber the mynds of men [...] in ſuche diueliſh fa [...], they ſaid afterward [...] that propheſie loſt [...] his effect,Prophecies de|uil [...] f [...]. when after [...]ing Edward, Glouceſter vſurped his kingdom O|ther alledged, that the cauſe of his death [...] that the duke being deſtitute of a wife by y^e mea|nes of his ſiſter the lady Margarete, Du [...] of Burgongne, procured to haue the Lady [...]y daughter & heire to hir huſband [...] Which mariage K. Edward (enuying the pro|ſperitie of his brother) both again ſayd and di [...]r|bed, and therby olde malice reuiued victori [...] whiche the Queene and hir bloud (euer [...]tru|ſting, and priuily barking at the kyngs Ha [...]ge,) ceaſſed not to encreaſe. But ſure it is y^e although king Edward were conſenting to his drath, yet he much did both lament his infortunate chance, and repent his ſodeyn execution. Inſomuch that when any perſon ſuch to hym for the pardon of malefactors condemned to death, he woulde ac|cuſtomably ſaye, and openly ſpeake: O [...] for|tunate brother, for whoſe life not our wold make ſuite, openly and apparantly meanyng by ſuche words that by the meanes of ſome of the nobi|litie he was deceyued & brought to his cõfuſion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 This duke left behynd him two yong infants begot of the body of his wife, the daughter of Ri|chard late erle of Warwike, whiche children by deſtinie as it were, or by their owne merits, folo|wing the ſteps of their anceſtors, ſucceded them in like miſfortune and ſemblable euill chaunce. For Edward his heire whome K. Edward had created earle of Warwike was .xxiij. yeares af|ter in the tyme of Henry the ſeuenth,Edvva [...] of VVa [...] ſonne [...] to Geo [...] duke of [...]rence. attaynted of treaſon, and on the Tower hill loſt his head. Margarete his ſole daughter maryed to ſir Ri|chard Pole knight, and by Henry the .viij. reſto|red to the name, title and poſſeſſiõs of the earle|dom of Saliſbury,Marga [...] [...]reſſe of [...]bury. was at length for treaſon cõ|mitted againſt the ſayd Henry the .viij. atteyn|ted in open parliamẽt, & ſixtie two yeres after hir father had ſuffred death in the tower, ſhe on the greene within the ſame place was beheaded. In whoſe perſon dyed the very ſurname of Planta|genet, whiche from Geoffrey Plantagenet ſo long in the bloud royall of this realme had flori|ſhed & continued. After y^e death of this D. by rea|ſon of great heat & intemperancie of aire, hapned ſo fierce and quicke a peſtilence,A greate peſti|lence. that fifteene yeares warre paſte conſumed not the third parte of the people, that only foure moneths myſerably & pitifully diſpatched & brought to their granes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 EEBO page image 1351

1478

An. reg. 18.

The counſellors of the yong Duches of Bur|gongne ſent to King Edwarde for ayde againſt the French king, & aboute the ſame time had the Quene of Engl. ſente to the lady Margaret du|ches of Burgongne for y^e preferremẽt of hir bro|ther Anthonie erle Riuers to y^e yong damſel: but the counſel of Flanders cõſidering y^t he was but an Earle of meane eſtate, & ſhe the greateſt inhe|ritr [...] of all Chriſtendom at that time, gaue but deafe care to ſo vnmeet a requeſt. To which de|ſire, if the Flemings had but giuen a lyking [...]+dy outwarde ſemblance, and with gentle wor|des delayed the ſuit, ſhe had bin both ſucco [...]d & defended. Whether K. Edw. was not conten|ted with this refuſall, or y^t he was loth to breake with the Frenche K. he wold in no wiſe conſent to ſend an armie into Flãders againſt y^e French king, but yet he ſent Ambaſſadors to hym with louing & gentle letters, requiring hym to growe to ſome reſonable order and agreement with the yong Ducheſſe of Burgongne, or at the leaſt to take a truce with hir at his requeſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The ambaſſadors of Englãd wer highly re|ceiued, bountifully feaſted, & liberally rewarded, but anſwer to their deſire had they none, but that ſhortly after, the French K. wold ſend Ambaſſa|dors, hoſtages, and pledges to the K. of Englãd their maiſter, for the perfecting and concludyng of all things depending betwene thẽ two, ſo that their ſouetaine lorde and they, ſhould haue cauſe to be contented and pleaſed. Theſe faire words were only delayes to driue tyme till hee mighte haue ſpace to ſpoyle the young Damoſell of hir townes and countreys. And beſide thys, to ſtay king Edwarde from taking parte with hir, hee wrote to him that if he would ioyne with him in ayde, he ſhould haue and [...]nioye [...] him and hys heyres the whole countie and countrey of Flan|ders, diſcharged of homage, ſuperioritie and re|ſort to be claimed by the French K. or his ſucceſ|ſors:Large offers made to the K. [...] Englande by the French K. and further he ſhould haue the whole duchy of Brabant, wherof the French king offered at his owne coſt & charge to conquer .iiij. the chiefeſt and ſtrongeſt townes within the ſayd Duchye, and them in quiet poſſeſſion to deliuer to the K. of Englande, graunting further to pay to hym x.M. angels toward his charges, with muniti|ons of warre and artillerie, whiche he promyſed to lende him, with men and cariage for the con|ueyance of the ſame. The king of England re|fuſed to make any warres agaynſte thoſe coun|treyes that were thus offered to him: but if the Frenche King would make him partener of hys cõqueſts in Picardie, rendring to him part of the towns alredie gotten, as Bolongne, Monſterel, and Abuile, then he wold ſurly take his part, and ayde him with men at his owne coſts & charges.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thus paſſed faire wordes and golden promi|ſes betwene th [...]ſe two pri [...], and in the meane time the yong ducheſſe of Burgongne was ſpoi|led of hir townes, caſtels and territories, tyll at length for maintinance, ſhe condeſcẽded to ma|rie w^t Mar [...]ian fonne to y^e [...]ror Fred [...], that he might kepe the Wolfe from the folde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Edward in the [...]yere of his reign be|gan more thã he was before accuſtomed to ſe [...]th the forfeiture of [...] all lawes [...] ſtatutes,

1479

An. reg. 19.

aſwel of the [...] of his no [...]litie as of other gentlemen being [...] of great poſſeſſions, or abu [...]|de [...]ye furniſhed with goodes, likewyſe of mer|chãts, & other inferior perſons: by reaſon wherof, it was of all men iudged y^t he wold proue hereaf|ter a ſore and a rigorous Prince among his ſub|iects: but this his new inuẽted practiſe and coue|tous meaning, (by reaſon of foreyn affaires and abridgement of his dayes in this tranſitorie lyfe, which were within two yeares after conſumed) tooke ſome but not great effecte.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Ambaſſadors were ſent to and fro betwixt the K. of England & France,

1480

An. reg. 20.

and ſtil the french king fed the K. of England with faire words, putting him in hope to match his ſon and heire the Dol|phyn with the lady Elizabeth daughter to the K. of England, according to the concluſions of a|greemẽt had & made at Pyqu [...]y betwixt them, althoughe in very deede he meante nothing leſſe. His ambaſſadors euer made excuſes if anything were amiſſe, & he vſed to ſend chaunge of ambaſ|ſadors, ſo y^t if thoſe which had bin here afore, and were returned, had ſayde or promiſed any thing (though they were authoriſed ſo to doe) whyche might turne to their maſters hindrance, the other that came after mighte excuſe themſelues by ig|norance of y^e mater, affirming that they wanted cõmiſſion once to talk or meddle with that mat|ter, or if he perceiued that any thing was lyke to be concluded contrary to his mynde, for a ſhifte he would call his Ambaſſadours home in greate haſte, and after ſend an other with new inſtructi|ons nothing depending on the olde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thus the French king vſed to dally with K. Edward in the caſe of this mariage, only to kepe hym ſtil in amitie: And certainly the king of En|gand being a mã of no ſuſpicious nature,The French k. fedeth the king of Englande vvith faire vvordes and promiſes. thou|ght ſooner that the Sun ſhould haue fallen from his circle, than that the French king would haue diſſimuled or broken promiſe with him: but there is none ſo ſoone beguyled, as he that leaſte my|ſtruſteth, nor anye ſo able to deceyue as hee to whom moſt credence is giuen: but as in myſtru|ſting nothing is great lightneſſe, ſo in too much truſtyng is to muche folly, whiche well appea|red in this matter: for the Frenche king by cloa|kyng his inwarde determinate purpoſe, wyth greate dyſſimulation and large promyſſes, kept hym ſtil in frendſhip with the king of England, EEBO page image 1352 till he had wrought a greate parte of his will a|gainſt the yong Ducheſſe of Burgongne, which king Edward would not haue ſuffered, if he had put any great doubt in the french kings fair pro|miſes, conſidering that the crown of France was in this mean time ſo much encreaſed in domini|ons, to the great reinforcement of that realme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3

1481

An. reg. 21.

In this very ſeaſon Iames the thirde of that name K. of Scots ſent into England a ſolemne [figure appears here on page 1352] ambaſſade for to haue the ladie Cicelie,Ambaſſadours foorth of Scot|lande. K. Ed|wards ſecond daughter to be maried to his eldeſt ſonne Iames, prince of Scotland, duke of Roth|ſay, and earle of Carick. King Edward and his coũſel, perceiuing that this affinitie ſhuld be both honorable and profitable to the Realme, did not only graunt to his deſire, but alſo beforehand diſ|burſed certain ſummes of money, to the only in|tent that the mariage ſhould hereafter neyther be hindred nor broken, with this condition, that if y^e ſaid mariage by any accidentall meane ſhould in tyme to come take none effecte, or that K. Edw. wold notifie to the K. of Scots, or his counſell, that his pleaſure was determined to haue y^e ſayd mariage diſſolued: Then y^e Prouoſt & merchãts of the town of Edenburgh, ſhuld be bound for re|payment of the ſaid ſum again. Al which things were with great deliberatiõ cõcluded, paſſed and ſealed, in hope of cõtinuall peace & indiſſoluble a|mitie. But K. Iames was known to be a man ſo wedded to his own opinion, y^t he could not a|bide thẽ that wold ſpeake cõtrary to his fantaſy, by meanes whereof, he was altogither led by the counſel and aduice of men of baſe linage, whom for their flaterie, he had promoted vnto great di|gnities & honorable offices, by which perſons, di|uers of the nobilitie of his realme were greately miſuſed & put to trouble both with impriſonmẽt exactions & death, inſomuche that ſome of them went into voluntarie exile. Amongſt whome Alexander duke of Albany, brother to K. Iames, being exiled into France, & paſſing through En|gland, taried with king Edward, & vpon occaſi|on moued him to make war againſt his brother, y^e ſaid K. Iames, for that he forgetting his other promiſe, and affinity cõcluded with [...] Edwarde cauſed his ſubiects to make roades & forrayne in|to the Engliſh borders, ſpoyling, bre [...]ning & h [...]l|ling king Edwards liege people. King Edward not a little diſpleaſed with this vnprincely doing prouoked & ſet on alſo by the D. of Albanye, de|termined to inuade Scotland with an armie, a [...]|wel to reuenge his owne iniuries receyued at the hands of king Iames, as to helpe to reſtore the D. of Albany vnto his countrey and poſſeſſions again. Herevpon al the winter ſeaſon, he muſtred his men, prepared his ordinance, rigged his ſhips,Preparation for vvarre a|gainſt Scotlãd. and left nothing vnprouided for ſuch a iorney, to that in the beginning of the yeare, all things ap|perteyning to the warre, and neceſſarie for hys voyage, were in a readineſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 To be his chieftayn of his hoſt,

1482

An. reg. 22.

and lieutenant general, Rich. duke of Glouceſter was apoynted by his brother king Edward, and with him wer adioyned as aſſociates,An army ſcene into Scotlande. Henry the fourth earle of Northumberland, Tho. L. Stanley lorde Ste|ward of the kings houſe, the L. Lonell, the lorde Greyſtocke, and diuers other noble men, [...] w [...]r|thie knights. Theſe valiant captaine came to Alnewik in Northumberland, about the begin|ning of Iuly, where they firſt encãped thẽſelues, & marſhalled their hoſt: The forewarde was led by the erle of Northũberland, vnder whoſe ſtan|derd were the L. Scrope of Bolton, ſir Io. Mid|dleton, ſir Io. Dichfielde, & diuers other knights, eſquiers and ſouldiors, to the number of .vj.M. & .vij.C. In the middle warde was the Duke of Glouceſter, and wyth hym the Duke of Alba|ny, the lorde Louell, the lorde Greyſtock, ſir Ed|ward Wooduile, and other to the number of fiue thouſand and eight hundred men. The L. Ne|uile was appoynted to folow, accompanied with iij.M. The Lorde Stanley led the wing on the right hand of the dukes battail with .iiij.M. mẽ of Laneaſhire & Cheſhire. The Lord Fitz Hugh, ſir Williã a Parre, ſir Iames Harrington, with the number of two thouſande ſouldiors, guyded the left wing: And beſide all theſe, there were one thouſand appointed to giue their attendaunce on the ordinance. This royall armie not intending to loſe tyme, came ſodeynly by the water ſide to the town of Barwike, and there what with force and what with feare of ſo great an army,Barvvik vvon by the Engliſh|men. [...] & entred the towne: but the erle of Bothwel being captain of the caſtell, wold in no wiſe deliuerie: wherfore the capitains vpon good and deliberate aduice, plãted a ſtrong ſiege roũd about it. Whẽ this ſiege was laid, the ij. dukes & al the other ſol|diors (except y^e L. Stãley, ſir Io. Eltingtõ trea|ſorer of y^e kings houſe, ſir Will. a Parre, & 400 [...] men that were lefte behinde to keepe the ſiege EEBO page image 1353 before the caſtell (departed from Berwicke to|ward Edinborough, and in marching thither|ward, they brent and deſtroyed many townes and haſti [...]es. King Iames hou [...]ig ſmall confi|dence in his communaltie, and leſſe truſt in his nobilitie, kept himſelfe within the caſtell of E|denboroughe. The Duke of Glouceſter entred into the town, & at the eſpecial deſire of the duke of Albany, ſaued the town, and the inhabitants from fyer, bloude, and ſpoile, taking only of the marchauntes, ſuche preſents as they genti [...]y of|fered to hym and his captains, cauſing Gartier principal king of armes, to make a publike pro|clamation at the high croſſe in the market place of Edenboraughe, by the which he warned and admoniſhed king Iames, to keepe, obſerue, and performe, all ſuche promiſſes, compactes, coue|nauntes, and agreements, as he had concluded and ſealed to, with the king of Englande, and alſo to make ſufficiẽt recompẽce to his ſubiects, for the tyranny, ſpoile, and crueltie, which hee and his people had committed and don, contra|ry to y^e league, within the marches of his realm of England, before the firſt day of Auguſt next enſuing. And further without delay to reſtore his brother the duke of Albany to his eſtate, and all his poſſeſſions, offices, and aucthorities, in as large maner as he occupied and enioyed the ſame before: or elſe the duke of Gloceſter lieu|tenaunt generall for the king of England, was ready at hande to deſtroy hym, his people, and countreys, with ſlaughter, [...]ame, and famine. King Iames woulde make no anſwer neyther by worde nor writyng, but kepte hymſelfe cloſe within the caſtell: but the lords of Scotland ly|ing at Habington with a great puiſſaũce, de|termined firſt to practiſe with y^e duke of Glou|ceſter for a peace, and after by ſome meanes to allure the duke of Albany from the Engliſhe a|mitie, & vpon this motion, the .ij. day of Au|guſte they wrote to the duke of Glouceſter, re|quiring that the mariage betwene the prince of Scotland, & king Edwards daughter might be accompliſhed, according to the couenants, and further that a peace from thenceforth might bee louingly concluded betwene both realms. The duke of Glouceſter anſwered again to theſe de|maundes, that for the article of the mariage, he knewe not the King his brothers determinate pleaſure, either for the affirmaunce, or denyall of the ſame, but neuertheleſſe he deſired full re|ſtitution of all y^e ſums of money preſted out in lone vppon the ſame mariage, and as for peace he aſſured them he would agree to none, except the caſtel of Berwik might be to him deliuered, or at the leaſte wiſe that they ſhoulde vndertake y^t the ſiege lying afore y^e ſame ſhuld not be trou+bled by the K. of Scots, nor by any of his ſub|iects, nor by his or their procuremẽt or meanes. The Scottiſh lords vpon thys anſwer and de|maundes of the duke of Glouceſter,The Bishoppe elected of Mur|ray ſent to the Duke of Glou|ceſter. ſent to hym the elect of M [...]rray, & the lord Dernley, which excuſed the [...]alter, touching the repayment of the mony, for that the time of the lawfull con|tracte of the ſaide mariage, was not yet come, & no day apointed for the money to be paide be|fore the contract beganne. But for further aſſu|raunce, either for the contract to be made, or for the paiment of the money, they promyſed ther|vnto accordingly (as reaſon ſhould require) to agree. Secõd [...]ly as touching y^e caſſel of Ber|wicke, they alledged that it apperteined to the realme of Scotland, as the olde [...]ũce of the ſame. The duke notwithſtanding, all that they could ſya, wold agree [...] peace, except y^e Caſtell of Berwicke might be deliuered to the king of England, and ſo the meſſengers depar|ted. The ſame day the archbiſhop of ſainct An|drewes, the Biſhop of Dunhill, Colin earle of Argyle, lord Cambell, and lord Andrewe lord of Avandale chauncellor of Scotland, wrote to the duke of Albany a ſolemne and an autenti|call inſtrument, ſigned & ſealed with their hãds and ſeales, concerning a generall pardõ to him and his ſeruaunts, vpon certaine conditions to be graunted, which conditions ſeemed to reaſo|nable, that y^e duke of Albany deſirous to be re|ſtored to his olde eſtate, poſſeſſions, and natiue countrey, willingly accepted the ſame: but be|fore he departed from the duke of Glouceſter, he promyſed bothe by worde and writyng of his owne hand, to do & performe all ſuche things, as he before that time had ſworne and promiſed to king Edward, notwithſtãding any agreemẽt nowe made, or after to be made, with the lords of Scotland: and for performaunce of the effect hereof, he againe tooke a corporall othe, & ſealed the writyng before the D.The Duke of Albanie reſto|red home. of Glouceſter in the engliſhe campe at Leuington beſides Hading|ton, the thirde day of Auguſt in the yere .1482. After he was reſtored,He [...]s created greate lieute|naunt of Scot|lande. the Lords of Scotlande proclaimed him great lieutenaunt of Scotland and in the kings name made proclamatiõ, that all men within .viij. dayes ſhoulde be ready at Crauſhaus, both to reiſe the ſiege before the ca|ſtell, and for the recouering againe of the town of Berwicke. The Duke of Albany wrote all this preparation to the Duke of Glouceſter, re|quiryng hym to haue no miſtruſte in hys dea|lings. The duke of Glouceſter wrote to him a|gaine his minde very roundely, promiſing that be with his army woulde defende the beſiegers frõ all enemies that ſhould attempt to trouble them, or elſe die in the quarrell. To be briefe, when the lordes of Scotland ſawe that it boo|ted them not to aſſay the reiſing of the ſiege, ex|cept EEBO page image 1354 they ſhoulde make accompt to bee fought wythall, they determined to deliuer the Caſtell of Berwicke to the engliſhmẽ, ſo that therevp|on there might be an abſtinence of warre taken for a ſeaſon. And herewith they ſent to the duke of Gloceſter a charter indented whych was da|ted the .xxiiij. day of Auguſte, in the ſaide yeare 1482. contracted betwene the duke of Gloceſter liuetenant general for the king of Englãd, and Alexander duke of Albany lieutenãt for Iames king of Scottes, that an eſpeciall abſtinence of warre ſhuld be kept betwixt y^e realms of Eng|land and Scotland, aſwell by ſea, as by lande, to begin the .viij. day of Septẽber nexte com|ming, to endure till the .iiij. day of Nouember nexte following. And in y^e ſame ſeaſõ, the town and caſtell of Berwicke, to be occupied and re|maine in the reall poſſeſſion of ſuche as by the king of Englands deputie ſhulde be appointed. Hervnto the duke of Glouceſter agreed,The Caſtell of Berwicke deliuered. and ſo then was the caſtell of Berwicke deliuered to the lord Stanley, and other thereto appointed, which therein put both engliſhmen and artille|ry ſufficient to defend it againſt all Scotlande, for .vj. moneths. The duke of Albany alſo cau|ſed the prouoſt and burgeſſes of Edenborough, to make a ſufficient inſtrument obligatorye, to king Edward, for the true ſatiſfaction, and cõ|tentation of the ſame mony, which he alſo ſent by the ſaide prouoſte, to the duke of Gloceſter to Alnewike. It was conteined in the ſaid inſtru|ment or writing, that king Edward ſhuld inti|mate his pleaſure vnto the ſaide prouoſt & bur|geſſes of Edenboroughe, before the feaſt of All|ſaintes nexte following, whether he would the mariage ſhoulde take place, or that he woulde haue the payment of the money, accordyng to which article,Gartier king of armes is ſent into Scotland. K. Edward ſẽt Gartier his prin|cipall king of armes, & Northumberland Her|rauld, to declare his refuſall of the mariage and the election & choiſe of the repaiment of the mo|ny. They came to Edenbourgh .8. days before y^e feaſt of Alſaints, where according to their cõ|miſſion and inſtructions, Gartier declared the pleaſure of the king his maiſter, vnto y^e prouoſt & burgeſſes of Edenboroughe, who made an|ſwer y^t now knowing his determination ther|in, they wold accordyng to their bond, prepare for repaiment of the mony, Gartier and his fel|lowe were gentilly enterteined, and in ſafetie conueyed backe to Berwicke, and ſo cõming to Newecaſtell, where the duke of Gloceſter than lay, made relation to him of all their doings, & then the duke with all ſpeede returned to Shri|nehuton and there abode.1483 Althoughe king Ed|ward reioyced that his buſines came to ſo good concluſion with the Scots, yet he was aboute the ſame time ſore diſquieted in his minde to|wards the frenche king, whome he now p [...]|ued to haue datied with him as touching the a|greement of the mariage, to be had der [...] the Dolphin and his daughter the lady Elizabethe for the lord Haward being as then [...] out of Frãce, certified the king of his [...] [...]|ledge, how that he being preſent, [...]dy Margaret of A [...] daug [...] to [...] [...]|imilian, ſon to the emperor F [...] [...] into Frãce with great pompe a [...]e and at Ambois to the Dolphin contructed, and [...]|ſed King Edward highly diſpleaſed with [...] double & vniuſt dealing of the french king, cal|led his nobles togither, & opened vnto them his griefes, who promiſed him for [...]ſſe [...] therof, to be ready with [...] their powers to [...]ke war|res in France at his pleaſure and appointment.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 But whileſt hee was buſie in hande to make his purueiaũce for warres th [...]s againſt Frãce whether it was with melancolye a anger, whi|che he took with the french kings [...]gs & vn|curteous vſage, or were it by any ſuperf [...] ſurfet (to the which he was much giuen) y^t ſo|dainely fell ſicke, and was ſo gree [...]y taken, that in the end he perceued his natural ſtrength in ſuch wiſe to decay, that there was liſte hope of recouerie in the cũning of his phiſitiõs, whi|che hee perceyued only to prolong hys life for [...] ſmall time, wherefore he began to make readye for his paſſage into an other world, not forget|ting as after ſhal appeare, to exhorte the nobles of his realme aboue all thinges, to an vnitie a|mong themſelues, & hauing as he tooke if, made an attonement betwixte the parties that were knowen to be frant friends, he cõmended vnto their graue wiſedoms the gouernmẽt of his ſon the prince, & of his brother the Duke of Yorke, during the time of their tẽder yeres. And thus hauing ſet things in good ſtay as might be ſup|poſed, hee ſhortely after departed this life at Weſtminſter the .ix. of April in the yere .1483. After he had reigned .xxij. yeres, one moneth, & viij. dayes, his body was with funerall pompe conueyed to Windſor & there buried, he left be|hinde him iſſue by the Quene his wife ij. ſons, Edward and Richard, with .v. daughters, Eli+zabeth that was after Quene maried to Henry the .vij. Cicilie maried to the vicount Welles, Briget a Nunne profeſſed in Sion or Dertfort as ſir Tho. More hath: Anne maried to the L. Thomas Howarde, after erle of Surrey, and duke of Norffolke: Katherin wedded to the L. Williã Courtney ſon to the earle of Deuon|ſhire: beſide theſe he left behinde him likewiſe, a baſe ſon named Arthur that was after vicoũt Liſle: for the deſcription of his perſon & qualli|ties I will referre you to that whiche ſir Tho. More hath written of him in that hiſtorie which EEBO page image 1355 he wrote and left vnfiniſhed of his ſon Edward the fift, & of his brother king Richard the third, which we ſhall god willing hereafter make, you partaker of, as wee finde the ſame recorded a|mong his other workes, word for word, when firſte we haue according to our beg [...] mor [...] re|hearſed ſuche writers of our nation as [...]ed in his dayes. As firſt, Nicholas Hent [...] borne an Suffolke a Carmelit Frier in Gipp [...]wich pr [...]|uinciall of his order throughe Englande: Hen|ry Parker a carmelite Frier of Doucaſter prea|ched againſte the pride of prelates, and for ſuche doctrine as he ſet forthe, was impriſoned wyth his fellowe Tho. Holden, and a certaine blacke Frier alſo for the like cauſe. Parker was for|ced to recant .iij. ſpeciall articles, as Baleno|teth out of Lelande: Iohn Harding an eſquier borne in the Northe partes, wrote a Chronicle in Engliſh verſe, & among other ſpeciall points therein touched he gathered all the ſubmiſſions and homages had and made by the Scottiſhe kings euen from the dayes of King Athelſtons Whereby it euidently may appeare, howe the Scottiſhe Kingdome euen in maner from the firſte eſtabliſhing thereof here in Britaine, hath bene apperteining vnto the kings of England, and houlden of them, as their chiefe and ſuperi|or Lordes: William Ive a doctor of Diuini|tie and prehendarie of Sainct Poules in Lon|don: Thomas Wilton a diuine, and Deane of the ſayde Churche of Poules in London: Iulian Pemes, a gentlewoman endued with excellent giftes bothe of body and minde, wrote certaine treatiſes of hauking and hunting, de|lighting greatly hirſelfe in thoſe exerciſes and paſtimes: ſhe wrote alſo a booke of the lawe of armes, and knowledge apperteyning to Ha|rolds: Iohn Stambery borne in the Weaſte partes of this Realme, a Carmelite Frier, and confeſſor to King Henry the ſixte, hee was alſo Maiſter of Gaton Colledge, and after was made Biſhop of Bangor, and remoued from thence to the See of Hereforde: Iohn Slueley an Auguſtine Frier prouinciall of hys order: Iohn Forteſkew a Iudge and Chauncellor of England, wrote diuers treatiſes concerning the lawe, and pollitike gouernement: Rochus a Charterhouſe Monke borne in London, of ho|neſte parentes, and ſtudied in the Vniuerſitie of Paris, he wrote diuers epigrammes: Iohn Phreas borne alſo in London was fellowe of Bailioll Colledge in Oxforde, and after wente into Italy, where hee hearde Guarinus that excellent Philoſopher read in Ferrara: he pro|ued an excellent phiſition and a ſkilfull lawier, There was not in Italy whileſt hee remained there, that paſſed hym in eloquence and know|ledge of bothe the tongues, Greeke and Latin Walter Hunt a Carmelite Frier, a greate de|uine, and for his excellency in lerning ſent from the whole body of this realme, vnto the gene|rall counſell houlden firſte at Ferrara, and after at Florence by Pope Eugenius the .iiij. where he diſputed among other wyth the Greekes in defence of the other and ceremonies of the latine Churche: Thomas Wighenhall a Monke of the order called Premonſtratenſis in the Abbey of Derã in Nortfolke: Iohn Gunthorpe went into Italy, where he hearde that eloquent lear|ned man Guarinus read in Farrara. After his commyng home into England, he was Deane of Welles, and keeper of the priuy ſeale: Iohn Hamvoys an excellent Muſicion, and for hys notable cunnyng therein, made doctor of Mu|ſicke: Williã Caxton wrote a Chronicle cal|led Fru [...] [...]porum, & an appendix vnto Tre|uiſa, beſide diuers other bookes & tranſlations: Iohn Mi [...]ton a carmelite Frier of Briſtow and prouintiall of his order through England, Irelande and Scotland, at lengthe bycauſe he defended ſuch of his order as preached againſt endowments of the church with temporall poſ|ſeſſions he was brought into trouble, commit|ted to priſon in caſtell ſaint Angelo in Rome, where he continued .iij. yeares, and at length was deliuered throughe certaine of the Cardi|nalles that were appointed hys Iudges: Da|uid Morgan a Welcheman, Threaſourer of the church of Landaffe, wrote of the antiquities of Wales, and a diſcriptiõ of the country: Iohn Tiptot, a noble man borne, a greate trauailer, excellently learned, and wrote diuers treatiſes, & finally loſt his head in the yero .1471. in time of the ciuill warre betwixt the houſes of Yorke & Lancaſter: Iohn Shirwood biſhop of Dur|ham: Thomas Kent an excellent philoſopher, Roberte Huggon borne in Norffolk in a town called Hardingham, wrote certayne vayne pro|phecies: Iohn Maxfielde a learned phiſition: William Greene a carmelite Frier: Thomas Norton borne in Briſtow an Alcumiſte: Iohn Meare a Monke of Norwich: Richarde Por|lande borne in Norffolke a Franciſcan Frier, and a doctor of diuinitie: Thomas Milling a Monke of Weſtminſter, a Doctor of diuinitie and preferred to the Biſhopricke of Hereforde: Skogan a learned Gentleman and ſtudent for a time in Oxforde, of a pleaſaunte witte, and bent to mery deuiſes, in reſpect whereof he was called into the Courte, where giuing himſelfe to his naturall inclination of mirthe and plea|ſaunt paſtime, he plaied many ſporting parts, althoughe not in ſuche vnciuill maner as hath bene of hym reported.

1.17. ¶The hiſtorie of king Edward the fifth, and king Richard the third vnfiniſhed, written by Maiſter Thomas Moore then one of the vnder She|riffes of London, about the yeare of our lorde .1513. according to a Copie of his owne hande: Printed among his other woorkes.

EEBO page image 1356

¶The hiſtorie of king Edward the fifth, and king Richard the third vnfiniſhed, written by Maiſter Thomas Moore then one of the vnder She|riffes of London, about the yeare of our lorde .1513. according to a Copie of his owne hande: Printed among his other woorkes.

[figure appears here on page 1356]

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Edward the .v._KIng Edward of that name the fourth, af|ter that hee had liued fiftie and three yeres,1483 ſe|uen monethes, and ſixe dayes, and therof rai|gned twoo and twentie years, one Monethe, and eyght dayes, died at Weſt|minſter the ninth day of Aprill, the yeare of our redemption, a thouſande foure hundreth foure ſcore and three, leauyng muche fayre iſſue, that is to witte, Edwarde the Prince, a thirteene yeare of age: Richarde Duke of Yorke, twoo yeare yonger: Elizabeth, whoſe fortune and grace was after to bee Queene, wyfe vnto Kyng Henry the ſeuenth, and mother vnto the eyght: Cicelie not ſo fortunate as faire: Bri|get, whyche repreſentyng the vertue of hyr, whoſe name ſhee bare, profeſſed and obſerued a religious life in Dertforde, an houſe of cloſe Nunnes: Anne, that was after honourablye married vnto Thomas, then Lorde Hawarde and after Earle of Surrey: And Katherine, which long time toſſed in either fortune, ſom|time in wealth, ofte in aduerſitie, at the laſte, if this be the laſte, for yet ſhee liuethe, is by the benignitye of hir Nephewe King Henry the eyghte, in very proſperous eſtate, and worthy hir birthe and vertue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 This noble Prince deceaſſed at his Palaice of Weſtminſter, and wyth greate funerall ho|nour and heauineſſe of his people from thence conueyed,The loue of the people. was enterred at Windſor. A King of ſuch gouernaunce and behauiour, in time of peace (for in warre eche parte muſte needes bee others enimye) that there was neuer any Prince of this lande, attainyng the Crowne by battaile ſo hartelye beeleued wyth the [...]|ſtaunce of the people: nor he hymſelfe ſo ſpeci|allye in anye parte of hys life, as at the time of hys deathe. Whiche fauour and affection, yet after hys deceaſſe by the crueltie, miſchiefe, and trouble of the tempeſtuous worlde that follo|wed, highelye towarde him more increaſed. At ſuche tyme as he died, the diſpleaſure of thoſe that bare hym grudge, for Kyng Henryes ſake the ſixte, whome he depoſed, was well [...]|ged, and in effect quenched, in that, that ma|ny of them were deade in more than twentye yeares of hys raigne, a greate parte of a long life: And many of them in the meane ſeaſon growen into his fauour, of whiche he was ne|uer ſtrange. He was a goodlye perſonage,Deſcription of Edvvarde the fourthe. and Princely to beholde, of harte couragious, pol|litique in counſell, in aduerſitie nothyng a|baſhed, in proſperitie rather ioyfull than proud, in peace iuſte and mercifull, in warre ſharpe and fierce, in the fielde bolde and hardye, and natheleſſe no further than wiſedome woulde aduenturous, whoſe warres who ſo wel conſi|der, hee ſhall no leſſe commende hys wiſedome where hee voyded, than his manhoode where he vanquiſhed. Hee was of viſage lonelye, of bo|dy mightye, ſtrong, and cleane made: How|beit in his latter dayes wyth ouer liberall dyer, ſomewhat corpulent and boorely, and [...]atheles not vncomely, hee was of youth greately gi|uen to fleſhely wantonneſſe: from which health of body in great proſperity and fortune, with|out a ſpeciall grace hardely refraineth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 Thys faulte not greately greeued the peo|ple: for neyther coulde anye one mans plea|ſure, ſtretche and extende to the diſpleaſure of verye manye, and was wythout violence, and ouer that in hys latter dayes leſſed and well lefte. In, whiche time of his latter dayes, this Realme was in quiet and proſperous eſtate, no feare of outwarde enemyes, no warre in hand, nor none towarde, but ſuche as no man looked for, the people towarde the Prince, not in a conſtrained feare, but in a willyng and lo|uyng obedience: among themſelues, the com|mons in good peace. The Lordes whome hee knewe at variaunce, hymſelfe in his deathe bed appeaſed: hee hadde lefte all gathering of mo|ney (whiche is the onely thing that withdraw|eth the hartes of Engliſhemen fro the Prince) nor any thing intended he to take in hande, by whyche hee ſhoulde bee driuen thereto, for hys tribute EEBO page image 1357 tribute, [...] out of Fraunce, he hadde before obyened. And the yeare foregoing his deathe, he hadde obteyned Barwicke. And albeit that all the time of his raigne hee was wyth his people, so benigne, courteous, and so familiar, that no part of his vertues was more estemed: yet y^t condition, in the ende of his dayes (in whyche many Princes by a long continued soueraintie, decline into a proude porte from debonair behauiour of their beginnyng) meruellouslye in hym grewe and increased: so farre forth, that in Sommer the laste that euer hee sawe, hys highnesse being at Windsor in hunting, sente for the Maior and Aldermen of London to hym for none other errande, but to haue them hunt and bee merye with hym, where hee made them not so stately, but so friendely and so familiar cheare, and sente venson from thence freely into the Citie, that no one thyng in many dayes before, gate hym eyther mo heartes or more heartye fauour amongest the common people, whiche oftentimes more esteeme and take for greater kindnes, a little courtesie, than a great benefite. So deceassed (as I haue sayde) this noble King, in that time, in whiche his life was moste desired. Whose loue of hys people, and their entier affection towarde him, hadde bene to hys noble children (hauyng in themselues also as manye gifts of nature, as many Princely vertues, asmuche goodlye towardnesse as their age could receyue) a maruellouse fortresse and sure armour, if diuision & dissention of their friendes had not vnarmed them, and left them destitute, and the execrable desire of souerainty, prouoked hym to their destruction, whiche if eyther kinde or kindnesse hadde houlden place, muste needes haue bene their chiefe defence. For Richarde the Duke of Gloucester, by nature their vncle, by office their protectour, to their father behoulden, to themselfe by othe and allegiaunce bounden, all the bandes broken that binden man and man togyther, wythout anye respecte of God or the worlde, vnnaturally contriued to bereue them, not only their dignitie, but also their liues.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But for aſmuche as this Dukes demeanor miniſtreth in effect all the whole matter where|of this booke ſhall intreate, it is therefore con|uenient, ſomewhat to ſhewe you ere wee far|ther goe, what manner of man thys was, that coulde finde in his harte ſo muche miſchiefe to conceiue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Richarde Duke of Yorke.Richarde duke of Yorke, a noble man and a mightie, beganne not by warre, but by lawe, to chalendge the Crowne, puttyng hys claime into the Parliament, where his cauſe was ey|ther for righte or fauour ſo farre forthe auaun|ced, that King Henry his bloude (albeit he has a goodly Prince) vtterly reiected, the Crowne was by aucthoritie of parliament entailed vn|to the Duke of Yorke and his iſſue male in re|mainder, immediatly after the deathe of Kyng Henry. But the Duke not induryng ſo long to carry but entendyng vnder pretexte of diſ|ſention and debate ariſing in the Realme to preuent his time, and to take vppon hym the rule in Kyng Henry his life, was with many nobles of the Realme at Wakefielde ſlaine, leauing three ſonnes, Edwarde, George and Richard, All three as they were greate ſtates of birth, ſo were they great and ſtately of ſtomack, greedy and ambitious of auctoritie,Edvvarde. and impa|tient of partners. Edwarde reuenging his fa|thers deathe, depriued Kyng Henry,George Duke of Clarence. and attai|ned the Crowne. George Duke of Clarence was a goodly noble prince & at all points for|tunate, if either his owne ambition had not let him againſte hys brother or the enuy of his e|nimies his brother againſte hym. For were it by the Queene and lordes of hir bloude whiche highly maligned the kings ki [...]red (as women commonly not of malice, but of nature hate them whom their huſbands loue, (or were it a proude appetite of the duke hymſelf, intending to be king at the leaſt wiſe heinous treſon was there layde to his charge, and finally were hee faultie, were he faultleſſe, [...]taynted was he by Parlyamente, and iudged to the deathe, and there vpon haſhly drowned in a hutte of Mal|meſey, whoſe death kyng Ewarde (albeit hee commaunded it) when he wyſt it was done pi|teouſly bewayled, and ſorowfully repented.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Richarde the thirde ſonne,The diſcription Richard the thirde. of whome wee nowe intreate, was in witte and courage [...]|gall with either of them, in bodie and prowes farre vnder them both, little of ſtature, yll fea|tured of limmes, crooke backed, his left ſhoulder muche hygher than hys ryght, harde fauoured of viſage, and ſuche as is in ſtates called war|lye, in other men otherwyſe, he was malicious, wrathfull, enuious, and from afore his byrth e|uer frowards. It is for truth reported, that the Ducheſſe his mother hadde ſo much adoe in hir trauaile, that ſhe could not be deliuered of hym vncut, and that he cam into the world with the feete forward, as mẽ be borne outward, and (as the fame runneth) alſo not vntoothed, whether men of hatred report aboue the truth, or elſe that nature chaunged hir courſe in his beginning, which in the courſe of his life many things vn|naturally committed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 None euill captain was he in the warre, as to which his diſpoſition was more metely than for peace. Sundry victories had he, and ſom|times ouerthrewes, but neuer in default as for his owne perſon, eyther of hardineſſe or politike EEBO page image 1358 order, free was he called of diſpence: and ſome|what aboue hys power liberall, wyth lardge giftes hee gate hym vnſtedfaſte friendeſhippe, for whiche he was faine to pill and ſpoile in o|ther places, and gette hym ſtedfaſte hatred. Hee was cloſe and ſecrete, a deepe diſſimuler, lowly of countenaunce, arrogant of harte, out|wardelye coumpinable w [...]ere hee inwardelye hated, not lettyng to kiſſe whome hee thought to kill: diſpitions and cruell, not for euill will alwaye, but offer for ambition, and eyther for the ſurety or increaſe of hys eſtate. Frend and foe was muche what indifferent, where his ad|vauntage grewe, hee ſpared no mans deathe, whoſe life wythſtoode his purpoſe. Hee flewe wyth his owne handes Kyng Henry the ſixte,The deathe of Kyng Henry the ſixte. being priſoner in the Tower, as men conſtant|ly ſaide, and that wythout commaundement or knowledge of the Kyng, which woulde vn|doubtedlye, if hee hadde intended that thyng, haue appointed that butcherly office to ſome o|ther, than his owne borne brother.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 Some wiſe men alſo weene that his drifte couertly conueyed, lacked not in helpyng forth his brother of Clarence to his deathe: whiche hee reſiſted openly, howdeit ſomewhat (as men deemed) more faintly than hee that were harte|lye minded to hys wealthe. And they that thus deeme, thinke that hee long time in King Ed|wards life, foreſt ought to be King in caſe that the King his brother (whoſe life hee looked that euill diet ſhoulde ſhorten) ſhoulde happen to deceaſſe (as in deede hee did) while his children were yong. And they deeme, that for this in|tent hee was gladde of his brothers deathe the duke of Clarence, whoſe life muſt needes haue hindered hym ſo intending, wheather the ſame Duke of Clarence hadde kepte hym true to his Nephewe the yong Kyng, or enterpriſed to be King himſelfe. But of all this pointe, is there no certaintie, and who ſo deuineth vppon con|iectures, may aſwell ſhoote to farre as to ſhorte. Howebeit this haue I by credible enformation learned, that the ſelfe nyght, in whyche Kyng Edward dyed, one Miſtlebrooke long ere mor|ning, came in greate haſte to the houſe of one Pottier dwellyng in Redecroſſtreete wythout Creeplegate: and when hee was wyth haſtye rappyng quicklye letten in, hee ſhewed vnto Pottier that King Edwarde was departed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 By my truth man quod Pottier, then will my Maiſter the Duke of Glouceſter bee King. What cauſe hee had ſo to thinke harde it is to ſaye, whether hee beeing towarde hym, anye thyng knewe that hee ſuche thing purpoſed, or otherwiſe hadde any inkeling thereof: for he was not likelye to ſpeake it of nought.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But nowe to retourne to the course of this hystorye, were it that the Duke of Gloucester hadde of olde foreminded this conclusion, or was nowe at erste therevnto moued, and putte in hope by the occasion of the tender age of the yong Princes, his Nephewes (as oportunitie and likelyhoode of speede putteth a man in courage of that hee neuer intended) certaine is it that hee contriued their destruction, wyth the vsusrpation of the regall dignitie vpon himself. And forasmuche as he well wiste and holpe to maintaine, a long continued grudge and harte brenning beetweene the Queenes kinred and the Kings bloud, eyther partie enuying others authoritie, hee nowe thoughte that their deuision shoulde bee (as it was indeede) a furtherly beginnyng to the pursuite of hys intent, and a sure grounde, for the foundation of all hys buildyng, if hee might firste vnder the pretexte of revenging of an olde displeasure, abuse the anger and ignorance of the tone partie, to the destruction of the tother: and then winne to his purpose as many as he could, & those that could not bee wonne, myght bee loste ere they looked therefore: For of one thyng was hee certayne, that if hys intent were perceyued he shoulde soone haue made peace betwene the bothe parties with hys owne bloude.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 Kyng Edwarde in hys life, alheit that this diſſention betweene his friendes ſomewhat in| [...]d hym: yet in his good healthe he ſomewhat the leſſe regarded it, bycauſe hee thought what|ſoeuer buſines ſhould a fall betwene the [...], him|ſelfe ſhoulde always bee able to [...]ule [...]othe the parties. But in his laſt ſicknes, when hee per|ceyued his naturall ſtrengthe ſo ſore enfeebled, that hee diſpaired all recouerie, then hee conſi|deryng the youth of his children, alheit he po|thyng leſſe miſtruſted than that that happened, yet well foreſeeing that many harmes myghte growe by their debate, while the youthe of hys children ſhoulde lacke diſcretion of them ſelfe, and good counſaile of their friendes, of whiche eyther partie ſhoulde counſaile for their owne commoditie and rather by pleaſaunt aduiſe to wynne themſelfe fauoure, than by profitable aduertiſement to doo the children good hee cal|led ſome of them before hym that were at vani|aunce, and in eſpeciall the Lorde Marques Dorſet the Queenes ſonne by his firſte huſ|band, and William the Lord Haſtings a noble man then Lorde Chamberlaine, againe whom the Queene ſpecially grudged, for y^e great fa|uour the King bare hym: [...] and alſo for that ſhe thought hym ſecretely familiar with the Kyng in wanton company. Hir kinred alſo bare him ſore, aſwell for that the Kyng hadde made hym Capytayne of Caleys, whyche Office the Lorde Riuers brother to the Queene claymed EEBO page image 1359 of the kings former, promiſſe, no for di [...] other great gifts which he receiued y^t they looked for. When theſe Lorden wyth diuers other of ho [...]the the parties were come [...] fences, the Kyngs lifting vp himſelfe and vnderſet to [...] as it is [...]porte [...] and his wife ſaide vnto them My Lordes,The Oration of the King in to death bed. my deare kin [...] and [...], in what plight I lye you ſee, and I [...]erle By which the leſſe while I [...]ooke to liue wyth y [...] the more deepely am I [...] care in what caſe Alcou [...] you for ſuche [...] you ſuch hee my children like to [...]. Which [...] they ſhoulde, what God [...] finde you at [...] might ba [...] to felth [...]ſe was at warre, [...]re their diſcretion woulde ſerue to ſet you at peace, yee [...]et their youth, of whyche I recken the only ſuretye to reſte in your concorde. For it ſuffiſeth not that all you loue them, if eche of you bare other if they were men your faithful|neſſe happily woulde ſuffi [...]. But childehoode muſte be maintained by mens aucthoritie, and ſlipper youthe vnder [...]ped with elder coun|ſell, whiche neyther they can haue, but yee giue it, nor yee giue it, if yee gree not. For what a eche laboureth to breake that the other maketh and for hatred of eche of others perſon, im [...]|neth eche others counſaile, there muſte at [...]edes bee long e [...]a [...]ye good concluſion go forward: And alſo while eyther partye laboure [...] to bee chiefe [...]ttene ſhal haue more place than plaine and faythfull aduiſe, of whiche mu [...]e needes inſue the euill bringing vp of the Prince, whoſe minde it tender youthe infecte, ſhall redily fall to miſchiefe and riot, and drawe downe wyth his noble Realme to ruine, but if grace [...]urne hym ſo wiſedome: whyche if god ſende, then they that by euill meanes before pleaſed hym beſte, ſhall after fall fartheſt out of fauoure, ſo that euer at length euill drifts draw to nought, and good plaine wayes proſper. Greate vari|aunce hathe there long bene betweene you, not alwaye for greate cauſes. Sometime a thyng right well intended, our miſconſtruction tour|neth vnto worſe, or a ſmall diſpleaſure done vs, eyther our owne affection or euill tonges aga [...]|neth. But this woe I well yee neuer hadde ſo greate cauſe of hatred, as ye haue of loue. That wee bee all men, that wee bee Chriſtenmen, this ſhall I leaue for preachers to tell you (and yet I wol [...]are whether any preachers words ought more to moue you, thã his that is by and by going to the place that they all preache of).

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But this ſhall I deſire you to remember, that the one parte of you is of my bloude, the other of mine alies, and eche of you wyth o|ther eyther of kinred affinitie, whyche ſpi|rituall kinred of affinitie, if the Sacramentes of Chriſtes Churche, hears that weyght wyth vs, that woulde God they didde, ſhoulde no leſſe moue vs to Charitie, than the reſpecte of fleſhely conſanguinitye. Our Lorde forbidde, that you loue togyther the worſe for the ſelfe cauſe y^t you ought to loue the better. And yet that happeneth, and no where find we ſo dead|ly debate [...]oad, among them, whyche by nature and, [...]owe [...]ſt ought to agree togither. Suche a peſtian Serpent is ambition,Ambition. and deſire of vaine glorie and ſoue [...]intie, whiche among ſtates where hee once entreth, creepeth forth ſo farre, till with diuiſion and variaunce he tur|neth all to miſchiefe. Firſt longyng to banext the heſte afterwarde [...]all wyth the beſte, and at laſte [...]fe and aboue the beſte. Of whiche immoderate appetite of worſhippe and thereby of debate and diſſention, what loſſe, what ſor|rowe, what trouble hathe within theſe fewe yeares growne in this Realme, I pray God aſwell forget as wee well remember.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 Which things if I could aſwell haue fore|ſeene [...] I haue with my more paine then plea|ſure proued, by Goddes bleſſed Ladye (that was [...]er his othe). I woulde neuer haue won the [...]ſ [...]e of mens knees, wyth the loſſe of ſo many heades. But ſithen thinges paſſed cannot hee gayne called, muche oughte wee the more beware, by what occaſion we haue taken ſo greate hurte afore, that we eftſoones fall not in that occaſion agayne. Now hee thoſe griefs paſſed, and all is (God be thanked quiet) and likely, right well to proſper in wealthfull peace vnder your couſins my children, if God ſende them life and you loue. Of whiche two things, the leſſe loſſe were they by whome, thoughe God did his pleaſure, yet ſhoulde the Realme alway finde Kings, and peraduenture as good Kings. But if you among your ſelfe in a childs raigne fall at debate, many a good man ſhall periſhe and haplye hee to, and yee to, ere this lande, finde peace againe. Wherefore in theſe laſte wordes that euer I looke to ſpeake wyth you. I exhorte you and require you all, for the loue that you haue euer borne to mee: for the loue that I haue euer borne vnto you: for the loue that our Lord beareth to vs all, from this time forwarde all griefs forgotten eche of you loue other. Whiche I verely [...]ruſte you will, if yee any thing earthly regarde, eyther God or your King, affinitie or kinred, this realme, your owne counter, or your own fuertie: And therewithall the King [...]o longer induryng to ſ [...]tte vp, laid him downe on his righte ſide, hys face towarde them: and none was there pre|ſent that coulde refraine from weepyng. But the Lordes recomfortyng him wyth as good wordes as they coulde, and aunſweryng for the time as they thought [...] ſtand [...] with hys EEBO page image 1360 pleaſure, there in hys preſence, as by theyr wordes appeared, eche forgaue other, and ioy|ned theyr handes togyther, when (as it after appeared by theyr deedes) their hartes, were farre aſunder. As ſoone as the King was de|parted, the noble Prynce his ſonne drewe to|warde London, whiche at the time of hys de|ceaſſe, kepte hys houſholde at Ludlowe in Wales, whiche countrey beeing farre [...]rom the lawe and recourſe to Iuſtice, was begon to be far out of good wil, and waxen wyld rob|bers & reuers, walkyng at libertie vncorrected.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And for thys ench [...]on the Prince was in the life of hys father ſente thither, to the ende that the aucthoritie of his preſence, ſhoulde re|fraine euill diſpoſed perſons fro the boldeneſſe of their former outrages. To the gouernaunce and orderyng of this yong Prince at hys ſen|dyng thither, was there appoynted Sir An|thony Wooduile lord Riuers, and brother vn|to the Queene,Lorde Riuers. a right honourable man, as va| [...]ant of hand as politike in counſel. Adioyned wer there vnto him other of y^e ſame partie, & in effect euery one as he was nereſt of [...]n vnto the Quene, ſo was planted next about y^e Prince.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 That drifte by the Queene not vnwiſely deuiſed, whereby hir bloude mighte of yo [...]he bee rooted in the Princes fauoure, the Duke of Glouceſter tourned vnto their deſtruction, and vppon that grounde ſette the foundation of all his vnhappye buildyng. For whomſoeuer he perceyued, eyther at variaunce wyth them, or bearing hymſelfe theyr fauoure, hee brake vnto them, ſome by mouthe, ſome by writyng and ſecret meſſengers, that it neyther was reaſon nor in any wiſe to bee ſuffered, that the yong Kyng their Maiſter and kinſman, ſhoulde bee in the handes and cuſtodye of his mothers kin|red, ſequeſtred in manner from their company and attendaunce, of whiche euery one oughte hym as faithfull ſeruice as they, and manye of them farre more honourable parte of kinne than his mothers ſide. Whoſe bloude (quod hee) ſa|uing the Kings pleaſure, was full vnmeetelye to bee matched wyth his: whiche nowe to bee as who ſaye remoued from the Kyng and the leſſe noble to bee left aboute hym, is (quod he) neyther honourable to his Maieſtie nor vnto vs, and alſo to his grace no ſuretie to haue the mightleſt of his friendes from hym, and vnto vs no little ieoperdye, to ſuffer our well pro| [...]ed euill willers to growe in ouer great aucto|ritie with the prince in youth, namely whiche is lighte of beleefe and ſoone perſwaded. Yee remember I trowe King Edwarde hymselfe, albeit he was a man of age and of discretion, yet was he in many things ruled by the bende, more than stoode either with his honour, or our profit, or w^t the com(m)oditie of any ma(n) els except only the immoderate aduancement of the(m)selfe. Which whether they sorer thirsted after their own weale, or our wo, it were hard I wene to gesse. And if some folkes friendshippe had not houlden better place wyth the Kyng, than any respect of kinred, they myght peraduenture easilye haue betrapped and broughte to confusion some of vs ere this. Why not as easilye as they haue done some other already, as neere of his royall bloude as wee? But our Lorde hathe wroughte his will, and thanke bee to his grace that perill is paste. Howebeit as greate is growing, if we suffer this yong king in our enimies hande, whiche wythout his wittyng myght abuse the name of hys commaundement, to any of our vndooyng, whiche thyng God and good prouision forbidde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Of whiche good prouision none of vs hath any thing the lesse neede, for the late made atonement, in which the kings plesure had more place than the parties willes. Nor none of vs, I beleeue is so vnwise, ouersoone to truste a newe friende made of an olde foe, or to thinke that an hourely kindenesse, sodainely contracte in one houre, continued yet scante a fortnyght, shoulde bee deeper settled in their stomackes: than a long accustomed malice many yeres rooted. Wyth these wordes and writyngs and suche other, the Duke of Gloucester soone set a fire, them that wer of themself ethe to kindle, & in especiall twayn, Edward duke of Buckingham, & William Lord Hastyngs & Chamberlain, both men of honour and of great power.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The tone by long ſucceſſion from his aun|ceſtrie: the tother by his office, and the Kyngs fauoure. Theſe twoo not bearing ethe to other ſo muche loue as hatred bothe vnto the Quenes part: in this poynt accorded togyther wyth the Duke of Glouceſter, that they woulde vtterly amoue from the kings companye, all hys mo|thers frends, vnder the name of theyr enemies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Vppon this concluded, the Duke of Glou|ceſter vnderſtandyng that the Lordes whiche at that time were aboute the King, entended to bring him vp to his coronation accompanied with ſuche power of their friends, that it ſhuld bee harde for hym to bring his purpoſe to paſſe, without the gathering & great aſſẽble of people & in maner of open warre, wherof y^e [...]nd he wiſt was doubtfull, & in which the K. being on their ſide, his parte ſhuld haue the face and name of a rebellion: he ſecretly therfore, by diuers meanes cauſed the Queene to bee perſwaded & brought in the minde, that it neyther were neede, & [...]ſo ſhoulde bee ieopardous, the Kyng to co [...]p ſtrong. For whereas nowe euerye Lorde lo|ued other, and none other thyng [...] vpon EEBO page image 1361 but about the Coronation and honour of the King: if y^e Lordes of hir kindred ſhould aſſemble in the Kings name muche people, they ſhoulde g [...]e the Lordes atwixte whome and them had [...]in ſometime debate, to feare and ſuſpect, leaſte they ſhould gather thys people, not for y^e Kings ſafegard, whome no man impugned, but for theyr deſtruction, hauing more regarde to theyr olde variance, than theyr new attonement. For whiche cauſe they ſhoulde aſſemble on the other partie muche people agayne for theyr defence, whoſe power the wiſt well farre ſtretched. And thus ſhould all the Realme fall on a core. And of all the hurt that thereof ſhould enſue, which was likely not to bee little, and the moſt harme there like to fall where ſhe leaſt would, all the worlde would put hir and hir kindred in the wight, and ſay that they hadde vnwiſely and vntruely alſo broken the amitie and peace, that the Kyng hir huſband ſo prudently made, betweene his kinne and hirs in his deathe bed, and whiche the other partie faithfully obſerued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Queene beeing in this wiſe perſwaded, ſuch word ſent vnto hir ſonne, and vnto hir bro|ther beeing about the King, and ouer that the Duke of Glouceſter himſelfe and other Lordes the chiefe of his bende, wrote vnto the King ſo reuerently, and to the Queenes friendes there ſo louingly, that they nothing earthly miſtru|ſting brought the King vp in great haſt, not in good ſpeede, with a ſober companye. Now was the King in his way to London gone frõ Nor|thampton, when theſe Dukes of Glouceſter and Buckingham came thither, where remayned behinde the Lord Riuers the Kings Vncle, in|tending on the morrowe to followe the Kyng, [...]he with him at Stome Stratford, myles thence earely or he departed. So was there made that night muche friendly cheere betweene theſe Dukes and the Lorde Riuers a greate whyle. But incontinente, after that they were openly with great curteſie departed, and the Lorde Ri|uers lodged, the Dukes ſecretely with a fewe of [...] moſt priuie friends, ſet them downe in coũ|ſayle, wherein they ſpente a greate parte of the [...]ight. And at their riſing in the dawning of the day, they ſente about priuily to their ſe [...]untes in their Innes and lodgings about, giuing them commandement, to make themſelfe ſhortly rea|die, for their Lordes were to horſebacke warde. Vppon whiche meſſages, manye of theyr folke were attendaunce, when many of the Lord Ri|uers ſeruauntis were vnready. Nowe had theſe Dukes taken alſo into their cuſtodie the keyes of the Inne, that none ſhoulde paſſe foorth with|out the [...] licence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 And ouer this, in the high way toward Sto|nie Stratford, where the King lay, they had be|ſtowed certaine of their folke, that ſhoulde ſende backe agayne, and compell to returne, any man that were goten out of Northampton; towarde Stonie Strafforde, till they ſhoulde giue other licence. For as much as the Dukes themſelfe intended for the ſhewe of theyr diligence, to bee the firſte that ſhoulde that daye attende vpon the Kings highneſſe out of that Towne: thus bare they folke in hand. But when the Lorde Riuers vnderſtoode the gates cloſed, and the wayes on euery ſide beſet, neyther his ſeruauntes nor hym|ſelfe ſuffered to gone out, perceyuing well ſo great a thing without his knowledge not begun for naughte, comparing this manner preſente, with this laſt nightes cheere, in ſo fewe houres ſo great a change, maruellouſly miſliked. How|beit, ſith he could not get away, and keepe hym|ſelfe cloſe he woulde not, leaſt hee ſhoulde ſeeme to hyde hymſelfe for ſome ſecrete feare of hys owne faulte, whereof hee ſawe no ſuche cauſe in himſelfe. He determined vpon the ſuretie of hys owne conſcience, to goe boldly to them, and in|quire what this matter myghte meant, whome [...] as they ſawe, they began to quarrel with him and ſay, that he intended to ſet diſtaunce be|tweene the King and them, and to bring them to re [...]ſion, but it ſhould not lie in his power. And when he began (as he was a very well ſpo|ken in all) in goodly wiſe to excuſe himſelfe, they tarried not the ende of his aunſwere,The Lorde Riuers put in warde. but ſhortly tooke hym, and put him in ward, and that done, forthwith wente to Horſebacke, and tooke the way to Stony Stratforde, where they founde the King with hys companie, readie to leape on Horſebacke, and departe forwarde to leaue that lodging for them, bycauſe it was to ſtraight for both companyes. And aſſoone as they came in his preſence, they lighte adowne with all theyr companie about them. To whome the Duke of Buckingham ſayde, goe afore Gentlemen, and yeomen keepe your twines.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And thus in a goodly aray, they came to the King, and on their knees in very humble will, ſalued his grace, whiche receyued them in verye ioyous and amiable manner, nothing earthly knowing nor miſtruſting as yet. But euen by and by in his preſence, they piked a quarrell to the Lorde Richarde Grey,The Lorde Grey. the Kings other bro|ther by his mother, ſaying, that he with y^e Lorde Marques his brother, and the Lord Riuers hys Vncle, had compaſſed to [...] the King and the Realme, and to ſet variance among the ſtates and to ſubdue and deſtroy the noble proud of the Realme. Towarde the accompliſhing where|of they ſayd that the Lord Marques had entred into the Tower of London, and thence taken out the Kings treaſure, and ſente menne to the Sea.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 EEBO page image 1362All which things theſe Dukes wiſt wel were done for good purpoſes & neceſſarie by the whole counſayle at London, ſauing that ſomewhat they muſt ſay. Vnto whiche wordes the Kyng aunſwered. What my brother Marques hathe done I cannot ſay: But in good faithe I dare well aunſwere for mine vncle Riuers and my brother heere, that they be innocent of anye ſuch matter. Yea my liege quoth the Duke of Buc|kingham, they haue kept theyr dealing in theſe matters farre fro the knowledge of youre good grace. And forthwith they areſted the Lord Ri|chard and Sir Thomas Vaughan Knighte, in the Kings preſence, and brought the King and all backe vnto Northampton, where they tooke againe further Counſell. And there they ſente away from the Kyng, whome it pleaſed them, and ſet new ſeruauntes about hym, ſuche as ly|ked better them than him. At whiche dealing hee wepte, and was nothing contente, but it booted not. And at dinner, the Duke of Glouceſter ſent a diſh from his owne table to the Lord Riuers, praying him to bee of good cheere, all ſhoulde bee well ynough. And hee thanked the Du e, and prayed the meſſenger to beare it to his nephewe the Lord Richard with the ſame meſſage for his comfort, who bee thoughte hadde more neede of comforte, as one to whome ſuch aduerſitie was ſtrange. But hymſelfe hadde bin all hys dayes in vre therewith, and therefore could beare it the better. But for all thys comfortable curteſie of the Duke of Glouceſter, hee ſente the Lorde Riuers,The death of the L. Riuers and other. and the Lorde Richarde, with ſir Tho|mas Vaughan into the North Countrey, into dyuers places to priſon, and afterwarde all to Pomfraite, where they were in concluſion beheaded.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In this wiſe, the Duke of Glouceſter tooke vpon hymſelfe the order and gouernaunce of the yong Kyng, whome with much honor & hum|ble reuerence, hee conueyed vpwarde towarde the Citie. But anone, the tidyngs of thys matter came haſtily to the Queene a little before the midnighte following, and that in y^e ſoreſt wiſe, that the King hir ſonne was taken, hir brother, hir ſonne, and hir other friendes arreſted, and ſent no man wiſt whither, to bee done with GOD wot what. With whyche tydyngs, the Queene in greate flighte and heauineſſe, bewayling hyr childes raigne, hir friendes miſchance, and hyr owne infortune, damning the tyme that euer ſhe diſſwaded the gathering of power about the King, gate hir ſelfe in all the haſt poſſible with hir yonger ſonne and hir daughters, out of the palace of Weſtminſter, in which ſhe then lay, into the Sanctuarie,The Q taketh Sanctuary. lodging hir ſelfe and hir cõ|panie there in the Abbots place.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Nowe came there one in likewiſe not long after midnight fro the Lord Chamberlayne, [...] to the Archbyſhoppe of Yorke, then Chancellor of England, to his place not farre from Weſt|minſter. And for that hee ſhewed his ſeruauntes that he hadde tidings of ſo greate importaunce, that his maiſter gaue him in charge, not to for|beare his reſt, they letted not to wake hym, nor hee to admitte this meſſenger into his beds [...] Of whome hee hearde that theſe Dukes were gone backe with the Kings grace from Stonie Stratford vnto Northampton. Notwithſtan|ding Sir (quoth hee) my Lorde ſendeth youre Lordſhippe worde, that there is no feare: for [...]ee aſſureth you that all ſhall bee well. I aſſure him quoth the Archebyſhoppe, be it as well as it vpõ it will neuer be ſo well as we haue ſeene it. And therevpon, by and by after, the meſſenger depar|ted, he cauſed in all the haſt all his ſeruauntes to bee called vp, and ſo with hys owne houſeho [...] a|bout hym, and euerye man weaponed, he tooke the greate ſeale with hym, and came yet before day vnto the Queene. About whome he founde muche heauineſſe, rumble, haſt and buſineſſe, ca|riage and conueyance of hir ſtuffe into San|ctuarie, cheſtes, coffers, packes, fardels, truſſed all on mens backes, no man vnoccupyed, ſome la|ding, ſome going, ſome diſcharging, ſome com|ming for more, ſome breaking downe the walles to bring in the nexte way, and ſome yet d [...] to them that holp to carrrie a wrong way.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Queene hir ſelfe ſate alone [...] on the ruſhes all deſolate and diſmayde, whome the Archbyſhop comforted in the beſt manner hee coulde, ſhewyng hir that hee truſted, the matter was nothyng ſo ſore as ſhe tooke it for. And that hee was putte in good hope and out of feare by the meſſage ſent hym from the Lord Cham|berlayne. Ah wo worth him (quoth ſhe) for he is one of them that laboureth to deſtroy [...] my bloud.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 Madame (quoth he) be yee of good cheers, for I aſſure you, if they Crowne anye other [...] than youre ſonne, whome they nowe [...] with them, wee ſhall on the morrowe Crowne hys brother, whome you haue heere with [...]. And heere is the greate ſcale, whiche in lykewiſe as that noble Prince youre huſband deliuered it vnto me, ſo heere I deliuer, it vnto you, to y^e vſe and behoofe of your ſonne, and therewith hee be|tooke hir y^e greate ſeale, & departed home againe, yet in y^e dawning of the day. By which tyme [...] might in his chamber window, ſee al y^e [...] full of boates of the D. of Glo [...]eſters ſeru [...], watching that no man ſhould goe to Sanctua|rie, nor none could paſſe vnſearched. Then was there great commotion and murmure, as well EEBO page image 1363 in other places about, as ſpecially in the Citie, the people diuerſly diuining vpon thys dealing. And ſome Lordes, Knyghtes, and Gentlemen, eyther for fauoure of the Queene, or for feare of themſelues, aſſembled in ſundrye companyes, and wente flockemele in harneys and many al|ſo, for that they reckoned this demeanoure attẽp|ted, not ſo ſpecially againſte the other Lordes, as againſt the King hymſelfe in the diſturbance of his Coronation. But then by and by y^e Lords aſſembled togither at [...] Towarde whyche meeting, the Archebyſhoppe of Yorke fearing that it woulde bee aſcribed (as it was in|deede) to hys ouermuche lightneſſe, that hee ſo ſuddaynely hadde yeelded vp the greate ſeale to the Queene, to whome the cuſtodie thereof no|thing perteyned, without eſpeciall commaunde|ment of the Kyng, ſecretely ſent for the ſeale a|gayne, and brought it with him after the cuſto|mable manner. And at thys meetyng the Lorde Haſting, whoſe trouth toward the king, no man doubted nor needed to doubte, perſwaded the Lordes to beleeue, that the Duke of Glouceſter was ſure and faſtly faythfull to his Prince, and that the Lorde Riuers and Lord Richard with the other Knightes were for matters attempted by them againſte the Dukes of Glouceſter and Buckingham, put vnder areſt for their ſuretie, not for the Kings ieoperdie: and that they were alſo in ſafegarde, and there no longer ſhoulde re|mayne, than til the matter were, not by y^e Dukes only, but alſo by al the other Lordes of the kings counſayle indifferently examined, and by other diſcretions ordered and eyther iudged or appea|ſed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But one thing he aduiſed them beware, that they iudged not the matter too farre foorthe, ere they knewe the trueth, nor turning theyr priuate grudges into the common hurte, yrriting and prouokyng men vnto anger, and diſturbing the Kings Coronation, towarde whych the Dukes were commyng vp, that they myght peraduen|ture bryng the matter ſo farre out of ioyne, that it ſhoulde neuer bee broughte in frame agayne. Which ſtrife if it ſhould happe, as it were likely to come to a fielde though both parties were in all other things egall, yet ſhoulde the authoritie be on that ſyde where the King is himſelfe, with theſe perſwaſions of the Lorde Haſtings, wher|of parte hymſelfe beleeued, of parte hee wiſt the contrarie, theſe commotions were ſomewhat appeaſed. But ſpeciallie by that that the Dukes of Glouceſter and Buckingham were ſo neere and came ſo ſhortly on with the Kyng, in none other manner, with none other voyce or ſem|blaunce than to hys coronation, cauſing the fame to be blowen about, that theſe Lordes and Knyghtes which were taken, had contriued the deſtruction of the Dukes of Glouceſter and Buckyngham, and of other the noble bloud of the Realme, to the ende that themſelfe woulde alone, demeane and gouerne the Kyng at theyr pleaſure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And for the coulourable proofe thereof, ſuche of the Dukes ſeruauntes as rode with the cartes of theyr ſtuffe that were taken (among whyche ſtuffe, no maruell though ſome were harneys, whyche at the breaking vppe of that houſholde, muſt needes eyther bee broughte away, or caſt away) they ſhewed vnto the people al the wayes as they wente: loe heere bee the barrels of har|neys that theſe Traytors hadde priuily con|ueyde in theyr carriage to deſtroye the noble Lordes withall.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thys deuiſe albeit that it made the matter to wiſe menne more vnlykely, well perceyuing that the intendours of ſuche a purpoſe woulde rather haue hadde theyr harneys on theyr backes than to haue bounde them vppe in barrels, yet muche parte of the common people were there|with verye well ſatiſfyed, and ſayde it were al|moyſe to hang them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the King approched neere to the Ci|tie, Edmonde Shaa goldeſmith, then Maior, with William White, and Iohn Mathewe Sheriffes, and all the other Aldermen in Scar|lette, with fyue hundred Horſe of the Citizens in violet receyued hym reuerently at Harneſey: and riding from thence accompanyed hym in|to the Citie,The Kings comming to London. whyche hee entred the fourth daye of Maye, the fyrſte and laſte yeare of hys raigne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But the Duke of Glouceſter bare hym in open ſyght ſo reuerently to the Prince, with all ſemblaunce of lowlyneſſe, that from the greate obloquie in whych he was ſo late before, he was ſuddaynely fallen in ſo greate truſt, that at the Counſayle nexte aſſembled, hee was made the onely man choſe and thought moſt meete,The protec|tour made. to be Protector of the King and hys Realme, ſo (that were it deſtenie or were it follie) the lambe was betaken to the wolfe to keepe. At whych Coun|ſayle alſo, the Archebyſhoppe of Yorke Chaun|cellour of Englande whyche hadde deliuered by the greate ſeale to the Queene, was thereof greately reprooued, and the Seale taken from hym, and deliuered to Doctor Ruſſell By|ſhoppe of Lincolne, a wiſe men and a good,The Biſhop of Lincolne made Lorde Chancellour. and of muche experience, and one of the beſte learned menne vndoubtedly that England had in hys tyme. Diuers Lordes and Knyghtes were appoynted vnto diuers roomes. The Lord Chamberlayne and ſome other kepte ſtill theyr offices that they had before.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 EEBO page image 1364Now all were it ſo that the Protector ſo ſore thirſted for the furniſhing of that hee hadde be|gunne, that thoughte euerye daye a yeare, till it were atchieued, yet durſt he no further attempte, as long as hee hadde but halfe his pray in hys hande: well witting, that if he depoſed the one brother, all the Realme woulde fall to the to|ther, if hee eyther remayned in Sanctuarie, or ſhoulde happely bee ſhortlye conueyd to hys fa|thers libertie. Wherefore incontinent at the next meeting of the Lordes at the Counſaile, he pro|poſed vnto them, that it was a haynous deede of the Queene,The protec|tors orations. and proceeding of great malice towarde the Kings Counſailers, that ſhe ſhould keepe in Sanctuarie the kings brother frõ hym, whoſe ſpeciall pleaſure and comforte were to haue his brother with him. And that by hir done to none other intente, but to bring all the Lords in obloquie, and murmure of the people. As though they were not to be truſted with y^e kings brother, that by the aſſente of the Nobles of the land, were appoynted as the kings neereſt friẽds, to the tuition of his owne royall perſon. The proſperitie whereof ſtandeth (quoth he) not all in keeping from enimies, or ill vyande, but partlye alſo in recreation, and moderate pleaſure: which hee cannot in this tender youth, take in the com|panie of auncient perſons, but in the familiar cõ|uerſacion of thoſe that be neyther farre vnder, nor farre aboue his age. And naytheleſſe of eſtate cõ|uenient to accompanie his noble maieſtie, wher|fore with whome rather, than with hys owne brother? And if any man thinke this conſidera|tion (whiche I thinke no man thinketh that lo|ueth the King) let him conſider, that ſometyme without ſmall thinges, greater cannot ſtande. And verily, it redoundeth greately to the diſho|nor both of the Kinges highneſſe, and of all vs that bene about his grace, to haue it runne in e|uery mans mouth, not in this Realme only, but alſo in other lands (as euill wordes walke farre) that the kings brother ſhoulde bee fayne to keepe Sanctuarie. For euery man will weene, that no man will ſo do for naught. And ſuch euil opini|on once faſtned in mens heartes, harde it is to wraſt out, and may growe to more griefe than any man can heere deuine. Wherefore me thyn|keth it were not worſt to ſende vnto y^e Queene, for the redreſſe of this matter, ſome honorable truſtie man, ſuche as both tendereth the Kynges wealt, and the honour of his counſayle, and is alſo in fauoure and credence with hir. For all whiche conſiderations, none ſeemeth mee more meetely, than our reuerende father heere preſent, my Lorde Cardinall, who maye in this matter doe moſt good of any man, if it pleaſe him to take the payne, whiche I doubte not of hys goodneſſe he will not refuſe for the Kyngs ſake and ours, and wealth of the yong Duke himſelf, the kings moſt honorable brother, and after my ſouerai [...] Lorde hymſelfe, my moſte deere nephewe, con|ſidered that thereby ſhall be ceaſſed the ſlaunde|rous rumor and obloquie nowe goyng, and the hurtes auoyded that thereof myghte enſue, and muche reſt and quiete growe to all the Realme. And if ſhe bee percaſe ſo obſtinate, and ſo preciſelie ſette vppon hir owne will, that ney|ther hys wiſe and faythfull aduertiſemente, can+not moue hir, nor anye mans reaſon contente hir: then ſhall we by myne aduice, by the kyngs authoritie, fetche hym out of that priſon, and bryng him to his noble preſence, in whoſe con|tinuall companie, hee ſhall be ſo well cheriſhed and ſo honorablie intreated, that all the worlde ſhall to our honor and hir reproche perceyue, that it was only malice, frowardneſſe, or follie, that cauſed hir to keepe him there: this is my mynde in this matter for this time, except any of youre Lordſhippes any thing perceyue to the contraiſe, for neuer ſhall I by Goddes grace ſo wedde my ſelfe to myne owne will, but that I ſhall be rea|die to change it vpon your better aduiſes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 When the Protector hadde ſayde, all the Counſayle affirmed, that the motion was good and reaſonable, and to the King and the Duke his brother, honorable, and a thing that ſhoulde ceaſſe great murmure in the Realme, if y^e mo|ther mighte be by good meanes enduced to dely|uer him. Which thing the Archbiſhop of Yorke, whome they all agreed alſo to bee thereto moſt conueniente, tooke vppon hym to moue hir, and therein to doe his vttermoſt deuoire. Howbeit, if ſhe could be in no wiſe intreated with hir good will to deliuer him, then thought he, and ſuch o|ther as were of the Spiritualtie preſente, that it were not in anye wiſe to bee attempted to take him out againſt hir wil. For it would be a thing that ſhould turne to the great grudge of all men,Sanctuary. and high diſpleaſure of God, if the priuiledge of that holy place ſhoulde nowe be broken, whyche had ſo manie yeares be kept, whiche both Kings and Popes ſo good had graunted, ſo many hadde confirmed, and whiche holy grounde was more than fyue hundred yeares agoe by S. Peter in his owne perſon in ſpirite accompanyed, with great multitude of Angels by nighte, ſo ſpecial|ly halowed, and dedicate to God (for the pri [...]t whereof, they haue yet in the Abbey Saynt Pe|ters Cope to ſhew) that from that time hy [...]|ward, was there neuer ſo vndeuout a King, that durſt that ſacred place violate, or ſo holy a By|ſhop, that durſt it preſume to conſecrate. And therefore (quoth the Archebyſhop of Yorke) God forbid that any man ſhuld for any thing earth|ly enterpriſe to breake the immunitie and libertie of y^e ſacred Sanctuarie, that hath bin y^e ſafegard EEBO page image 1365 of ſo many a good mans life and I will (quoth hee) with Goddes grace, wee ſhall not neede it. But for any manner neede, I would not we ſhoulde doe it. I truſt that ſhee ſhall bee with reaſon contented, and all thynges in good ma|ner obteyned. And if it happen that I bryng it not ſo to paſſe, yet ſhall I towarde it ſo farre|foorth doe my beſt, that yee ſhall all well per|ceyue, that no lacke of my deuoire, but the mo|thers dread and womaniſhe feare, ſhall bee the lette. Womaniſhe feare, naye womaniſhe fro|wardeneſſe (quoth the Duke of Buckyngham) For I dare take it vpon my ſoule, ſhe well kno|weth ſhee needeth no ſuche thyng to feare, ey|ther for hir ſonne or for hir ſelfe. For as for hir, heere is no man that will be at warre with wo|men. Woulde God ſome of the men of hir kinne, were women too, and then ſhoulde all be ſonne in reſt. Howheit, there is none of hir kynne the leſſe loued, for that they hee hir kynne, but for there owne euill deſeruing. And natheleſſe, if we loued neither hir nor hir kinne, yet were there no cauſe to thynke that we ſhould hate the kings noble brother, to whoſe Grace, we once ſelfe bee of kynne. Whoſe honoure, if ſhe as muche deſi|red as our diſhonoure, and as muche regarde tooke to hys wealthe, as to hir owne will, ſhee woulde hee as loth to ſuffer hym from the King, as any of vs he. For yf yee haue anye witte, (as woulde God ſhee had as good will as ſhee hathe ſhrewde witte) ſhe reckoneth his ſelfe no wiſer, than ſhee thynketh ſome that be heere, of whoſe faythfull mynde, ſhee nothyng doubteth, but verily beleeueth and knoweth, that they would bee as ſorie of hys harme as hir ſelfe, and yet woulde haue hym from hir if ſhee hyde there: And we all I thynke) content, that both he with hir, if ſhee come thence and byde in ſuche place where they may with theyr honour be.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Nowe then if ſhee refuſe in the deliueraunce of him, to followe the reconſaile of them, whoſe wiſedome ſhee knoweth, whoſe trueth ſhe well truſteth is ethe to perceyue, that frowardneſſe letteth hir, and not feare. But go to ſuppoſe that ſhe feare (as who may lette hir to feare hir owne ſhadowe) the more ſhee feareth to deliuer hym, the more ought we feare to leaue him in hir [...]ãd [...] For if ſhee caſt ſuch fond doubtes, that ſhe feare his hurt: then will ſhe feare that he ſhall bee ſette thence. For ſhe will ſoone thynke, that if menne were ſette (whych God forbidde) vpon ſo greate a miſchiefe, the Sainctuarie woulde little lette them: which good menne myghte as me thyn|keth, without ſinne, ſomewhat leſſe regard than they doe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Nowe then, if she doubte, least hee myghte be fetched from hir, is it not lykely ynough that she shal send hym some where out of the realme? Verily I looke for none other. And I doubte not, but shee nowe as sore myndeth it, as we the lette thereof. And if shee mighte happen to bryng that to passe, (as it were no greate maistrie, wee letting hir alone) all the worlde woulde saye that we were a wise sorte of Counsailers aboute a Kyng, that lette his brother be cast away vnder our noses. And therefore, I ensure you faythfully for my mynde, I will rather maugre hir minde, fetch him away, then leaue him there, till hir frowardnesse and fonde feare conuay him away. And yet will I breake no Sainctuarie therefore. For verily, sith the priueleges of that place and other lyke, haue bene of long continued, I am not hee that woulde be about to breake them. And in good fayth, if they were now to beginne, I woulde not be he that shoulde be about to make them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Yet will I not say naye, Of Sãctuarles. but that it is a deede of pitie, that such menne as the Sea, or their euill dettours haue broughte in pouertie, shoulde haue some place of libertie, to keepe theyr cruell creditours.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And also, if the Crowne happen (as it hathe done) to come in question, whyle eyther parte taketh other as Traytors, I will well there be come places of refuge for both.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But as for theeues, of whyche, these places bee full, and whyche neuer fall from the crafte, after they once fall thereto, it is pitie the Sanctuarie shoulde serue them. And much more, ma(n)quellers, whome GOD bade to take from the Aulter and kyll them, if theyr murther were wilfull. And where it is otherwise, there neede wee not the Sanctuaries that God appoynted in the olde lawe. For if eyther necessitie, hys owne defence, or misfortune draweth hym to that deede, a pardon serueth, whiche eyther the lawe graunteth of course, or the King of pittie maye.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then looke me nowe howe fewe Sanctuarie me(n) there be, whom any fauourable necessitie co(m)pelled to goe thyther. And then see on the tother syde, what a sort, there be commonly therein of them, whome wilfull vnthriftinesse hathe brought to naught.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 What a rabble of theeues, murtherers, and malitious heynous Traytors, and that in two places specially. The tone at the elbowe of the Citie, the tother in the verye bowelles. I dare well auowe it, way the good that they doe, Weſtminſter and Saint Mertina. with the hurte that commeth of them, and yee shall fynde it muche better to lacke both, than haue bothe. And thys I saye, although they were not abused as they nowe bee, and so long haue bee, that I feare me euer they will bee, whyle menne be afrayde to sette their hands to the EEBO page image 1366 the mendmente, as though God and Saincte Peter, were the patrones of vngratious lyuing.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The abuſe of Sanctuaries.Nowe vnthriftes riote, and runne in debte, vpon the boldneſſe of theſe places, yea, and rich men runne thither with poore mens goodes, there they buylde, there they ſpende, and blode theyr creditors goe whiſtle them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Mens wines runne thyther with theyr huſ|bandes plate, and ſaye, they dare not abyde with theyr huſbands for beating.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theeues bring thither theyr ſtollen goodes, and there lyue thereon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 There deuiſe they newe robberies, nightelie they ſteale out, they robbe, and rea [...]e, and kyll, and come in agayne, as though thoſe places gaue them not onely a ſauegarde for the harme they haue done, but a licence alſo to doe more. Howbeit, much of thys miſchiefe if wiſe menne would ſette theyr handes to it, might be amen|ded, with great thankes of God, and no breathe of the priuiledge.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The reſidue, ſith ſo long agoe I wore neere what Pope, and what Prince more piteous than politike, hathe graunted it, and other men, ſince of a certayne religious feare, haue not broken it, [...]ete vs take a payne therewith, and lette it a Goddes name ſt [...]de in force, as farre forthe as reaſon will, whych is not fully ſo farre forthe, as maye ſerue to lette vs of the fetching forthe of thys noble man, to hys honor and wealthe, out of that place, in whyche hee neyther is, nor can be a Sanctuarie man.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 A Sanctuarie ſerueth alway to defende the bodye of that man that ſtandeth in daunger a|broade, not of greate hurte onely, but alſo of lawfull hurte, for agaynſte vnlawfull harmes, neuer Pope nor Kyng intended to priuiledge any one place, for that priuiledge hathe euerye place: knoweth anye man, anye place, where|in it is lawefull one manne to doe another wrong?

Compare 1587 edition: 1 That no man vnlawfully take hurte, that lybertie, the Kyng, the lawe, and verye na|ture, forbyddeth in euery place, and maketh to that regarde, for euery man euery place a San|ctuarie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But where a man is by lawfull meanes in perill, there needeth he the tuicion of ſome ſpeciall priuiledge, whyche is the onely grounde and cauſe of all Sanctuaries: from whyche neceſſi|tie, thys noble Prince is farre, whoſe loue to hys Kyng, nature and kindred proueth, whoſe innocencie to all the worlde, his tender youth proueth, and ſo Sanctuarie, as for hym, ney|ther none he needeth, nor alſo none can haue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Men come not to Sanctuarie, as they come to Baptiſme, to require it by theyr Godfathers, he muſt aſke it himſelfe, that muſt haue it, [...] reaſon, ſith no man hathe cauſe to haue it, but whoſe conſcience of his owne fault maketh him fayne, neede to require it, what will then [...] yonder babe? whyche and if hee hadde diſcre|tion to require it, if neede were, I dare ſaye woulde nowe bee ryght angrie with them that keepe hym there: and I would thynke without anye ſcruple of conſcience, withoute any brea [...] of priuiledge, to bee ſomewhat more hounly with them that be there Sanctuarie menne in|deede.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 For if one goe to Sanctuarie with [...]|ther mans goodes, why ſhoulde not the Kyng, leauing his bodye at libertie, ſatiſfie the partie of hys goodes, euen within the Sanctuarie for neyther Kyng nor Pope can gyue any place ſuche a priuiledge, that it ſhall diſcharge a man of his debtes, beeyng able to pay: and with that, dyuers of the Cleargie that were preſente, whyther they ſayde it for hys plea [...]e, or as they thought, agreed playnelye, thirty the lawe of God and of the Churche, the goodes of a Sanctuarie man ſhoulde be deſyue|red in paymente of hys debtes, and [...] goodes to the owner, and onely lybertie teſ [...]|ued hym to gette hys liuing with the laboure of hys handes, verilye (quoth the Duke) I thynke you ſay very trueth, and what if a mans wife will take Sanctuarie, bycauſe ſhee [...] to runne from hir huſbande, I woulde w [...] if ſhee coulde alledge none other cauſe, hee maye lawfully, withoute anye diſpleaſure to [...] Peter, take hir out of Sainte Peters [...] by the arme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And if no bodye maye bee taken out of San|ctuarie, that ſayeth hee will byde there, then if a childe will take Sanctuarie, bycauſe he feareth to goe to Schole, hys maiſter muſt lette him alone.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And as ſimple as that ſample is, yet is there leſſe reaſon in our caſe than in that, for there|in, though it bee a childiſhe feare, yet is there, at the leaſtwiſe ſome feare, and heerein to there none at all. And verily, I haue often hearde of Sanctuarie menne, but I neuce hearde earle of Sanctuarie children.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And therefore, as for the concluſion of my mynde, who ſo maye haue deſerued to neede if, if they thynke it for theyr ſuretie, let them keepe it.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But hee can bee no Sanctuarie man, that neyther hathe wiſedome to deſire it, nor malice to deſerue it, whoſe life or libertie, can by no lawfull proceſſe ſtande in ieoperdie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And hee that taketh one out of Sanctuarie to doe hym good, I ſaye playnely, that hee breaketh no Sanctuarie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 EEBO page image 1367When the Duke hadde done, the Tempo|rall menne whole, and a good parte of the ſpi|rituall alſo, thynkyng no hurte earthely, meant towarde the yong babe, condiſcended in effect, that if hee were not delyuered, hee ſhoulde bet fetched.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Howbeit, they thoughte it all beſt, in the a|uoydyng of all manner of rumor, that the Lord Cardinall ſhoulde fyrſte aſſay to gette hym with hir good will.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And therevppon, all the Counſayle came vnto the Starre Chamber at Weſtminſter, and the Lorde Cardinall, leauing the Pro|tector with the Counſayle in the Starre Chamber, departed into the Sanctuarie to the Queene, with dyuers other Lordes with hym, were it for the reſpect of hys honoure, or that ſhee ſhoulde by preſence of ſo manye perceyue, that thys errande was not one mans mynde: or were it, for that the protect or in|tended not in thys matter, to truſt anye one manne alone, or elſe, that if ſhee finallye were determined to keepe hym, ſome of that com|panie hadde happily ſecrete inſtruction incon|tinente, mangre hir mynde, to take hym, and to leaue hir no reſpite to conuey hym, whyche ſhe was lykelye to mynde after thys matter, bro|ken to hir, if hir time woulde in any wiſe ſerue hir.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Queene, and theſe Lordes were come togyther in preſence, the Lorde Cardinall ſhewed vnto hir, that it was thou|ghte vnto the protector, and vnto the whole Counſayle, that hir keepyng of the Kynges brother in that place, was the thyng, whyche highlye ſounded, not onely to the greate ru|mour of the people and theyr obloquie, but alſo to the importable griefe and diſpleaſure of the Kynges royall maieſtie, to whoſe grace it were as ſingular comforte, to haue hys naturall brother in companye, as it was their bothe diſhonoure, and all theyrs and hirs alſo, to ſuffer hym in Sanctuarie, as though the one brother ſtoode in daunger and perill of the tother.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And hee ſhewed hir, that the Counſayle therefore hadde ſente hym vnto hir, to require hir the deliuerie of hym, that hee myghte be broughte vnto the Kynges preſence at hys ly|bertie, out of that place, whyche they recko|ned as a priſon, and there ſhoulde hee bee de|meaned, accordyng to hys eſtate, and ſhee in thys doyng, ſhoulde both doe greate good to the Realme, pleaſure to the Counſayle, and profite to hir ſelfe, ſuccoure to hir friendes that were in diſtreſſe, and ouer that (whyche hee wiſt well ſhee ſpecially tendered,) not one|ly greate comforte and honor to the Kyng, but alſo to the yong Duke hymſelfe, whoſe both greate wealthe it were to bee together, as well for many greater cauſes, as alſo for theyr both diſporte, and decreation: whyche thyng, the Lorde eſteemed no ſlighte,Protector. though it ſeeme lyghte, well pondering that their youth without recreation and playe, cannot endure, nor anye ſtraunger, for the conuenience of their both ages and eſtates, ſo meerely in that pointe for any of them, as eyther of them for o|ther.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 My Lorde (quoth the Queene) I ſaye not naye, but that it were very conueniente,The Queenes aunſwere. that thys Gentleman whome yee require were in companye of the Kyng hys brother: and in good faythe, mee thynketh it were as greate commoditie to them bothe, as for yet awhile, to beene in the cuſtodie of theyr mother, the tender age conſidered of the elder of them both, but ſpecially, the yonger, which beſydes hys infancie, that alſo needeth good lookyng to [...], hathe awhyle beene ſo ſore diſeaſed, vexed wyth ſickneſſe, and is ſo newly rather a little amended, than well recouered, that I dare putte no perſone earthely in truſt wyth hys keepyng, but my ſelfe onely, conſideryng that there is (as Phiſitians ſaye) and as wee alſo fynde, double the perill in the recidina|tion, that was in the fyrſte ſickneſſe, with whyche diſeaſe, Nature beeyng ſore labou|red, foreweeried and weakened, war [...] the leſſe able to beare out & ſuſteine a newe ſur|fette.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And albeeit there myghte bee founden other that woulde happely doe theyr beſte vnto hym, yet is there none that eyther knoweth better howe to order hym, than I that ſo long haue kepte hym: or is more tenderlye lyke to che|ryſhe hym, than hys owne mother that bare hym.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 No manne denyeth, good Madame, (quod the Cardinall) but that youre grace were of all folke moſte neceſſary aboute your chyldren and ſo woulde all the Counſell not onely bee con|tente, but gladde that ye were, if it myghte ſtande wyth youre pleaſure to bee in ſuche place as myghte ſtande wyth theyr honoure. But yf you doe appoynte youre ſelfe to tarry heere, then thynke they it more conuenyente that the Duke of Yorke were wyth the King honourably at hys lybertye to the coumforte of them bothe: then heere as a Sanctuarye manne, to their bothe diſhonour and obloquie, ſithe there is not alwaye ſo greate neceſſy|tie to haue the Chylde to bee with the Mother: but that occaſion maye ſometime be ſuche, that EEBO page image 1367 it ſhoulde be more expediente to keepe hym elſe where, whyche in thys well appeareth, that at ſuche time as youre deereſt ſonne then Prince, and nowe Kyng, ſhoulde for hys honor, and good order of the Countrey, keepe houſholde in Wales, farre out of your company: youre grace was well contente therewith youre ſelfe. Not very well contente quoth the Queene: And yet the caſe is not lyke, for the tone was then in healthe, and the tother is nowe ſicke: In whi|che caſe, I maruell greately, that my Lord pro|tector is ſo deſirous to haue hym in his keeping, where if the childe in hys ſickneſſe miſcarried by nature, yet myghte hee runne into flaunder and ſuſpition of fraude. And where they call it a thing ſo ſore agaynſte my childes honor, and theyrs alſo, that he bydeth in this place: it is all theyr honors there to ſuffer hym byde, where no man doubteth he ſhall bee beſt kepte, and that is heere, whyle I am heere, which as yet intende not to come forth, and ieobarde my ſelfe after o|ther of my friendes, whiche woulde God were rather heere in ſuretie with me, than I were there in ieoperdie with them. Why Madame (quoth another Lorde) knowe you anye thyng why they ſhoulde be in ieoperdie? Nay verily ſir quoth ſhee, nor why they ſhoulde bee in priſon neyther, as they nowe bee. But it is I trow, no greate maruell though I feare, leaſt thoſe that haue not letted to put them in dureſſe withoute couloure, will let as little to procure theyr de|ſtruction without cauſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 The Cardinall made a countenaunce to the other Lorde, that hee ſhoulde harp no more vpon that ſtring, and then ſaid he to the Quene, that he nothyng doubted, but that thoſe Lordes of hir honorable kynne, whyche as yet remay|ned vnder arreſt, ſhoulde vppon the matter exa|mined, doe well ynough: and as towarde hir no|ble perſon, neyther was, nor could be any man|ner ieoperdy. Whereby ſhoulde I truſt that (quoth the Queene) in that I am giltleſſe? as though they were giltie, in that I am with theyr enimies better loued than they? when they hate them for my ſake, in that I am ſo neere of kynne to the King? and howe farre they be of, if that would helpe, as God ſende grace it hurt not, and therefore as for me, I purpoſe not as yet, to de|part hence. And as for thys Gentleman my ſonne, I mynde that hee ſhall bee where I am, tyll I ſee further: for I aſſure you, for that I ſee ſome menne ſo greedie, without any ſubſtan|tiall cauſe to haue hym, thys maketh me much the more fearder to delyuer hym. Truely madame, quoth hee, and the fearder that you bee ſo deliuer hym, the fearder bin other menne to ſuffer you to keepe him, leaſt your cauſeleſſe feare myghte cauſe you farther to conuey him, and many bee there that thynke he can haue no pri|uiledge in thys place, whiche neyther [...] will to aſke it, nor malice to deſerue it, and therefore, they recken no priuiledge broken, though they fetche hym out, whyche if yet f [...]+nally refuſe to delyuer hym, I verily thynke they will. So muche dread hathe my Lorde hys Vncle, for the tender loue hee beareth him, leaſt your grace ſhould hap to ſend him away.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 A Syr (quod the Queene) hath the Protector ſo tender zeale,The Queene. that hee feareth nothyng but leaſte, hee ſhoulde eſcape hym? Thy [...]keth hee that I woulde ſende hym hence, whyche neyther is in the plyghte to ſende oute and [...] what place coulde I recken hym ſure, if hee [...] not ſure in thys Sanctuarie? whereof was [...] neuer Tyraunt yet ſo diuellyſhe that durſte pre|ſume to breake. And I truſte God is as ſtrong nowe to withſtande hys aduerſaries, as euer he was.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But my foure can deſerue no Sanctua|rye, and therefore he can not haue it. For [...] hee hathe founden a goodlye gloſe, by whyche that place that may: defende a Theefe, maye not ſaue an Innocente. But hee is in no ieo|padye, nor hathe no neede, thereof, wolde God hee hadde not. Troweth the Protecture (I praye GOD hee maye proue a Protectoure) troweth hee that I perceyue not where vnto hys paynted proceſſe draweth? It is not honoura|ble that the Duke byde heere: It were comfor|table for them both, that hee were wyth hys bro|ther, bycauſe the Kyng lacketh a play fellowe bee ye ſure. I praye God ſende them bothe bet|ter playfellowes than hym, that maketh ſo [...] a matter vppon ſuche a tryfelyng proceede: [...] thoughe there coulde none bee founden to playe wyth the Kyng, but if hys brother that hath [...] luſte to playe for ſickeneſſe, come out of ſanctua|rye out of hys ſafegarde to playe with hym: As though princes as yõg as they be, could not play but with their peeres, or children coulde not play but with their kinred, with whom for the more parte they agree much woorſe than withſtran|gers.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But the chylde can not requyre the priui|ledge, who told him ſo, he ſhal heare him aſk it, & he wil. Howbeit this is a gay matter, ſuppoſe he coulde not aſke it, ſuppoſe he woulde not aſke it, ſuppoſe he woulde aſke to goe oute, if I ſay he ſhall not, if I aſke the priuiledge but for my ſelfe, I ſay he that agaynſt my will taketh him oute, breaketh the Sanctuarie. Serueth this libertie for my perſon onely, or for my goodes [...] Ye may not hence take my horſe fro me: and maye you take my childe fro me? He is alſo my ward: EEBO page image 1369 for as my learned counſaile ſheweth me, ſithe hee hath nothing by diſſent holden by knightes ſer|uice, the lawe maketh his mother his gardaine. Then may no man I ſuppoſe take my warde fro me out of Sanctuarie, without the breache of the Sanctuarie. And if my priuiledge coulde not ſerue him, nor be aſke it for himſelfe, yet ſith the lawe committeth to me the cuſtodie of him, I may require it for him, except the law giue a child a gardaine onely for his goodes and landes, diſ|charging him of the cure and ſafekeeping of hys bodie, for whiche onely both landes and goodes ſerue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 [...] that is [...] betwene [...] marke * [...]d it is marke [...] wit| [...] by him in [...]gliſh but is [...]ed out [...] this Hiſtory which he [...] [...]a [...]en.And if examples be ſufficient to obteyne pri|uiledge for my childe, I neede not farre to ſeeke. For in this place in which we now be (and which is nowe in queſtion whether my childe may take benefite of it) mine other ſonne nowe king was borne, and kept in his Cradle, and preſerued to a more proſperous fortune, which I pray God lõg to continue. And as all you know, this is not the firſt time that I haue taken Sanctuarie. For when my Lord my huſbande was baniſhed, and thruſt out of hys kingdome, I fled hither, beeing great with childe, and here I bare the Prince. And when my Lorde my huſbande returned ſafe againe, and had the victorie, then went I hence to welcome him home, & from hence I brought my babe the Prince vnto his father, when he firſt tooke him in his armes. And I pray God that my ſonnes palace may bee as great ſauegarde vnto him now raigning, as this place was ſometyme to the kings enimie. In which place I intende to keepe his brother ſithe. &c. Wherefore here intende I to keepe him, ſince mans law ſerueth the gardaine to keepe the infant. The law of na|ture will the mother keepe hir childe, Gods lawe priuiledgeth the Sanctuarie, and the Sanctuarie my ſonne, ſithe I feare to put him in the Protec|tors handes that hath his brother alreadie, and were (if both fayled) inheritor to the crowne. The cauſe of my feare hath no man to do to examine. And yet feare I no farther than the lawe feareth, which as learned men tell me, forbiddeth euerye man the cuſtodie of them, by whoſe death he may inherite leſſe lande than a kingdome. I can no more, but whoſoeuer he be that breaketh this ho|ly Sanctuarie, I pray God ſhortly ſende him neede of Sanctuarie, when hee may not come to it. For taken out of Sanctuarie would I not my mortall enimie were.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Lorde Cardinall perceyuing that the Queene waxed euer the longer the farther off, and alſo that ſhe began to kindle and chafe, and ſpake more byting wordes agaynſt the Protec|tor, and ſuch as he neither beleeued, and was alſo loth to heare, he ſayd to hir for a finall concluſion, that he would no longer diſpute the matter: but if ſhe were content to deliuer the duke to him, and to the other Lordes preſent, he durſt lay his owne bodie and ſoule both in pledge, not onely for hys ſuretie but alſo for his [...]ſtate. And if ſhe woulde giue [...] [...]re anſwere to the contrarie, hee woulde forthwith depart therewithall, and ſhyfte who ſo woulde with this buſineſſe afterwardes, for hee neuer intended more to moue hir in that matter, in which ſhe thought that he and al other alſo ſaue hirſelfe lacked eyther wit or truth. Wit if they were ſo bull that they coulde nothing per|ceyue what the Protector intended: truth if they ſhould procure hee ſonne to be deliuered into hys handes, in whom they ſhoulde perceyue towarde the childe any euill intended.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 The Queene with theſe wordes ſtood a good while in a greate ſtudie. And foraſmuche as hir ſeemed the Cardinall more readie to depart than ſome of the remnant, and the Protector himſelfe readie at hande, ſo that ſhee verily thought ſhee coulde not keepe him there, but that he ſhould in|continent bee taken thence: and to conuey hym elſe where, neyther had ſhe time to ſerue hir, nor place determined, nor perſõs appointed, al things vnredie, this meſſage came on hir ſo ſodainly, no|thing leſſe looking for, than to haue him ſet out of Sancturie, which ſhe thought to be now beſet in ſuch places about, that he could not be conueyed out vntaken, and partly as ſhee thought it myght fortune, hir feare to bee falſe, ſo well ſhe wyſſe it was eyther needleſſe or bootleſſe: wherefore if ſhe ſhould needes go from him, ſhe deemed it beſt to deliuer him. And ouer that, of the Cardinalles fayth ſhee nothing doubted, nor of ſome other Lordes neyther, whom ſhe there ſawe. Whiche as ſhe feared leaſt they might be deceyued: ſo was ſhe well aſſured they woulde not bee corrupted: then thought ſhee it ſhoulde yet make them the more warely to looke to him, and the more cir|cumſpectly to ſee to his ſurety, if ſhe with hir own handes betooke him to them of truſt. And at the laſt ſhe tooke the yong duke by the hande, & ſayde vnto the Lordes: My Lordes (quoth ſhee) and all my Lordes, I neyther am ſo vnwyſe to myſtruſte youre wyttes, nor ſo ſuſpitious to myſtruſt your truthes: Of which thing I pur|poſe to make you ſuche a proofe, as if eyther of both lacked in you, myghte turne bothe mee to greate ſorowe, the Realme to muche harme, and you to great reproch. For we, heere is (quoth ſhe) thys Gentleman, whome I doubt not, but I coulde heere keepe ſafe, if I woulde, whatſoe|uer anye man ſaye: and I doubte not alſo, but there bee ſome abrode ſo deadly enimies vnto my bloud, that if they wyſt where any of it laye in theyr owne bodie, they would let it out. Wee haue alſo experience that the deſire of a kingdom knoweth no kindred. The brother hath beene the EEBO page image 1370 brothers bane: and may the nephewes be ſure of theyr vncle? Eche of theſe children is the others defence while they be aſunder, and eche of theyr liues lieth in the others bodie. Keepe one ſafe and both be ſure, and nothing for them both more pe|rillous, than to be both in one place. For what wiſe Marchant aduentureth all his goodes in one ſhip? All this notwithſtanding, here I deliuer him, and his brother in him, to keepe, into youre handes, of whom I ſhall aſke thẽ both afore god and the world. Faythfull ye be that wore I well, and I know well you be wiſe. Power & ſtrength to kepe him if you liſt, neither lack ye of your ſelf, nor can lacke helpe in this cauſe. And if ye can|not elſe where, then may you leaue him here. But only one thing I beſeech you, for the truſt which his father put in you euer, & for y^e truſt that I put in you nowe, that as farre as yee thinke that I feare too muche, be you well ware that you feare not as farre too little. And therewithall ſhe ſayde vnto the childe, fare well mine owne ſweete ſon, God ſend you good keeping: let me kiſſe you yet once ere you goe, for God knoweth when wee ſhall kiſſe togither agayne. And therwith ſhe kiſ|ſed him, and bleſſed him, turned hir backe & wept, and went hir way, leauing the childe weeping as faſte.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Lorde Cardinall, and theſe other Lordes with him, had receyued this yong duke, they brought him into the ſtarre Chamber, where the Protector tooke him in his armes, and kiſſed him,O diſsimula|tion. with theſe wordes: now welcome my Lord euen with all my very heart. And he ſayd in that of likelyhoode as he thought. Therevpon forth|with they brought him vnto the king his brother, into the Biſhoppes Palace at Poules, and from thence throughe the Citie honourably into the Tower, out of the which after that day they ne|uer came abrode.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 This that is heere betwene this marke * and t [...]s marke * was not writ|ten by him in engliſh b [...]t is tranſlated out of this Hiſtory which he wrot in Latten. When the Protector had both the children in his handes, he opened himſelfe more boldely, both to certaine other men, and alſo chiefly to the duke of Buckingham. Although I knowe that many thought that this duke was priuy to al the Protectors counſaile, euen from the beginning, and ſome of the Protectors friends ſayde, that the duke was the firſt mouer of the Protector to this matter, ſending a priuie meſſenger vnto hym, ſtreight after king Edwards death. But other a|gaine which knew better the ſubtil wit of the pro|tector, denie that he euer opened his enterpriſe to the duke, vntill he had brought to paſſe the things before rehearſed. But when hee had impryſoned the Queenes kinſfolkes, and gotten both hir ſonnes into his owne handes, then he opened the reſt of his purpoſe with leſſe feare to them whõ he thought meet for the matter, and ſpecially to the duke, who being woon to his purpoſe, he thought his ſtrength more than halfe [...].

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The matter was broken vnto the duke [...] till folkes, and ſuch as were their craftmaiſt [...] in the handling of ſuch wicked deuiſes [...] who de|clared vnto him that the yong king was [...] with him for hys kinſfolkes ſake and if hee [...] euer able he would [...]nge them. Who w [...]t pricke him forwarde therevnto if they [...] they would remember their impriſonmẽt) or [...] if they were put to death, without doubt the yong king woulde bee carefull for their deathes, whoſe impriſonment was grieuous vnto him. And that with repenting the duke ſhoulde nothing auaile, for there was no way left to redeeme his offence by benefites, but he ſhoulde ſooner deſtroy hym|ſelfe than ſaue the king, who with his brother and his kinſfolkes he ſawe in ſuch places impriſones, as the Protectour myghte wyth a backe deſtroye them all: and that it were no doubt but he would doe it in deede, if there were any newe enterpriſe attempted.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And that it was likely, that as the Protec|tour had prouided priuie garde for himſelfe, ſo hadde hee ſpyalles for the Duke, and traynes to catche him, if hee ſhoulde be agaynſte hym, and that peraduenture from them, whome hee leaſte ſuſpected. For the ſtate of things and the diſpo|ſitions of men were then ſuch, that a man coulde not well tell whom he might truſt, or whome he might feare.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe things and ſuch like, beyng beaten in|to the Dukes mynde, brought him to that point that where hee had repented the way that he had entred, yet woulde he goe forth in the ſame, and ſince he had once begoonne, he would ſtoutely go through. And therefore to this wicked enterpriſe which he beleeued coulde not be voyded, he bent himſelfe, and went through and determined, that ſince the common miſchiefe coulde not be amen|ded, he would turne it as much as he might to his owne commoditie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then it was agreed, that the Protector ſhould haue the Dukes ayde to make him king, and that the Protectors onely lawfull ſonne ſhould mary the Dukes daughter, and that the Protectour ſhould graunt him the quiet poſſeſſion of the erle|dome of Hertford, which he claymed as his inhe|ritaunce, and could neuer obteyne it in king Ed|wardes tyme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Beſides theſe requeſtes of the Duke, the Pro|tector of his owne minde promiſed him a greate quantitie of the kings treaſure, and of his houſe|holde ſtuffe. And when they were thus at a point betwene themſelues, they went about to prepare for the coronation of the yong king as they wold haue it ſeme. And that they might turne both the eies & minds of men frõ perceyuing of their drifts otherwhere, the lords being ſent for frõ all partes EEBO page image 1371 of the Realme, came thicke to that ſolemnitie. But the Protectour and the Duke af [...] that, that they had ſent the Lorde Cardinal, the Arch|biſhop of Yorke then Lorde Chauncellour, the Biſhop of Elie, the Lorde Stanley, and the lord Haſtings then Lorde Chamberlaine, with ma|ny other noble men to common and deuiſe aboute the coronation in one place, as faſt were they in another place, contriuing the con|trarie, and to make the Protector King. To which Councell, albeit there were adhibited very few, and they were ſecrete: yet began there here and there aboute, ſome maner of muttering a|mong the people, as though all ſhould not long he well, though they neyther wyſte what they feared, nor whefore, were it that before ſuch great things mens hearts of a ſecrete inſtinct of nature miſgiue them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 As the ſea without wind ſwelleth of himſelf ſometime before a tempeſt: or were it that ſome one man happily ſomewhat perceyuing filled many men with ſuſpition, though hee ſhewed fewe men what hee knew. Howheit ſomewhat the dealing it ſelf made men to muſe on the mat|ter, though the Councell were cloſe. For by little and little, all folke withdrewe from the Tower, and drewe to Croſbies in Biſhops gates ſtreet, where the Protector kept his houſhold. The pro|tectour had the reſort, the King in manner de|ſolate.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While ſome for theyr buſineſſe made ſute to them that had the doing, ſome were by theyr friendes ſecretely wanted, that it might happily turne them to no good, to bee too much atten|dante about the King wythout the Protectors appoyntment, whiche remoued alſo diuerſe of the princes olde ſeruants from him, and ſet new about him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Thus many things comming togyther, part|ly by chance, partly of purpoſe, cauſed at length not common people onely, that wound with the winde, but wiſe men alſo, and ſome Lordes [...]e to marke the matter, and muſe there [...] ſo farre forth, that the Lorde Stanley that was after Earle of Darby, wiſely miſtruſted it, and ſayde vnto the Lorde Haſtings, that he muche miſly|ked theſe two ſeuerall Councels. For while wee [...]oth hee) talke of one matter in the [...]a place, little wote wee, whereof they talke in the tother place. My Lorde, (quoth the Lorde Haſt [...]gs) on my life neuer doubt you: for while one man is there, which is neuer thence, ne [...]er can there he thing once moued, that ſhoulde ſounde amiſſe towarde me, but it ſhoulde hee in na [...]e euery ere it were well out of their mouthes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Ca [...]by.This ment he by Cateſby, which was of hys neare ſecrete counſaile, and whome he verie fa|miliarly vſed, and in his moſt weightie [...] matters put no man in ſo ſpecial truſt, riche thing himſelfe to no man ſo liefe, fithe hee well wyſt there was no man ſo muche to him beholden as was thys Cateſbie, which was a man well learned in the lawes of this lande, and by the ſpeciall honour of the Lorde Chamberlayne, in good authoritie, and much rule bare in all the Countie of Leyceſter, where the Lorde Chamberleynes power chiefely laye.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But ſurely greate pitie was it, y^t hee had not had eyther more truth or leſſe wit. For his diſſi|mulation onely, kept all that miſchiefe vp. In whome if the Lorde Haſtings, hadde not put ſo ſpeciall truſt, the Lorde Stanley and he had de|parted with dyuerſe other Lordes, and broken all the daunce, for many yll ſignes that he ſawe, which he nowe conſtrues all to the beſt. So ſure|ly thought he, that there coulde be none ha [...]e to|ward him in that Councell intended, where Ca|teſhie was.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And of truth the Protectour, and the Duke of Buthingham, made verie good ſemblaunce vnto the Lord Haſtings, and kept him much in companie. And vndoubtedly, the Protector loued him well, and loth was to haue loſt him, ſauing for feare leaſt his lyfe ſhoulde haue quayled their purpoſe. For which cauſe he mooued Cateſbie to proue with ſome words caſt out a farre off, whe|ther he coulde thinke it poſſible to win the Lorde Haſtings vnto their part. But Cateſbie whether he aſſayed him, or aſſayed him not, reported vn|to them, that he found him ſo faſt, and heard him ſpeake ſo terrible wordes, that hee dueſt no fur|ther breake.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And of truth the Lorde Chamberlaine of ve|rie truſt ſhewed vnto Cateſbie the diſtruſt that o|ther beganne to haue in the matter. And therfore hee fearing leaſt theyr motion mighte with the Lorde Haſtings [...]niſhe his credence, where vn|to onely all the matter leaned, procured the Pro|tector haſtily to rid him. And muche the rather, for that he truſted by his death to obteyne muche of the rule that the Lorde Haſtinges ha [...] in his Countrey the onely deſire whereof was the allectiue that induced hym to bee partner and one ſpeciall contriuer of all thys horrible treaſon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Wherevpon ſoone after,Thirtenth of Iune. that is to wit on the Fryday the [...] day of [...] many Lordes aſſembled in the Tower, and their ſ [...]te in Coun|cell, d [...]uiſhing the honourable ſolemnitie of the Kings Coronation, of which the tyme appoyn|ted then to neare approached, that the pa [...]antes and ſubtiltyes to ere [...] king, daye and night at Weſtminſter, and much vytayle killed there|fore, that afterwarde was caſt away.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe Lordes ſo ſitting togither co [...]ning of this matter, the Protector came in amongſt EEBO page image 1372 them, firſt about .ix. of the clocke, ſaluting them courteouſly, and excuſing himſelfe that hee had beene from them ſo long, ſaying merily [...] had bene a ſleeper that day.

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Compare 1587 edition: 1 And after a little talking with them, he ſayde vnto the Biſhop of Elie: My Lorde you haue very good Strawberies at your Garden in Hol|borne, I require you let vs haue a meſſe of them. Gladly my Lorde (quoth he) woulde God I had ſome better thing as readie to youre pleaſure as that. And therewith in all the haſte hee ſent hys ſeruant for a meſſe of Strawberies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Protectour ſet the Lordes faſt in com|muning, and therevpon praying them to ſpare him for a little while, departed thence. And ſoone after one houre, betweene tenne and eleuen he re|turned into the Chamber among them al, chan|ged with a wonderful ſoure angrie countenance, knitting the browes, frowning and fretting, and gnawyng on his lyppes, and ſo ſatte hym downe in his place, all the Lordes muche diſ|mayde and ſore marueyling of this maner of ſo|daine chaunge, and what thing ſhould him ayle. Then, when he had ſitten ſtill a while, thus he be|ganne: What were they worthie to haue that compaſſe and ymagine the deſtruction of me, be|ing ſo nere of bloud vnto the king, and Protector of his royal perſon and his realme? At this queſti|on, al the Lordes ſat ſore aſtonied, muſing much by whom this queſtion ſhould be ment, of whiche euery man wyſt himſelfe cleare.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then the Lorde Chamberlaine as he that for the loue betwene them thought he might bee bol|deſt with him, aunſwered and ſayde, that they were worthie to be puniſhed as heynous traitors, whatſoeuer they were. And all the other affyr|med the ſame. That is quoth he yonder ſorcereſſe my brothers wife, and other with hir, meaning the Queene.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 At theſe wordes manye of the other Lordes were greatly abaſhed, that fauoured hir, But the Lord Haſtings was in his minde [...] content, y^t it was moued by hir, thã by any other whõ he loued better: Albeit his heart ſo [...]w [...] grudged, that he was not afore made of [...] in this matter, as he was of the taking of hir [...]|red, and of their putting to death, which were by his aſſent before, deuiſed to be beheaded at Pon [...]|fret this ſelfe ſame day, in which he was not ware that it was by other deuiſed, that himſelfe ſh [...] be beheaded the ſame day at London. Then ſayd the Protector, ye ſhall all ſee in what wiſe t [...] ſorcereſſe, and that other Witche of hir cou [...] Shores wife with their affinitie, haue by theyr ſor [...]erſe and witchcraft waſted my bodie. [...]ad therewith he plucked vp his dubled ſleeue to hys elbow vpõ his left arme, where he ſhewed a [...]|riſh withered arme, and ſmall, as it was neuer o|ther. And therevpon euery mans minde ſore miſ|gaue them, well perceyuing that this [...] was but a quarell. For they well wy [...] [...] Queene was too wiſe to goe aboute anye [...] folly. And alſo if ſhee woulde, yet woulde [...]e [...] of all folke leaſt, make Shores wiſe of [...]o [...]u [...], whome of all women ſhee moſte hated, [...] Concubine whom the king hir huſband had [...] loued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And alſo, no man was there preſent but well knewe that his arme was euer ſuche ſince hys byrth. Naytheleſſe the Lorde Cha [...] [...] (whiche fro the death of King Edwarde [...] Shores wyfe, on whome hee ſomewhat [...] in the Kings lyfe, ſauing (as it is ſayd) he, [...]ha [...] while forbare hir of reuerence Edwarde the [...] or elſe of a certayne kynd of fidelitie to his [...]) aunſwered and ſayde: certainlye my Lorde, if they haue ſo heynouſly done, they be worthie [...]|nous puniſhment.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 EEBO page image 1373What (quoth the Protectour) thou ſerueſt me I wene wyth iffes and wyth andes, I tell thee they haue ſo done, and that I will make good on thy bodie traytour: and therewith as in a greate anger, he clapped his fyſt vpon the bourd a great rappe. At which token giuen, one cried treaſon withoute the Chamber. Therewith a doore clapped, and in come there ruſhing men in harneſſe, as many as the chamber myght holde. And anone the Protectour ſayd to the Lord Ha|ſtings: I arreſt thee Traytour: What mee my Lorde? (quoth he) yea thee traytour quoth the Protector. And another let flie at the Lorde Stanley,The Lord Stã| [...] [...]eded. whiche ſhrunke at the ſtroke, and fell vnder the Table, or elſe his heade had beene cleft to the teeth: for as ſhortly as he ſhranke, yet came the bloud about his eares. Then were they all quickly beſtowed in diuerſe Chambers, except the Lorde Chamberlaine, whome the Protectour hade ſpeede and ſhrine him apace, for by Saint Paule (quoth hee) I will not to dinner till I ſee thy head off.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 It booted him not to aſke why, but heauily tooke a prieſt at auenture, and made a ſhort ſhrift for a longer would not be ſuffered, the Protector made ſo much haſt to dinner, which hee myghte not goe to, till this were done, for ſauing of hys othe. So was hee brought forth into the greene beſide the Chappell within the Tower, and hys heade layd downe vpon a long logge of tymber, and there ſtryken off, and afterwarde his bodie with the heade enterred at Windſore beſyde the bodie of king Edwarde, whoſe both ſoules oure Lorde pardon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 A marueylous caſe is it to heare eyther the warnings of that he ſhoulde haue voyded, or the tokens of that hee coulde not voyde, for the ſelfe night next before his death, the Lorde Stanley ſent a truſtie ſecrete Meſſenger vnto him at mid|night in all the haſt, requyring him to riſe and ryde away with hym, for hee was diſpoſed vtter|lye no longer to byde, hee hadde ſo fearefull a dreame, [...] Lorde [...]deyt [...]e. in whiche him thought that a Boare with his tuſkes ſo raſed them both by the heades, that the bloud ranne about both theyr ſhoulders. And foraſmuch as the Protector gaue the Boare for his cogniſaunce, this dreame made ſo feare|full an impreſſion in his heart, y^e he was through|ly determined no lõger to tarie, but had his horſe readie, if the Lorde Haſtings would go with him to ride yet ſo farre the ſame night, that they ſhuld be out of daunger ere day. Ha good Lorde (quoth y^e Lord Haſtings to this meſſenger) leaneth my Lorde thy maiſter ſo much to ſuch tryfles, and hath ſuch fayth in dreames, whiche eyther hys owne feare fantaſteth, or doe ryſe in the nyghtes reſt by reaſon of his day thoughtes? Tell hym it is plaine witchcraft to beleue in ſuch dreames, whiche if they were tokens of things to come, why thinketh he not that we might bee as lykely to make them true by our goyng, if wee were caughte and brought backe (as friends fayle fleers) for then had the Boare a cauſe likely to race vs wyth hys Tuſkes, as folke that [...]de for ſome falſehoode, wherefore eyther is there no perill, nor none there is in deede: or if any bee, it is rather in going than byding. And if wee ſhould needes coſt fall in perill one way or other, yet hadde I lieffer that manne ſhoulde ſee that it were by other mennes falſehoode, than thinke it were eyther by our owne faulte, or faynt heart. And therefore go to thy maiſter man, and com|mende mee to him, and pray him be merie and haue no feare: for I enſure him I am as ſure of the man that he woteth of, as I am of mine own hande. God ſend grace ſir, quoth the meſſenger, and went his way.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Certaine is it alſo, that in ryding towardes the Tower the ſame morning in which he was beheaded, hys Horſe twiſe or thriſe ſtumbled wyth him, almoſt to the falling, which thing al|beit eche man wote wel dayly happeneth to them to whome no ſuch myſchaunce is towarde, yet hath it beene of an olde ryte and cuſtome, obſer|ued as a token oftentymes notably foregoyng ſome great miſfortune.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Nowe this that followeth was no warning but an enuious ſkorne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The ſame morning ere hee was vp, came a knight vnto him, as it were of courteſie, to ac|companie him to the Councell, but of truth ſent by the Protectour to haſt him thitherwards, with whom he was of ſecret confederacie in that purpoſe, a meane man at that time, and nowe of great authoritie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This knight when it happed the Lord Chã|berlayne by the way to ſtay his horſe, and com|mane a while wyth a Prieſt whome he mette in the Tower ſtreete, brake his tale, and ſayde me|rily to him, what my Lord I pray you come on, whereto talke you ſo long wyth that Prieſt, you haue no neede of a Prieſt yet: and therewyth hee laughed vpon him, as though he would ſay, ye ſhall haue ſoone. But ſo little wyſt the to|ther what he ment, and ſo little miſtruſted, that he was neuer mery [...]r, nor neuer ſo [...]ll of good hope in his lyfe, which ſelfe thing is [...] a ſigne of chaunge. But I ſhall rather ſet anye thing paſſe me, than the vaine ſuretie of mannes minde ſo neare his death.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Vpon the verie Tower Wharfe, ſo neare the place where his head was off ſoone after, there met he with one Haſtings a P [...]rſeuaunt of his owne name. And of theyr meeting in that place, hee was put in remembraunce of another tyme, in whiche it had happened them before to meete in EEBO page image 1374 like maner togither in the ſame place. At which other time the Lorde chamberlaine had beene ac|cuſed vnto King Edwarde by the Lorde Ry|uers the Queenes brother, in ſuche wiſe as hee was for the while (but it laſted not long) farre fallen into the kings indignation, and ſtoode in great feare of himſelfe. And foraſmuche as hee now met this Purſeuaunt in the ſame place that ieopardie ſo well paſſed, it gaue him great plea|ſure to talke with him thereof, wyth whome he hadde before talked thereof in the ſame place, while he was therein. And therefore he ſayd: Ah Haſtings art thou remembred when I met thee here once with an heauie heart? Yea my Lorde, (quoth he) that remember I well, and thanked bee God, they gat no good, nor you no harme thereby. Thou wouldeſt ſay ſo (quoth hee) if thou kneweſt as much as I knowe, which few know elſe as yet, and mo ſhall ſhortly. That ment hee by the Lordes of the Queenes kyndred that were taken before, and ſhould that day be beheaded at Pomfret: which he well wyſt, but nothing ware that the Axe hung ouer his owne heade. In fayth man (quoth he) I was neuer ſo ſorie, nor neuer ſtoode in ſo greate dreade in my lyfe, as I did when thou and I mette here. And lo howe the worlde is turned, nowe ſtand mine enimyes in the daunger (as thou mayeſt happe to heare more hereafter) and I neuer in my lyfe ſo mery, nor neuer in ſo great ſuretie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 O good God the blindneſſe of our mortal na|ture, when he moſt feared, he was in good ſuretie, when hee reckened himſelfe ſureſt he loſt his life, and that within two houres after.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The diſcriptiõ of the Lord HaſtingsThus ended this honourable man, a good Knight and a gentle, of greate authoritie wyth his Prince, of lyuing ſomewhat diſſolute, plaine and open to his enimie, and ſecrete to hys friend, eaſie to beguile, as he that of good heart and cou|rage foreſtudied no perilles, a louyng man and paſſing well beloued: verie faythfull and truſtie ynough, truſting too much.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Nowe flewe the fame of this Lordes death ſwiftly through the Citie, and ſo foorth further a|bout like a wynde in euerie mans eare.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But the Protector immediately after dinner, entending to ſette ſome colour vpon the matter, ſent in all the haſt for many ſubſtantiall men out of the Citie into the Tower. And at theyr com|ming, himſelfe with the Duke of Buckingham, ſtoode harneſſed in olde yll faring Bryganders, ſuche as no man ſhoulde wene that they woulde vouchſafe to haue put vpon theyr backes, except that ſome ſodaine neceſſitie had conſtrayned thẽ.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And then the Protector ſhewed them, that the Lorde Chamberlayne and other of his con|ſpiracie had contriued to haue ſodainly deſtroyed him, and the Duke there the ſame day in the coũ|cell. And what they intended further was as yet not well knowne. Of whiche their treaſon hee neuer had knowledge before tenne of the clocke the ſame forenoone, whiche ſodaine feare dra [...] them to put on for theyr defence ſuch harneſſe as came next to hande. And ſo had God holpen thẽ, that the miſchiefe turned vpon them that would haue done it. And this hee requyred them to re|port.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Euery man aunſwered him fayre, as though no man miſtruſted the matter, which of troth no man beleeued. Yet for the further appeaſing of|the peoples mynde, hee ſent immediately after dinner in all the haſte, one Heraulte of Armes,The protec [...] Procla [...] with a Proclamation to be made through the ci|tie in the kings name, conteyning that the Lord Haſtings with diuers other of his traiterous pur|poſe, had before conſpired the ſame day, to haue ſlaine the Lorde Protectour, and the Duke of Buckingham, ſitting in the Councell, and after to haue taken vpon them to rule the king, and the Realme at theyr pleaſure, and thereby to pill and ſpoyle whome they lyſte vncontrolled. And much matter there was in that proclamation, de|uiſed to the ſlaunder of the Lorde Chamberlain, as that hee was an euill Counſailer to the kings father, intiſing him to manye things highly re|dounding to the miniſhing of his honour, and to the vniuerſall hurt of his realme by his euil com|pany, ſiniſter procuring, & vngracious enſample, as well in many other things, as in the vicious liuing and inordinate abuſion of his bodie, both with many other, & alſo ſpecially with Shores wife, which was one alſo of his moſt ſecret coun|ſaile of this heynous treaſon, with whome he lay nightly, and namely the night laſt paſt next be|fore his death, ſo that it was the leſſe maruaile, if vngracious liuing brought him to an vnhappie ending, which he was now put vnto, by the moſt dread commaundement of the kings highneſſe, and of his honourable and faythfull counſayle, both for his demerits being ſo openly taken in his falſly conceyued treaſon, and alſo leaſt the delay|ing of his extention, myght haue encouraged o|ther miſchieuous perſons partners of his conſpi|racie, to gather and aſſemble themſelues togither, in making ſome greate commotion for his dely|uerance: whoſe hope now being by his well de|ſerued death, politikely repreſſed, all the realme ſhould by Gods grace, reſt in good quiet & peace.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Now was this Proclamation made within two houres after that he was beheaded, & it was ſo curiouſly indited, and ſo faire written in par [...]h|ment, in ſo wel a ſet hand, & therwith of it ſelfe ſo long a proces, y^t euery childe might well perceiue that it was prepared before. For all the tyme be|twene his death & the proclayming, could ſcant haue ſufficed vnto the hare writing alone, all had EEBO page image 1375 it bene but in Paper, and ſcribled forth in haſte at aduenture. So that vpon the proclayming there|of, one that was ſchoolmaiſter of Pauls of [...]a [...]e ſtanding by, and comparing the ſhortneſſe of the time with the length of the matter, ſayd vnto them y^t ſtood about him, here is a gay goodly eaſt, foule caſt away for haſte: and a marchant aun|ſwered him, that it was written by prophecie. Now then by and by, as it were for anger, not for couetiſe, the Protectour ſent into the houſe of Shores wife (for hir huſbande dwelled not with hir) and ſpoyled hir of all that euer ſhe had, aboue the value of two or three thouſand mark, and ſent hir bodie to priſon. And when he had a while layd vnto hir (for the maner ſake) that ſhe went about to bewitch him, and that ſhe was of coũſaile with the Lorde Chamberlaine to deſtroy him: in con|cluſion when that no colour coulde faſten vpon theſe matters, then hee layde heynouſly to hir charge, that thing that hir ſelfe coulde not denie, that all the world wyſt was true, and that nay|theleſſe euerie man laughed at, to heare it then ſo ſodainly, ſo highly taken, that ſhe was naught of hir bodie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And for this cauſe (as a goodlye continent prince, cleane and faultleſſe of himſelfe, ſent oute of heauen into this vicious world for the amend|ment of mens maners) he cauſed the Biſhop of London to put hir to open penance, going before the Croſſe in Proceſſion, vpon a Sunday wyth a Taper in hir hande. In whiche ſhee went in countenaunce and pace demure ſo womanlye, and albeit ſhe were out of all array ſaue hir kyr|tle onely, yet went ſhe ſo fayre and lonely, name|ly while the wondering of the people caſt a come|ly rudde in hir cheekes (of whiche ſhee before had moſt miſſe) that hir great ſhame wanne hir much prayſe, among thoſe that were more amorous of hir bodie, than curious of hir ſoule. And many good folk alſo that hated hir liuing, and glad were to ſee ſinne corrected: yet pityed they more hir pe|naunce, than reioyced therein, when they con|ſydered that the Protectour procured it, more of a corrupte intente, than any vertuous affec|tion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This woman was borne in London, wor|ſhipfully friended,The deſcripti| [...]n of Shores [...] honeſtly brought vp, and ve|rie well maryed, ſauing ſomewhat too ſoone, hir huſbande an honeſt Citizen, yong and godly and of good ſubſtaunce. But for aſmuche as they were coupled ere ſhe were well rype, ſhe not ve|rie feruently loued, for whome ſhee neuer lon|ged, which was happely the thing that the more eaſily made hir incline vnto the kings appetite, when hee required hir. Howbeit the reſpect of hys royaltie, the hope of gay apparell, eaſe, plea|ſure, and other wanton wealth, was able ſoone to pierſe a ſoft tender heart.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But when the King hadde abuſed hir, anon hir huſbande (as hee was an honeſt man, and are that coulde hys good, not preſuming to to [...]he a Kings Concubine) left hir vp to him al|togither.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the king died, the Lorde Chamber|laine looke hir, which in the kings dayes, albeit he was ſore enamoured vpon hir, yet he forbare hir, eyther for reuerence, or for a certaine friendlye faythfulneſſe, Proper ſhe was and fayre: nothing in hir bodie that you would haue chaunged, but if you would haue wiſhed hir ſomewhat higher.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Thus ſay they that knew hir in hir youth. Al|beit ſome that now ſee hir (for yet ſhe liueth) deme hir neuer to haue bene wel viſaged, whoſe iudge|ment ſeemeth me ſomewhat like, as though men ſhould geſſe the beautie of one long before depar|ted, by hir ſcalpe taken out of the charuell houſe: for now is ſhe old, leane, withered, and dryed vp, nothing left but riueld ſkinne and hard bone. And yet beeing euen ſuch: who ſo well aduiſe hir vy|ſage, myght geſſe and deuiſe, which partes how filled woulde make it a fayre face. Yet delyted not men ſo much in hir beautie as in hir pleaſant behauiour. For a proper wit had ſhe, and could both read well and write, merrie in companie, readie and quicke of aunſwer, neyther mute nor full of bable, ſomtime taunting without diſplea|ſure and not without diſport.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 The king would ſay that he had three concu|bines,King Edwarde three concu|bines. which in three dyuerſe properties diuerſly excelled. One the merieſt, another the wilyeſt, the thirde the holyeſt harlot in his realme, as one whome no man coulde gette out of the Churche lightly to any place, but it were to his bed. The other two were ſomewhat greater perſonages, & naytheleſſe of theyr humilitie cõtent to be name|leſſe, & to forbeare the prayſe of thoſe propertyes. But the merieſt was this Shores wife, in whom the King therefore tooke ſpeciall pleaſure. For many he hadde, but hir he loued, whoſe fauo [...]r to ſay the troth (for ſinne it were to velle the Di|uell) ſhee neuer abuſed to any mannes hurt, but to many a mannes comfort and reliefe on where the king tooke diſpleaſure ſhe woulde mitig [...] and appeaſe hys mynde: where men were out ſa|uour ſhee woulde bring them in hys gra [...]. For manye that had highly offended ſhee obteyned pardon. Of great forfeytures ſhe gat men re|miſſion. And finally, in many weightie ſuites ſhee ſtoode many men in great ſtea [...] t [...]her for none or verye ſmall rewardes, and theſe rather gaye than riche eyther for that ſhee was con|tent wyth the deede ſelfe well done, or for that ſhee delyted to bee ſued vnto, and to ſhewe what ſhee was able to doe wyth the King, or for that wanton women and welthie hee not al|wayes couetous.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 EEBO page image 1376I doubt not ſome ſhall thinke this woman to ſleight a thing to bee written of, and ſet among the remembraunces of greate matters: whiche they ſhall ſpecially thinke, that happily ſhall e|ſteeme hir onely by that they nowe ſee hir. But me ſeemeth the chaunce ſo muche the more wor|thie to be remembred, in howe much ſhe is nowe in the more beggerly condition, vnfriended and worne out of acquaintance, after good ſubſtance, after as great fauour with the Prince, after as great ſute and ſeeking to with al thoſe that thoſe dayes had buſineſſe to ſpeede, as many other men were in theyr tymes, which be now famous on|ly by the infamy of theyr yll deedes. Hir doyngs were not much leſſe, albeit they be much leſſe re|membred bicauſe they were not ſo euill. For men vſe if they haue an euill turne, to write it in mar|ble: and who ſo doeth vs a good turne, we write it in duſt, whiche is not worſt prooued by hir: for at this day ſhee beggeth of many at this day ly|uing, that at thys day had begged if ſhee had not beene.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Now was it ſo deuiſed by the Protector and his counſaile, that the ſelfe day in which the Lord Chamberlaine was beheaded in the Tower of London, and aboute the ſelfe ſame houſe, [...] there (not without his aſſent) beheaded at P [...]|fret, the fore remembred Lordes and Knightes that were taken from the King at Northamp|ton and Stonie Stratforde.Sir Richard Ratcliffe. Which thing was done in the preſence, and by the order of ſir Ry|charde Ratcliffe knight, whoſe ſeruice the Pro|tector ſpecially vſed in that Councell, and in the execution of ſuch lawleſſe enterpriſes, as a man that had beene long ſecrete with him, hauing ex|perience of the worlde, and a ſhrewde wit, ſhort and rude in ſpeech, rough and boyſteous of beha|uiour, bold in miſchief, as farre from pitie as from all feare of God.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This knight bringing them out of the priſon to the ſcaffolde, and ſhewing to the people aboute that they were traytors, not ſuffring them to de|clare and ſpeak their innocencie, leaſt their words might haue inclined men to pitie them, and to hate the Protector and his part:The Lord [...]+uers and o [...] beheaded. cauſed them ha|ſtily without iudgement, proces, or maner of or|der to be beheaded, & without other earthly g [...], but onely that they were good men, too true to the [figure appears here on page 1376] king, and too nigh to the Queene.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Nowe when the Lorde Chamberlaine and theſe other Lordes and knights were thus behea|ded and ridde out of the way: then thought the Protector, that while men muſed what the mat|ter ment, while the Lordes of the Realme were a|bout him out of their owne ſtrengthes; while no man wyſt what to thinke, nor whome to truſt, ere euer they ſhoulde haue ſpace to diſpute and diſgeſt the matter and make partyes, it were beſt haſtily to purſue his purpoſe, and put himſelfe in poſſeſſion of the Crowne, ere men coulde haue tyme to deuiſe any way to reſiſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But now was all the ſtudie by what meane this matter being of it ſelfe ſo heynous, might be firſt broken to the people, in ſuche wiſe that i [...] might be well taken.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 To this councell they tooke diuerſe, ſuche as they thought meetly to be truſted, likely to be [...]|duced to that part, and able to ſtãde them [...] eyther by power or policie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Among whom they made of counſaile. Ed|mond Shaa knight then Maior of London,Edmond Shaa Maior of Lon|don. whiche vpon truſt of his owne aduauncement, whereof hee was of a prowde heart highly [...]+rous, ſhould frame the Citie to theyr apre [...]. Of ſpirituall men they tooke ſuch as had wit, [...] were in authoritie among the people for op [...] of theyr learnyng, and hadde no ſcrupulous conſcience.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 EEBO page image 1377 [...] Shaa [...].Among theſe had they Iohn Shaa Clearke, brother to the Maior, and Frier Penker, prouin|ciall of the Auguſtine Friers both Doctors of di|uinitie, both great Preachers, both of more lear|ning than vertue, of more ſame than learning. For they were before greatly eſtemed among the people: but after that ne [...]er. Of theſe two the tone had a ſermon in prayſe of the Protector be|fore the coronation, the tother after, both ſo full of tedious flatterie, y^t no mãs eares could abide thẽ.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Penker in his ſermon ſo loſt his voyce, that he was fain to leaue off & come downe in the midſt. Doctor Shaa by his ſermon loſt his honeſtie, and ſoone after his life, for verie ſhame of the worlde, int [...] which he durſt neue [...]fter come a|brode. But the Frier forced for no ſhame, and ſo it harmed him the leſſe. Howbeit ſome doubt and many thinken, that Penker was not of counſaile of the matter before the coronation, but after the common maner fel to flatterie after: namely ſith his ſermon was not incontinent vpon it, but at S. Marie Hoſpitall at the Eaſter after. But cer|tain it is, that Doctor Shaa was of counſaile in the beginning, ſo farre forth that they determi|ned that hee ſhoulde firſt breake the matter in a Sermon at Paules Croſſe, in which he ſhoulde by the authoritie of his preaching, incline the peo|ple to the Protectors ghoſtly purpoſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But nowe was all the labour and ſtudie, in the deuiſe of ſome conuenient pretext, for which the people ſhoulde bee contente to depoſe the Prince, and accepte the Protectour for King. In whiche dyuerſe things they deuiſed. But the chiefe thing and the weightie of all that inuention, reſted in this that they ſhoulde alledge baſtardie, eyther in king Edwarde himſelfe, or in his children or both. So that he ſhould ſeeme diſ|abled to inherit the crowne, by the duke of York, and the prince by him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 To lay baſtardie in king Edwarde, ſowned openly to the rebuke of the Protectors owne mo|ther, which was mother to them both, for in that poynt could be none other coulour but to pretẽd that hys owne mother was one aduoutreſſe, which notwithſtanding, to further this purpoſe hee letted not: but naytheleſſe hee woulde that poynt ſhoulde bee leſſe and more fauourably handled: not euen fully playne and directlye, but that the matter ſhoulde bee touched aſlope craftily, as though men ſpared in that poynt to ſpeake all the trothe, for feare of hys diſpleaſure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But the other poynt concerning the baſtar|die that they deuiſed to ſurmiſe in king Edwards children, that woulde he ſhoulde be openly decla|red and inforced to the vttermoſt. The colour and pretext whereof, cannot bee well perceyued. But if we firſt repeate you ſome things long be|fore done about king Edwards mariage.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that King Edwarde the fourth had de|poſed king Henrie the ſixth, and was in peaceable poſſeſſion of the Realme, determining himſelfe to marrie as it was requiſit both for hymſelfe and for the Realme, hee ſe [...]te once in Ambaſ|ſade the Earle of Warwike, with other noble men in his companie vnto Spaine, to intecate and conclude a mariage betweene king Edward and the Kings daughter of Spaine. In which thing the Earle of Warwicke founde the par|ties ſo towarde and willing, that hee ſpeedilye according to his inſtructions wythout any dif|ficultie, brought y^e matter to verie good cõcluſion

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Now happened it, y^e in the mean ſeaſon there came to make a ſute by petition to the King Dame Elizabeth Gray,Dame Eliza|beth Gray. whiche was after hys Queene, at that time a Widowe, borne of no|ble bloud, ſpeciallye by hir mother, whiche was Duches of Bedforde, ere ſhee maryed the Lorde Woodfielde hir father. Howbeit this Dame Elizabeth hir ſelfe, being in ſeruice with Queene Margaret, wyfe vnto King Henrie the ſixth, was maryed vnto one [...] Graye an Eſ|quire, whome King Henrie made Knight,His name was Iohn Gray. Barnard heath by S. Albons. vpon the fielde that he hadde on [...] at [...] agaynſt King Edwarde. And little while en|ioyed he that knighthoode: for he was at the ſame field ſlaine.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After whiche done, and the Earle of War|wicke being in his Ambaſſade about the afore re|membred maryage, this poore Ladie made hum|ble ſute vnto the king, that ſhe myght be reſtored vnto ſuch ſmall landes as hir late huſbande had gyuen hir in ioynture. Whome when the King behelde, and heard hir ſpeake, as ſhee was both fayre and of a goodlye fauour, moderate of ſtature, well made, and verie wiſe: hee not one|ly pityed hir, but alſo waxed enamoured of hyr. And taking hir afterwarde ſecretely aſide, be|ganne to enter in talking more familiarlye.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Whoſe appetite when ſhe perceyued, ſhe vertu|ouſly denied him. But that did ſhee ſo wiſely, and with ſo good maner, and wordes ſo well ſet, that ſhee rather kyndled his deſyre than quen|ched it.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And finally, after many a meeting, muche wooyng, and many great promiſes, ſhe well e|ſpyed the Kings affection towarde hir ſo great|ly encreaſed, that ſhe durſt ſomewhat the more boldly ſay hir mynde, as to him whoſe heart ſhe perceiued more feruently ſet, than to fall off for a worde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And in concluſion, ſhee ſhewed him playne, that as ſhe wyſt hirſelfe to ſymple to be his wyfe, ſo thought ſhe hir ſelf too good to be his cõcubine. The King much marueyling at hir conſtancie, as hee that had not beene woont elſe where to be ſo ſtiffely ſayde nay, ſo much eſteemed hir con|tinencie EEBO page image 1378 and chaſtitie, that he ſet hir vertue in the ſtead of poſſeſſion and ryches, and thus taking counſaile of his deſire, determined in all poſſible haſt to mary hir.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And after hee was thus appoynted, and had betwene them twaine enſured hir: then aſked he counſaile of his other friendes, and that in ſuche maner, as they might then perceiue, it booted not greatly to ſay nay.The Kinges Mother Notwithſtanding the Du|ches of Yorke his mother was ſo ſore moued therwith, that ſhe diſſwaded the mariage aſmuch as ſhe poſſible might, alledging y^t it was his ho|nour, profite, and, ſuretie alſo, to marie in a noble progeney out of his realme, wherevpon depended greate ſtrength to his eſtate, by the affinitie and greate poſibilitie of encreaſe of his poſſeſſion. And that he coulde not well otherwiſe doe, ſtanding that the Earle of Warwike had ſo farre moued alreadie, which were not likely to take it well, if all his voyage were in ſuch wiſe fruſtrate, and his appoyntments deluded. And ſhe ſayde alſo, that it was not Princely to marie his owne ſubiect, no great occaſion leading therevnto, no poſſeſſi|ons, or other commodities depending therevpon, but onely as it were a riche man that would ma|rie his mayd, only for a little wanton dotage vp|pon hir perſon. In which mariage many mo cõ|mend the maidens fortune than the maſters wiſ|dome. And yet therein ſhe ſaide was more hone|ſtie than honor in this mariage. Foraſmuch as there is betwene no marchant and his own mayd ſo great difference, as betwene the king and this widow. In whoſe perſon, albeit there was no|thing to be miſlyked, yet was there (ſhe ſayd) no|thing ſo excellẽt but that it might be found in di|uerſe other that were more meetly (quoth ſhe) for your eſtate, and maydens alſo, whereas the on|ly wydowheade of Elizabeth Gray, though ſhee were in all other things conuenient for you, ſhould yet ſuffice as me ſeemeth to refrayne you from hir mariage, ſithe it is an vnſitting thing, & a verie blemiſh and highe diſparagement to the ſacred maieſtie of a Prince, that ought as nigh to approche prieſthoode in cleanneſſe as he doth in dignitie, to bee defouled with Bigamie in hys firſt mariage.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 The Kinges Anſwere to his mother.The king when his mother had ſayde, made hir anſwere, part in earneſt part in play merily, as he that wyſt himſelfe out of hir rule. And albe|it hee woulde gladly that ſhe ſhould take it well, yet was at a poynt in his owne minde, tooke ſhee it well or otherwiſe. Howbeit ſomewhat to ſa|tiſfie hir, he ſayde, that albeit maryage beeyng a ſpirituall thing, ought rather to bee made for the reſpect of God, where his grace enclineth the par|ties to loue togither, as he truſted it was in hys, than for the regarde of any temporall aduaun|tage: yet naytheleſſe, him ſeemed that this ma|riage euen worldly conſidered, was not [...] [...]|table. For he reckened y^e amity of no earthly [...]|tion ſo neceſſarie for him, as the friendſhip of his owne, whiche he thought likely to beate [...] [...] much the more haetie fauour, in that he diſ [...]ned not to mari [...] with one of his owne lande. And yet if outwarde alliance ware thought to requiſite, he woulde finde the meanes to [...]nte [...] therevnto, much better by other of his kinde, where all the partyes could be contented, then to mary himſelf whom he ſhould happely neuer loue, and for the poſſibilitie of more poſſeſſions, leaſe the fruite and pleaſure of this that hee had alreadie. For ſmall pleaſure taketh a man of all that euer he hath be|ſide, if he be wined agaynſt his appetite. And I doubt not (quoth he) but there be as yee ſay other, that be in euery poynt comparable with hir. And therefore I let not them that like them to wedde them. No more is it reaſon, that it miſtyke any man, that I mary whereit lyketh me. And I am ſure that my couſin of Warwike neither loueth me ſo litle, to grudge at that I loue, nor is to vn|reaſonable to looke that I ſhoulde in choyſe of a wife, rather be ruled by his rie, than by mine own: as though I were a warde that were bounde to marie by the appoyntment of a Gardaine. I woulde not bee a King wyth that condition, to forbeare mine owne libertie in choyſe of myne owne maryage. As for poſſibilitie of more in|heritaunce by newe affinitie in ſtraunge lands, is oft the occaſion of more trouble than profite. And we haue alredie tytle by that meanes, to ſo much as ſufficeth to get and keepe well in one mannes dayes. That ſhe is a Widow, and hath already childrẽ, by Gods bleſſed Ladie, I am a Bacheler and haue ſome to, and ſo eche of vs hath a proufe that neither of vs is like to bee barraine. And therefore (Madame) I pray you bee content, I truſt in God ſhe ſhall bring forth a yong Prince that ſhall pleaſe you. And as for y^e Bygamye, let the Biſhoppe hardly lay it in my way when I come to take orders. For I vnderſtande it is for|bidden a Prieſt, but I neuer wyſt it yet, that it was forbidden a Prince.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Duches with theſe wordes nothing ap|peaſed, and ſeeing the King ſo ſet thereon, that ſhee coulde not pull him backe, ſo highly ſhe diſ|deyned it, that vnder pretext of hir duetie to god|warde, ſhe deuiſed to diſturbe this mariage, and rather to helpe that hee ſhoulde marie one dame Elizabeth Lucie, whome the King had alſo not long before gotten with child. Wherfore y^e kings mother openly obiected agaynſt his maryage, as it were in diſcharge of hir conſcience, that the Kyng was ſure to Dame Elizabeth Lucy and hir huſband before God.Elizabeth Lucy. By reaſon of which wordes, ſuch obſtacle was made in the matter, that eyther the Biſhops durſt not, or the King EEBO page image 1379 woulde not proceede to the ſolemnization of this wedding, till theſe ſame were clearly purged, and the troth well and openly teſtified. Wherevpon dame Elizabeth Lucy was ſent for.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And albeit that ſhe was by the kings mother and many other put in good comfort, to affirme that ſhee was enſured vnto the king: yet when ſhee was ſolemnly ſworne to ſay the troth, ſhee confeſſed that they were neuer enſured. Howbeit ſhee ſayde his grace ſpake ſo louing wordes vnto hir, that ſhe verily hoped hee woulde haue maryed hir. And that if it had not beene for ſuch kinde wordes, ſhee woulde neuer haue ſhewed ſuche kindneſſe to him, to let him ſo kindly get hir with childe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This examination ſolemnly taken, when it was clearly perceyued that there was none im|pediment:The kinges marriage. the king with great feaſt and honou|rable ſolemnitie, maried dame Elizabeth Gray, and hir crowned Queene that was his enimyes wife, and many time had prayed full heartily for his loſſe, in which God loued hir better than to graunt hir hir bone.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But when the Erle of Warwike vnderſtood of this mariage, he toke it ſo highly that his Am|baſſade was deluded, that for very anger and diſ|daine, he at his returning aſſembled a great puiſ|ſance againſt the king, and came ſo faſt vpon him or he could be able to reſiſt, that he was faine to voyd the realme,The king fled and flee into Holland for ſuccor, where he remayned for the ſpace of two yeares, leauing his new wife in Weſtminſter in Sanc|tuarie,The place [...]e. where ſhe was deliuered of Edwarde the prince, of whom we before haue ſpoken. In which meane time the erle of Warwike toke out of pri|ſon,King H [...]o [...]e [...] on ſet vp and ſet vp againe king Henry the ſixt, which was before by king Edwarde depoſed, and that much what by the power of the Earle of War|wike whiche was a wiſe man, [...] the Erle of Warwicke. and a couragious warrior, and of ſuch ſtrength, what for his lands, his alliance, and fauour with all people, that hee made kings, and put downe kings almoſt at his pleaſure, and not impoſſible to haue atteyned it himſelfe, if he had not reckened it a greater thing to make a king than to be a king. But nothing laſteth alway: for in concluſion king Edwarde returned,The Erle of Warwick [...]. and with much leſſe number thã he had at Barnet on the Eaſterday field, fiue the rule of Warwike, with many other great eſtates of that partie, and ſo ſtably atteyned the crowne againe, that he peacably enioyed it vntill his dying day: and in ſuch plight left it, that it could not be loſt, but by the diſcorde of his verie friends, or falſe|hoode of his fayned friends. I haue rehearſed this buſineſſe about this mariage ſomewhat the more at length, bycauſe it might thereby the better ap|peare vppon how ſlipper a grounde the Protec|tor buylded his colour, by whiche he pretended king Edwards children to be baſtards. But that inuention ſimple as it was, it like them to whõ it ſufficed to haue ſomewhat to ſay, while they were ſure to be compelled to no larger proufe thã themſelfe lyſt to make.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Now then (as I began to ſhew you) it was by the protector & his counſaile concluded,Doctor Shaes Sermon. that this doctor Shaa ſhould in a ſermon at Paules croſſe ſignifie to the people, that neyther king Edward himſelfe, nor the Duke of Clarence, were lawful|ly begotten, nor were not the verie children of the duke of Yorke, but gotten vnlawfully by other perſons, by aduoutrie of the duches their mother. And that alſo dame Elizabeth Lucy was verily the wife of King Edwarde, and ſo the Prince and all his children baſtards, that were begotten vpon the Queene.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 According to this deuiſe doctor Shaa the ſun|day after, at Paules Croſſe in a greate audi|ence (as alwaye aſſembled greate number to his preaching) he tooke for his Theme Spuria vi|tulamina non agent radices altas. That is to ſay: Baſtarde ſlippes ſhall neuer take deepe roote. [figure appears here on page 1379] Therevpon when he had ſhewed the great grace that God giueth and ſecretely infundeth in right generation after the lawes of matrimonie, then declared he that commonly thoſe children lacked that grace, and for the puniſhment of their Pa|rents were for y^e more pait vnhappie, which were gottẽ in baſe, & ſpecially in aduouterie. Of which though ſome by the ignorance of the world & the truth hid from knowledge inherited for the ſeaſon other mens landes, yet God [...] ſo prouideth, that it con [...]th not in their bloud long, but the tenth cõming to light the rightfull inheritors be reſtored, & the haſtard ſlip vylled vp [...] it can be rooted d [...]e: And when he had laid for the proofe and confirmation of this [...] [...]|ples taken out of the old teſtament and other an|cient hiſtories. Then [...]gan he to diſcend into the prayſe of the Lorde Richarde late Duke of Yorke, calling him father to the Lord protector, EEBO page image 1380 and declared the title of his heyres vnto y^e crown, to whome it was after the death of king Henrie the ſixt entayled by authority of Parliamẽt. Thẽ ſhewed he that his verie ryght heyre of his bodye lawfully begotten was only the Lord Protector. For he declared then, that King Edwarde was neuer lawfully maryed vnto the Queene, but was before God huſband vnto Dame Elizabeth Lucie, and ſo his children baſtardes. And beſides that, neyther King Edwarde himſelfe, nor the Duke of Clarence, among thoſe that were ſecrete in the houſholde, were reckened verie ſurely for the children of the noble Duke, as thoſe that by theyr fauours more reſembled other knowne men than him. From whoſe vertuous cõditions he ſayd alſo that kyng Edwarde was farre off. But the Lorde Protectour hee ſayde, the verie noble Prince, the ſpeciall paterne of Knightly prowes, as well in all Princely behauior as in the lineaments and fauour of his viſage, repreſented the verie face of the noble Duke his father. This is, quoth he, the fathers owne figure, this is hys owne countenaunce, the verie print of his viſage, the ſure vndoubted Image, the plaine expreſſe likeneſſe of that noble duke.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 Nowe was it before deuyſed, that in the ſpeaking of theſe wordes, the Protector ſhoulde haue comen in among the people to the Sermon warde, to the ende that thoſe wordes meeting with his preſence, might haue bene taken among the hearers, as thoughe the holy ghoſt had put them in the preachers mouth, and ſhoulde haue moued the people euen ther to crie, king Richard, king Richarde, that it might haue beene after ſayde, that hee was ſpecially choſen by God and in maner by myracle. But this deuiſe quayled, eyther by the Protectors negligence or the Prea|chers ouermuch diligence. For while the Pro|tectour founde by the way tarying, leaſt he ſhould preuent thoſe wordes, and the Doctor fearing that he ſhoulde come ere hys Sermon coulde come to theſe wordes, haſted his matter thereto, he was come to them, and paſte them, and en|tred into other matters ere the Protector came. Whome when he behelde comming, he ſodainly left the matter with which he was in hande, and without any deduction therevnto, out of all order and out of all frame began to repeate thoſe words againe: this is the verye noble Prince, the ſpe|ciall patrone of knightly prowes, whiche as well in all princely behauiour, as in the liniaments & fauor of his viſage, repreſenteth the verie face of the noble duke of Yorke his father: this is the fa|thers owne figure, this his owne countenance, y^e very print of his viſage, the ſure vndoubted I|mage, the plaine expreſſe likeneſſe of the noble duke, whoſe remembrance can neuer die while he liueth. While theſe wordes were in ſpeaking, the Protector accõpanied with the duke of Buc|kingham, went through the people into the place where the doctors commonly ſtande in the vpper ſtorie, where he ſtood to hearken the ſermon. But the people were ſo farre fro crying king Richard,Preacher. that they ſtoode as they had beene turned into ſtones, for wonder of this ſhameful Sermon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After which once ended, the Preacher g [...] him home, and neuer after durſt looke out for ſhame, but kept him out of ſight like an Owle. And when hee once aſked one that had beene his olde friend what the people talked of him, all were it that his owne conſcience well ſhewed him that they talked no good, yet when the tother anſwe|red him, that there was in euery mannes mouth ſpoken of him muche ſhame, it ſo ſtroke him to the heart, that within few dayes after hee withe|red and conſumed away.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then on the Tueſday folowing this [...]on, there came into the yeeld hal in London the duke of Buckingham, accompanied with [...]e lords and knights, me than happily knewe the meſſage that they brought. And there in the E [...] [...] of the hal, where the Maior kepeth the Haſtings, the Maior & all the Aldermen being aſſembled a [...] him, all the cõmons of the Citie gathered before them: after ſilence cõmaunded vpon greate paine in the protectors name: the duke ſtood vp and (as he was neither vnlerned, and of nature mar [...]y|louſly well ſpoken) he ſayd vnto the people with a cleare and a loude voyce in this maner of wiſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

FRiends,The Duke of Bucking [...] Ora [...]. for the zeale and heartie fauour that we beare you, we be comẽ to break vnto you of a matter right great and weightie, and no leſſe weightie than pleaſing to God, and profitable to all the Realme: nor to no part of the Realme more profitable, than to you the Citizens of this noble Citie. For why, that thing that we wote wel ye haue long time lacked, and fore lõged for, that ye would haue giuen great good for, that ye would haue gone farre to fetche, that thing we be come hither to bring you without your labour, paine, coſt, aduenture or ieopardie. What thing is that? Certes the ſuretie of your owne bodies, the quiet of your wiues and your daughters, the ſafegarde of your goodes: of all which things in times paſt ye ſtood euermore in doubt. For who was there of you all, that would recken himſelfe lord of his owne good among ſo many grennes & traps as was ſet therfore, among ſo much pilling and polling, among ſo many taxes and [...]allages, of which there was neuer ende, & oftentimes no neede: or if any were, it rather grewe of ryot, and vnreaſonable waſt, than any neceſſary or honou|rable charge. So that there was dayly pilled fro good men and honeſt, great ſubſtance of goodes to be laſhed out among vnthrifts, ſo farre forth that fiftenes ſuffiſed not, nor anye vſuall names of EEBO page image 1381 knowne taxes: but vnder an eaſie name of bene|uolence and good will, the comiſſioners ſo much of euery man tooke, as no man coulde with hys good will haue giuen. As though that name of be|neuolence, had ſignified that euery man ſhoulde pay not what himſelfe of his owne good will liſt to graunt, but what the king of his good will lyſt to take. Which neuer aſked little, but euery thing was hawſed aboue the meaſure, amercimentes turned into fines, fiues into raunſoms, ſmal treſ|paſſe into miſpriſion, miſpriſion into treaſon. Whereof I thinke no man loketh that we ſhould remember you of examples by name, as though Burdet were forgotten, [...]. that was for a worde ſpokẽ in haſt cruelly beheaded, by the miſconſtru|ing of the lawes of this realme, for the Princes pleaſure:Markam. with no leſſe honour to Markam then chiefe Iuſtice, that left his office rather than hee woulde aſſent to that iudgement, than to the diſ|honeſtie of thoſe,Cooke. that ryther for feare or flatterie gaue that iudgement. What Cooke your owne worſhipfull neighbour, Alderman and Maior of this noble Citie, who is of you ſo eyther negli|gent that he knoweth not, or ſo forgetfull that he remembreth not, or ſo hard hearted that he pity|eth not, that worſhipful mans loſſe? what ſpeake we of loſſe? his vtter ſpoyle and vndeſerued de|ſtruction, onely for that it happed thoſe to fauour him whom the prince fauored not. We need not I ſuppoſe to rehearſe of theſe anye mo by name, ſith there bee (I doubt not) manye here preſent, that either in themſlues, or in their nigh friendes haue knowen as well their goods as their perſons greatly endaungered, eyther by feyned quarels, or ſmall matters agreeued with heynous names. And alſo there was no crime ſo great, of whiche there could lacke a pretext. For ſith the king pre|uenting the time of his inheritance attayned the crowne by battaile: it ſufficed in a riche man for a pretext of treaſon, to haue bin of kindred or al|liance neare familiaritie or lõger acquaintaunce with any of thoſe that were at any tyme y^e kings enimies, which was at one time and other, more than halfe the realme. Thus were neither your goods in ſurety, and yet they brought your bodies in ieopardie, beſide the common aduenture of opẽ warre, [...]e [...] warre. which albeit that it is euer the wil and oc|caſion of much miſchiefe, yet is it neuer ſo miſ|chieuous as where any people fall at diſtaunce a|mong thẽſelues, nor in none earthly nation ſo deadly and ſo peſtilent, as when it hapneth amõg vs: and among vs neuer ſo long continued diſ|ſention, nor ſo many battailes in that ſeaſon, nor ſo cruell and ſo deadly foughten as was in that kings days that dead is, God forgiue it his ſoule. In whoſe time, and by whoſe occaſion, what a|bout the getting of the garland, keeping it, lea|ſing, and winning againe, it hath coſt more Engliſh bloud, than hath twiſe the winning of Fraunce.Ciuill warre. In which inwarde warre among our ſelues, hath bene ſo great [...]uſion of the auncient noble bloud of this realme, that ſcarcely the halfe remayneth, to the great enfeebling of this noble land, beſide many a good towne ranſacked & ſpoi|led by them, that hath bene going to the fielde or comming from thence. And peace long after not much ſurer than warre. So that no time was therein which rich men for their money, & greate men for their lands, or ſome other for ſome feare, or ſome diſpleaſure were not out of perill. For whõ truſted he that miſtruſted his owne brother? whom ſpared he that killed his owne brother? or who could perfitely loue him, if his owne brother could not? What maner of folke he moſt fauored we ſhal for his honor ſpare to ſpeake of, howbeit this wote you well al, that who ſo was beſt, bare alway leaſt rule, and more ſute was in his dayes vnto Shores wife, a vile and an abhominable ſtrumpet, than to al the Lords in Englãd, except vnto thoſe y^t made hir their proctor, which ſimple woman was wel named & honeſt, till the king for his wanton luſt and ſinfull affection bereft hir frõ hir huſband, a right honeſt ſubſtantiall yong mã among you. And in that point, whiche in good fayth I am ſorie to ſpeake of, ſauing that it is in vaine to kepe in counſaile that thing that all men know, the kings greedie appetite was inſaciable, and euery where ouer all the realme intollerable. For no woman was there any where, yong or olde, riche or poore, whom he ſet his eye vpon, in whom he any thing lyked, eyther perſon or fa|uour, ſpeeche, pace, or countenaunce, but wyth|out any feare of god, or reſpect of his honor, mur|mure or grudge of the worlde, he woulde impor|tunely purſue his appetite, & haue hir, to the great deſtruction of many a good woman, and great dolor to their huſbande, and their other friendes, which being honeſt people of thẽſelues, ſo much regarde the cleanneſſe of their houſe, the chaſtitie of their wiues, and their children, that them were leauer to leaſe all that they haue beſyde, than to haue ſuche a villanye done them. And all were it that wyth thys and other importable dealyng the Realme was in euerye parte annoyed: yet ſpeciallye yee heere the City|zens of thys noble Citye, as well for that amongeſt you is moſte plentye of all ſuche things as myniſter matter to ſuche iniuryes, as for that you were neareſt at hande, ſithe that neare here about was commonly hys moſt abyding. And yet be ye the people whome he had as ſingular cauſe well and kindlye to entreate, as any parte of hys Realme, not onely for that the Prince by thys noble Citie,London the Kings eſpeci|al chamber. as hys eſpe|ciall Chamber, and the ſpeciall well renowmed Citie of hys Realme, muche honourable fame EEBO page image 1382 receyueth among all other Nations: but alſo for that ye not without your great coſt, and ſundrie perils and ieopardies in all his warres, bare euen your ſpeciall fauor to his part, which your kinde mindes borne to the houſe of Yorke, ſith hee hath nothing worthily acquited, there is of that houſe that nowe by Gods grace better ſhall, whiche thing to ſhewe you is the whole ſumme and ef|fect of this our preſente errande. It ſhall not I wote well, neede that I rehearſe you agayne, that ye haue alreadie hearde, of hym that can bet|ter tell it,, and of whome I am ſure ye will bet|ter beleeue it. And reaſon is that it ſo bee. I am not ſo prowde to looke therefore that yee ſhoulde recken my wordes of as greate authoritie as the Preachers of the worde of God, namely a man ſo cunning & ſo wiſe, that no man better woteth what hee ſhoulde ſaye, and thereto ſo good and vertuous, that hee woulde not ſaye the thyng whiche he wyſt he ſhoulde not ſaye, in the Pul|pet namely, into the which no honeſt man com|meth to lie, which honourable Preacher yee well remember ſubſtanciallye declared vnto you at Paules Croſſe, on Sunday laſt paſſed, the right and title, that the moſt excellent prince Richarde Duke of Glouceſter, nowe Protectour of thys Realme hath vnto the Crowne and kingdome of the ſame. For as the worſhipfull man groundly made open vnto you, the children of K. Edward the fourth, were neuer lawfully begotten, foraſ|muche as the king (leauing his verie wife Dame Elizabeth Lucy) was neuer lawfully maried vn|to the Queene their mother, whoſe bloud ſauing that be ſet his voluptuous pleaſure before his ho|nor, was full vnmeetly to bee matched with hys, and the mingling of whoſe blouds togither, hath beene the effuſion of great part of the noble bloud of this realme. Whereby it may well ſeeme the mariage not wel made, of which there is ſo much miſchiefe growne. For lacke of which lawful ac|coupling, and alſo of other things which the ſayd worſhipfull doctor rather ſignified than fully ex|playned, and which things ſhall not be ſpoken for me, as the thing wherin euery man forbeareth to ſay that hee knoweth in auoyding diſpleaſure of my noble Lord Protector, bearing as nature re|quireth a filiall reuerence to the Duches his mo|ther, for theſe cauſes I ſay before remẽbred, that is to wit, for lacke of other iſſue lawfully cõming of the late noble prince Richard duke of Yorke to whoſe royall bloud the Crowne of England and of Fraunce, is by the high authoritie of Parlia|men entayled, the right and title of the ſame, is by the iuſt courſe of enheritaunce according to the common lawes of this lande, deuolute and com|mon vnto the moſte excellent Prince the Lorde Protector, as to the very lawfully begottẽ ſon of the foreremembred noble duke of Yorke. Which thing well conſidered, and the greate knightlye prowes pondered, with manifolde vertues which in his noble perſon ſingularly abound, the nobles and commons alſo of this realme, and ſpeciallye of the north part, not willing any baſtarde bloud to haue the rule of the lande, nor the abuſions be|fore in the ſame vſed any longer to continue, haue cõdiſcended and fully determined to make hum|ble petition to the moſte puiſſaunte Prince the Lorde Protectour, that it may lyke his grace at our humble requeſt, to take vpon him the gui|ding and gouernaunce of this Realme, to the wealth and encreaſe of the ſame, according to his verie right and iuſt tytle. Which thing I wore it well, hee will bee loth to take vppon hym, as he whoſe wiſedome well perceyueth the labor and ſtudie both of minde and bodie, that ſhall come therewith, to whomeſoeuer ſo will occupie the rowme, as I dare ſay hee will if he take it. Which rowme I warne you well is no childes office. And that the great wiſe man well percey|ued, when he ſayd: Veh regno cuius rex puer eſt: VVo is that Realme that hath a childe to their king. Wherfore ſo much the more cauſe haue we to thanke God, that this noble perſonage which is ſo righteouſly intituled therevnto, is of ſo ſad age, and thereto ſo great wiſedome ioyned with ſo great experience, which albeit hee will hee loth (as I haue ſayd) to take it vpon him, yet ſhall be to our petition in that behalf the more graciouſly incline, if ye the worſhipfull Citizens of this the chiefe citie of this realm, ioyne with vs the nobles in our ſaide requeſt. Which for your owne weale we doubt not but ye wil: and natheleſſe I hartily pray you ſo to do, wherby you ſhal do great pro|fit to all this realme beſide, in chooſing thẽ ſo good a king, and vnto your ſelfe ſpecial commoditie, to whõ his maieſtie ſhal euer after bear ſo much the more tender fauor, in how much he ſhall perceiue you y^e more prone & beneuolẽtly minded toward his election. Wherin dere friends what mind you haue, we require you plainly to ſhew vs.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Duke had ſayde, and looked that the people whome he hoped that the Maior had fra|med before, ſhould after this propoſition made, haue cried king Richard, king Richarde, all was huſht and mute, and not one worde anſwe|red thervnto: wherwith y^e duke was maruellouſ|ly abaſhed, and taking the Maior nearer to hym, with other that were aboute him priuie to that matter, ſayde vnto them ſoftly, what meaneth this, that this people be ſo ſtill. Sir (quoth the Maior percaſe they perceyue you not well. That ſhall we mende (quoth he) if that will) helpe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And by and by ſomewhat lowder he rehear|ſed them the ſame matter agayne in other or|der and other wordes ſo well and ornatelye, and naytheleſſe ſo euidently and plaine, wyth EEBO page image 1383 voyce, geſture, and countenance ſo comly, and ſo conuenient, that euery man much maruelled that heard him, and thought that they neuer had in theyr liues heard ſo euill & tale ſo well tolde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But were it for wonder or feate, or that eche lookt that other ſhould ſpeake firſt: not one word was there aunſwered of all the people that ſtoode before, but all was as ſtill as the mydnight [...] not ſo muche as rowning amongeſt them by which they might ſeeme to commune what was beſt to doe. When the Maior ſawe this, hee with other partners of that Councell drew aboute the duke, and ſayde that the people had not beene accuſto|med there to be ſpoken vnto, but by the Recorder, which is the mouth of the Citie, and happily to him they will aunſwere. [...]r William [...] With that the Recor|der called Fitz William, a ſad man, and an ho|neſt, whiche was ſo newe come into that office that he neuer had ſpoken to the people before, and loth was with that matter to beginne, nor with|ſtanding, therevnto commaunded by the Maior, made rehearſall to the Commons of that the Duke had twiſe rehearſed them himſelfe. But the Recorder ſo tempered his tale, that he ſhewed e|uerie thing as the dukes wordes, and no part his owne. But all this noting, no chaunge made in the people, which alway after one, ſtoode as they had beene men amaſed, wherevpon the duke row|ned vnto the Maior and ſayd: this is a maruel|lous obſtinate ſilence, and therwith he turned vn|to the people again with theſe words. Dere friẽds we come to moue you to that thing which per|aduenture we not ſo greatly needed, but that the Lords of this realme, & the cõmons of other par|ties might haue ſufficed ſauing y^t wee ſuche loue beare you, & ſo much ſet by you, y^t we would not gladly do without you, that thing in which to be partners is your weale & honor, which as it ſee|meth, either you ſee not, or wey not. Wherefore wee require you giue vs aunſwere one or other, whether you bee minded as all the nobles of the realm be, to haue this noble prince now protector to be your king or not.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At theſe words the people began to whiſper a|mong themſelues ſecretly, that the voice was nei|ther lowd nor diſtinct, but as it were the ſound of a ſwarme of Bees, till at the laſt in the neather end of the Hall, a buſhment of the dukes ſeruants and Naſhfieldes, and other longing to the pro|tector, with ſome prentiſes and laddes that thruſt into the hall among the preaſe, beganne ſodainly at mennes backes to crie out as lowde as theyr throtes woulde giue: King Richard, King Ri|charde, and threw vp their cappes in token of ioy. And they that ſtood before caſt backe their heads maruelling thereof, but nothing they ſayde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And when the Duke and the Maior saw this maner, they wisely turned it to theyr purpose, and sayde ir was a goodlye crie, and a ioyfull to heare, euery man with one voyce, no man saying nay. Wherefore friendes (quoth the Duke) since that we perceyue it is all your whole myndes to haue this noble man for your king, whereof wee shall make his grace so effectuall report, that wee doubt not but it shall redounde vnto your greate weale and commoditie: we require ye that ye tomorrow go with vs, and we with you vnto his noble grace, to make our humble request vnto him in maner before remembred. And therewith the Lordes came downe, and the companie dissolved and departed, the more part all sad, some with glad semblance that were not verie merye, and some of those that came thither with the duke not able to dissemble their sorrow, were fain at his backe to turne theyr face to the wall, while the doulour of theyr heart burst out of theyr eyes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then on the morowe after, the Maior with all the Aldermen and chiefe comoners of the citie in their best maner apparelled, assembling the(m)selues togither, resorted vnto Baynardes Castell, The Maiors comming to Baynards Ca|ſtell.where the protector lay. To which place repaired also according to their appoyntment, the Duke of Buckingham, with diuerse noble men with him, beside many knights and other gentlemen. And therevpon the duke sent worde vnto the L. Protector of the being of a great and honourable co(m)panie, to moue a great matter vnto his grace.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Wherevpon the protector made difficultie to come out vnto them, but if he first knewe of some part of their errand, as though he doubted & partly distrusted the comming of such a number vnto him so sodenly, without any warning or knowledge whether they came for good or harm. Then the duke whe(n) he had shewed this vnto the Maior and other that they might thereby see howe little the Protector looked for this matter, they sent vnto him by the messenger such louing message againe, and therewith so humbly besought him to vouchsafe, that they might resort to his presence, to purpose their intent, of which they would vnto none other person any parte disclose, that at the last he came forth of his Chamber, and yet not downe vnto them, but stoode aboue in a Gallerie ouer them, where they mighte see him, and speake to him, as though he would not yet come too nere them till he wist what they ment.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And therevpon the Duke of Buckingham, firſt made hũble petition vnto him on the behalfe of them all, that his grace woulde pardon them, and licence them to purpoſe vnto his grace the intent of their comming without his diſpleaſure, without which pardon obteined, they muſt not be holde to moue him of that matter. In which al|beit they ment as much honour to his grace, as wealth to all the realme beſide, yet were they not ſure howe his grace woulde take it, whome they EEBO page image 1384 woulde in no wyſe offende. Then the Protec|tour (as he was verie gentle of himſelfe, and alſo longed ſore to witte what they ment) gaue him leaue to purpoſe what him lyked, verily truſting for the good minde that he bare them all, none of them any thing woulde intend vnto himwarde, wherewith he ought to be grieued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 When the Duke had this leane and par|don to ſpeake, then waxed hee holde to ſhew him their intent and purpoſe, with all the cauſes mo|uing them therevnto as ye before haue heard, and finally to beſeech his grace, that it wold like him of his accuſtomed goodneſſe and zeale vnto the Realme, now with his eye of pitie, to behold the long continued diſtreſſe and decaye of the ſame, and to ſet his gracious handes to redreſſe and a|mendment therof, by taking vpon him the crown and gouernaunce of thys Realme, accordyng to hys right and tytle lawfully deſcended vnto him, and to the lande of God, profite of the lande, and vnto his grace ſo muche the more honour, and leſſe paine, in that that neuer Prince reigned vp|on any people, that were ſo glad to liue vnder his obeyſaunce, as the people of thys Realme vn|der his.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 When the Protector had heard the propoſition, he looked verie ſtraungely thereat, and anſwered: that all were it that he partly knew the things by them alledged to be true, yet ſuche entire loue hee bare vnto king Edward and his children, that ſo much more regarded his honor in other realmes about than the crowne of any one of whiche hee was neuer deſirous, that he could not finde in his hart in this point to encline to thier deſire. For in all other Nations where the truth were not well knowne, it ſhoulde peraduenture be thought, that it were his owne ambicious minde and deuiſe, to depoſe the Prince, and take himſelfe the Crowne, with which infamie hee woulde not haue his ho|nour ſtayned for any crowne, in which he had e|uer perceyued much more labor and paine, than pleaſure to him that ſo would ſo vſe it, as he that would not, were not worthie to haue it. Not|withſtanding he not onely pardoned thẽ the mo|tion that they made him, but alſo thanked them for the loue and heartie fauour they bare hym, praying them for hys ſake to giue and beare the ſame to the Prince, vnder whome hee was, and woulde be content to liue, and with his labor and counſayle as farre as ſhoulde lyke the King to vſe him, he woulde doe his vttermoſt deuoyr to ſet the realme in good ſtate, whiche was alreadie in this little while of his Protectorſhip (the praiſe giuen to God) well begonne, in that the malice of ſuch as were before occaſion of the contrarie, and of new intended to be, were now partly by good policie, partly more by Gods ſpeciall prouidence, than mans prouiſion repreſſed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Vpon this answere giuen, the Duke by the Protectours licence, a little rowned, aswell with other noble men aboute him, as with the Maior and Recorder of London. And after that vpon like pardon desired and obteyned, he shewed aloud vnto the Protector, that for a finall conclusion, y^t the realm was appointed k. Edwards line shuld not any longer raigne vpo(n) the(m), both for that they had so farre gone, that it was nowe no suretye to retreate, as for that they thoughte it for the weale vniuersall to take that way, although they had not yet begon it.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Wherefore if it woulde like his grace to [...]lle the Crowne vpon him, they woulde hu [...]y be|ſeech him therevnto. If he woulde giue them a reſolute aunſwere to the contrarie, whiche they woulde be lothe to heare, then muſte they needes ſeeke and ſhould not fayle to find ſome other no|ble man that would.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Theſe wordes much mooued the Protector, whiche elſe as euerie man may wit, woulde ne|uer of likelyhoode haue enclyned therevnto. But when hee ſawe there was none other waye, but that eyther hee muſte take it, or [...]e hee and hys both g [...] from it, he ſayde vnto the Lordes and Commons: Sith we perceyue well that all the Realme is ſo ſet, whereof we bee very ſorie that they was not ſuffer in any wiſe King Edwards line to gouerne them, whome no man earthlye can gouerne agaynſt theyr willes, and we well alſo perceyue, that no man is there, to whome the Crowne can by iuſt tytle apperteyne, as to our ſelfe, as verie right heyre lawfully begotten of the bodie of our moſte deare father Rycharde late Duke of Yorke, to whiche tytle is now ioy|ned your election, the Nobles and Commons of thys Realme, whiche we of all tytles poſſible take for moſte effectuall: We be content and a|gree fauourablye to encline to your petition and requeſt, and according to the ſame,The pro [...] taketh vp [...] him to be king. here we take vpon vs the royall eſtate, pre [...]minence and king|dome of the two noble Realmes, Englande and Fraunce, the tone fro this daye forwarde, by vs and our heyres to rule, gouerne, and defende: the tother by Gods grace, and your good helpe, to get againe and ſubdue, and eſtabliſhe for euer in due obedience vnto thys Realme of Englande, the aduauncement whereof wee neuer aſke of God longer to liue than we intend to procure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 With this there was a greate ſhoute, crying King Rycharde, King Richarde. And then the Lordes went vp to the King (for ſo was he from that tyme called) and the people departed, tal|king dyuerſelye of the matter, euery man as hys fantaſie gaue hym. But much they talked and marueyled of the maner of this dealing, that the matter was on both partes made ſo ſtraunge, as thoughe neyther had euer communed with other EEBO page image 1385 thereof before, when that them ſelfe wy [...] there was no manne ſo dull that h [...]de them, bin hee perceyued well ynough, that all the matter was made betwene them. Howbeit ſome ex [...]d that agayne, and ſayde all muſte be owne at good or|der though: And men muſte ſometyme for the manners ſake, not be a known what they know. For at the conſecration of a Biſhop, euery man [...]teth well by the paying for his Bulles, that he purpoſeth to be one, and though he pay for no|thyng elſe. And yet muſt he be twyce aſked whe|ther he will be Biſhop or no, and he [...]ſt twice ſay nay, and at the thyrde tyme take it, as com|pelled therevnto by his owne wil. And in a ſtage play, all the people [...] right well, that hee that playeth the Sowdaine, is percaſe a ſowter, yet if one ſhoulde can ſo little good, to ſhewe out of ſeaſon what aquaintaunce hee hath with him, and call hym by hys [...] [...]e while he ſtan|deth in his maieſtie, one of hys tormentors myghte happe to breake [...] head, and worthie for marring of the play. And ſo they ſayde, that theſe matters hee kings games, as it were ſtage playes, and for the m [...] part, played vpon ſcaf|foldes. In which poore men be but the lookers on. And they y^t wiſe be will meddle no further. For they that ſometime ſtep vp, and play with them, when they cannot playe theyr partes, they diſorder the playe, and doe themſelues no good.

1.18. King Richard the third.

King Richard the third.

EEBO page image 1386 [figure appears here on page 1386]

Compare 1587 edition: 1

Rich. the .iij.

1483

An. reg. 1. This that is [...]ere betweene his mark and his marke * was not writ|en by maiſter Moore in this hiſtorie writ|en by him in Englishe, but [...]s tranſlated [...]ut of this hi| [...]tory which he wrote in latin.

_THE next day, the Potector w^t a great trayne, wente to Weſtminſter hall, and there where hee had placed himſelfe in the Co [...]e of the Kinges [...] de| [...] to the audi|ence, that he woulde take vpon him the Crowne in that place there, where the King himſelfe ſit|teth and miniſtreth the lawe, bycauſe hee conſi|dered that it was the chiefeſt duetie of a King to miniſter the lawes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Then with as plesant Oration as he could, he went about to win vnto hym, the nobles, the merchantes, the artificers, and in conclusion all kynde of men, but especially the Lawyers of this realme. And finally to the intent that no ma(n) should hate him for feare, and that his deceytfull clemencie myghte get hym the good will of the people, when he had declared the discommoditie of discorde, and the commodities of concorde and vnitie, he made an open proclamation, that he did put oute of his mynde all enimities, and that he thre did openly pardon all offences co(m)mitted against him. And to the intente that hee myghte shewe a proofe thereof, he commaunded that one Fogge, whome he had long deadly hated, should be brought before hym, who being brought out of the Sanctuarie (for thyther had he fledde for feare of him) in the ſlight of the people, hee tooke hym by the hande. Whiche thyng the Common people reioyced at, and prayſed, but wyſe menne tooke it for a vani| [...]. I [...] his retourne homewarde, whome ſo [...]er [...], he ſaluted. For a mynde that kno|weth it ſelfe guiltie, is in a manner deiected to a ſeruile d [...]cle.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When he had begonne his reigne the daye of Iune, after this mockiſhe election, then was hee Crowned the daye of the ſame moneth. And that ſolemnitie was furniſhed for the moſt parte, with the ſelfe ſame prouiſion that was appoynted for the coronatiõ of his nephue.*

[figure appears here on page 1386]

Compare 1587 edition: 1 [...]om thys [...]ark to this* [...] not founde [...] Sir Thomas Moore, but in maiſter Hall [...]nd Grafton.But heere to ſhewe the manner of his Coro|nation, as the ſame is inſerted in this Pamphlet of Sir Thomas More, by maſter Hall and Ri|chard Grafton, although not found in the ſame Pamphlet, thus we find it by them reported.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Firſt to be ſure of all enimies (as he thoughte) he ſent for fyne thouſande men of the Northe a|gainſt his Coronation, which came vp euill ap|parelled, and worſe harneiſed, in ruſtie harneis, neither defenſable, nor ſcoured to the ſale, which muſtered in Finſeburie field, to the great diſdeine of all the lookers on.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The fourth day of Iuly, he came to the To|wer by water with his wife, and the fifth day he created Thomas Lord Haward Duke of Norf|folke, and Sir Thomas Haward his ſonne, hee created Earle of Surrey, and William Lorde Barkeley was then created Earle of Notting|ham, EEBO page image 1387 and Fraunces Lord Louel, was then made Vicount Louell, and the King his Chamber|layne: and the Lord Stanley was deliuered out of warde, for feare of his ſonne the L. Strange, which was then in Lancaſhire gathering men (as men ſayde) and the ſayde Lord was made Stewarde of the King his houſholde: lykewiſe the Archbyſhoppe of Yorke was deliuered: but Morton Byſhoppe of Elie, was cõmitted to the Duke of Buckingham to keepe in warde, which ſent him to his manor of Brecknock in Wales, from whence hee eſcaped to King Richarde hys confuſion. The ſame nyght, the King made ſe|uenteene Knyghtes of the Bathe, whoſe names enſue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1
• Sir Edmond the Duke of Suffolkes ſonne.
• Sir George Grey, the Erle of Kents ſonne.
• Sir William, the Lord Souches ſonne.
• Sir Henry Burganie.
• Sir Chriſtopher Willoughbie.
• Sir William Barkeley.
• Sir Henrie Babington.
• Sir Thomas Arondell.
• Sir Thomas Boleyne.
• Sir Gerueys of Clifton.
• Sir William Saye.
• Sir Edmond Bedingfield.
• Sir William Enderbie.
• Sir Thomas Lekenor.
• Sir Thomas of Vrmon.
• Sir Iohn Browne.
• Sir William Barkeley.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The next day, being the fifth day of Iulie, the King rode through the Citie of London to|ward Weſtminſter with great pomp, being ac|companied with theſe Dukes, Earles, Lordes, and Knightes, whoſe names followe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Edward Prince of Wales, the Kings onely ſonne.

Dukes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1
• The Duke of Norffolke.
• The Duke of Buckingham.
• The Duke of Suffolke.

Earles.

Compare 1587 edition: 1
• The Earle of Northumberlande.
• The Earle of Arondell.
• The Earle of Kent.
• The Earle of Surrey.
• The Earle of Wilſhire.
• The Earle of Huntingdon.
• The Earle of Nottingham.
• The Earle of Warwike.
• The Earle of Lincolne.

Lordes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1
• The Lord Liſle Vicount.
• The Lord Louell Vicount.
• The Lord Stanley.
• The Lord Audeley.
• The Lord Dakers.
• The Lord Ferrers of Chertley.
• The Lord Powes.
• The Lord Scrope of Vpſale.
• The Lord Scrope of Bolton.
• The Lord Gray Codner.
• The Lord Gray of Wilton.
• The Lord Sturton.
• The Lord Cobham.
• The Lord Morley.
• The Lord Burganie.
• The Lord Souche.
• The Lord Ferrers of Groby.
• The Lord Welles.
• The Lord Lomney.
• The Lord Matreuers.
• The Lord Harbert.
• The Lord Becham.

Knightes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1
• Sir Iames Titell.
• Sir William Kniuet.
• Sir Thomas Aborow.
• Sir William Standley.
• Sir William Aparre.
• Sir George Browne.
• Sir Robert Middleton.
• Sir Iohn Henningham.
• Sir Nicholas Latimer.
• Sir Thomas Mongomery.
• Sir Thomas Delamer.
• Sir Gilbert Debnam.
• Sir Terrie Robſart.
• Sir William Brandon.
• Sir Iohn Sauell.
• Sir Henry Wentfoord.
• Sir Edward Standley.
• Sir Henry Seyntmont.
• Sir William yong.
• Sir Thomas Bowſer.
• Sir Henry Winkefielde.
• Sir Thomas Wortley.
• Sir Iohn Seyntlow
• Sir Charles of Pilkinton.
• Sir Iames Harington.
• Sir Iohn Aſheley.
• Sir Thomas Barkley.
• Sir Richard Becham.
• Sir William Hopton.
• Sir Thomas Percy.
• Sir Robert Dymocke.
• Sir Iohn Cheyny.
• Sir Richard Ludlowe.
• Sir Iohn Eldrington.
• Sir William Sands.
• Sir Richard Dudley.
• EEBO page image 1388Sir William Seintlowe.
• Sir Thomas Twaightes.
• Sir Edmond of Dudley.
• Sir Raufe Aſhton.
• Sir Richard Charlington.
• Sir Thomas Gray.
• Sir Phillip Barkeley.
• Sir Robert Harington.
• Sir Thomas Greſley.
• Sir Richard Harecourt.
• Sir Wiliam Noris.
• Sir Thomas Selenger.
• Sir Richard Hodleſten.
• Sir Iohn Conias.
• Sir William Stoner.
• Sir Phillip Courtney.
• Sir William Gaſcoigne.
• Sir Richard Amedilton.
• Sir Roger Fynes.
• Sir George Vere.
• Sir Henry Percie. Sir Iohn Wood.
• Sir Iohn Aparre.
• Sir Iohn Gray. Sir Iohn Danby.
• Sir Richard Tailebuſhe.
• Sir Iohn Rider.
• Sir Iohn Herring.
• Sir Richard Enderby.
• Sir Iohn Barkeley.
• Sir Iames Strangwiſhe.
• Sir Raufe Carnbrecke.
• Sir Iohn Conſtable.
• Sir Robert Eliarde.
• Sir Richard Darell.
• Sir Iohn Gilforde. Sir Iohn Lekenor.
• Sir Iohn Morley.
• Sir Iohn Hewes.
• Sir Iohn Boleyne.
• Sir Edmond Shaa Alderman.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 On the morrowe beeing the ſixte daye of Iu|lye, the King with Quene Anne hys wife, came down out of the White Hall into the great Hall at Weſtminſter, and went directly to the kings bench. And from thence, the king and the Quene going vpon raye clothe barefooted, wente vnto Sainct Edwardes Shrine, and all his nobilitie goyng wyth hym, euery Lorde in his degree. And firſte went the trumpets, and then the Her|raultes of armes in their riche coates, and nexte followed the Croſſe with a ſolemne proceſſion, the Prieſtes hauyng fine ſurpleſſes and graye a|miſſes vpon them. The Abbottes and Byſhops mitred and in riche Copes and euery of them ca|ried theyr Croſiers in their handes. The By|ſhop of Rocheſter bare the Croſſe before the Car|dinall. Then followed the Earle of Huntyng|ton bearyng a paire of guilt ſpurres ſignifiyng Knyghtehoode. Then followed the Earle of Bedforde bearing Sainct Edwardes ſtaffe for a relique. After them came the Earle of Nor|thumberlande bareheaded, wyth the Pointeleſſe ſworde naked in his hande which ſignifyed mer|cye. The Lorde Stanley bare the mace of the Coneſtableſhippe. The Earle of Kent bare the ſeconde ſworde on the right hande of the Kyng naked, wyth a pointe, whyche ſignifyed Iuſtice to the Temporalitie. The Lord Louell bare the thirde ſworde on the lefte hande wyth a pointe, whyche ſignifyed Iuſtice to the Clergye. The Duke of Suffolke followed wyth the Scepter in his hande, whiche ſignifyed peace. The earle of Lincolne bare the Ball and Croſſe, whyche ſignifyed a Monarchie. The Earle of Surrey bare the fourth ſword before the King in a riche ſcabberd, and that is called the ſworde of eſtate. Then went three togither, in the middeſt wente Garter King at armes in his rich cote: and on his left hande wente the Maior of London, bea|ring a mace: and on his righte hande wente the Gentleman Vſſher of the priuie chamber. Then followed the Duke of Norffolke, bearing the Kings Crowne betweene his hands. Then fol|lowed King Richard in his robes of purple vel|uet, and ouer his head a canapie, borne by foure Barons of the fiue portes. And on euery ſide of the King there went one Byſhop, that is to ſay, the Byſhop of Bath, and the Biſhoppe of Dur|ham. Then followed the Duke of Buckingham bearing the Kings trayne, with a white ſtaffe in his hande, ſignifying the office of the high Ste|ward of England. Then there followed a great number of Earles & Barons before y^e Queene. And then came y^e Erle of Huntington, who bare y^e Queenes Scepter, & the Vicount Liſle bea|ryng the rodde with the Doue. And the earle of Wilſhire bare the Queenes Crowne. Then fol|lowed Queene Anne daughter to Richard Erle of Warwicke in robes like to y^e King, betweene two Byſhoppes, and a Canapie ouer hir heade borne by the Barons of the Ports. On hir head a riche Coronall ſet wyth ſtones and pearle. Af|ter hir followed the Counteſſe of Richemonde heire to the Duke of Somerſette, whiche bare vp the Queenes traine. After followed the Dut|cheſſe of Suffolke and Norffolke, wyth Coun|teſſes, Baroneſſes, Ladies and many faire Gen|tlewomen. In this order they paſſed through the Pallaice, and entred the Abbey at the Weſt end, and ſo came to their ſeates of eſtate. And after diuers ſongs ſolempnly ſong, they bothe diſcen|ded to the hyghe Aulter and were ſhifted from their robes, and had diuers places open from the middle vpwarde, in whiche places they were an|nointed. Then bothe the King and the Queene chaunged them into clothe of golde and aſcen|ded to their ſeates, where the Cardinall of Caunterburye, and other Byſhoppes them EEBO page image 1389 Crowned according to the cuſtome of y^e realme, giuing him the Scepter in the left hande, and the ball with the croſſe in the righte hande, and the Queene had the Scepter in hir right hande, and the rodde with the done in the left hande.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 On euery ſide of the King ſtoode a Duke, and before hym ſtoode the Earle of Surrey with the ſword in his handes. And on euery ſide of the Queene ſtanding a Biſhoppe and a Lady knee|ling.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Cardinall ſong Maſſe, and after paxe, the King and the Queene deſcended, and before the high Aulter they wer both houſeled, with one hoſt deuided betweene them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After Maſſe finiſhed, they both offered at S. Edward his Shrine, and there the King left the Crowne of Sainte Edward, and putte on hys owne Crowne. And ſo in order as they came, they departed to Weſtminſter Hall, and ſo to their chambers for a ſeaſon, during which time, the Duke of Norffolke came into the hall, hys horſe trapped to the ground in cloth of golde, as high Marſhall, and voided the hall.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 About foure of the clocke, the King & Queene entred the hall, and the King ſate in the middle, and the Queene on the left hand of the table, and on euery ſide of hir ſtoode a Counteſſe, holdyng a cloth of pleaſaunce, when ſhe lift to drinke. And on the right hand of the King ſate the Byſhoppe of Caunterburie, the Ladyes ſate all on one ſide, in the middle of the hall. And at the Table a|gainſte them, ſate the Chancellor and all the Lordes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At the table next the euphorde, ſate the Mai|or of London, and at the table behind the Lords, ſate the Barons of the portes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And at the other tables ſate noble and wor|ſhipfull perſonages.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When all perſons were ſet, the D. of Nor|folke Earle Marſhal, the Earle of Surrey, Con|neſtable for that day, the Lorde Stanley Lorde Stewarde, Sir William Hopton Treaſourer, and Sir Thomas Percy comptroller, came in, and ſerued the King ſolemnelie, with one diſhe of golde, and another of ſiluer, and the Queene all in gilte veſſell, and the Biſhop all in ſiluer.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At the ſeconde courſe came into the hall, Sir Robert Dimmocke the Kings Champion, ma|king proclamation, that whoſoeuer woulde ſay, that King Richarde was not lawfull King, hee would fight with him at the vtterance, & threwe downe his gantlet, and then all the hall cryed King Richarde. And ſo he did in three partes of the Hall, and then one broughte him a cuppe of wine couered, and when he hadde dronke, he caſt out the drinke, and departed with the cuppe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that the Heraulds cryed alargeſſe thrice in the hall, and ſo went vp to their ſtage.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At the ende of dynner, the Maior of London ſerued the King and Queene with ſweete wine, and had of each of them a cuppe of golde, with a couer of golde. And by that time that all was done, it was darke nighte. And ſo the King re|turned to his chamber, and euerye man to hys lodging.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When this feaſt was thus finiſhed, the kyng ſente home all the Lordes into their Countreys that woulde departe, excepte the Lord Stanley, whome he reteyned, till he heard what his ſonne the Lorde Strange went about. And to ſuche as went home, hee gaue ſtraighte charge and com|maundement, to ſee their Countreys well or|dered, and that no wrong nor extorcion ſhoulde be done to his ſubiectes. And thus hee taughte o|ther to execute iuſtice and equitie, the contrarie whereof he dayly exerciſed: he alſo with great re|wardes giuen to the Northernemen, whiche he ſente for to his Coronation, [...]te them home to their Countrey with great thankes: whereof dy|uers of them (as they be all of nature very gree|die of authoritie, and ſpecially when they thinke to haue any comforte or fauoure) tooke on them ſo highly, and wroughte ſuche maiſteries, that the King was fayne to ride thither in his fyrſte yeare, and to put ſome in execution, and ſtay the Countrey, or elſe no ſmall miſchiefe had enſued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Nowe fell there miſchieues thicke.Sir Thomas More againe. And as the thing euill gotten is neuer well kepte, thorough all the tyme of his reigne neuer ceaſſed there cen|ell death and ſlaughter, till his owne deſtruction ended it. But as hee finiſhed his tyme with the beſt death and the moſt righteous, that is to wit, his owne, ſo beganne hee with the moſt piteous and wicked, I meane the lamentable murther of his innocent nephues, the yong kyng and his tender brother: whoſe death and final infortune hath natheleſſe comen ſo farre in queſtion, that ſome remayn yet in doubt, whether they were in his dayes deſtroyed or no. Not for that onely that Perkyn Werbecke by manye folkes ma|lice, and moe folkes folly,Perkyn Wer|becke. ſo long ſpace abu|ſing the worlde, was as well with princes as the poorer people, reputed and taken for the younger of theſe two, but for that alſo that all things were in late dayes ſo couertly demeaned, one thyng pretended, and another meant, that there was nothing ſo playne and openly proued,Cloſe dealing is euer ſuſ|pected. but that yet for the common cuſtom of cloſe and couert dealyng, men hadde it euer inwardly ſuſ|pect: as many well counterfaited Iewels make the true myſtruſted. Howbeit concerning the o|pinon, with the occaſions mouyng eyther par|tie, we ſhall haue place more at large to intreate, if we hereafter happen to write the tyme of the late noble Prince of famous memorie King Hẽ|rie the ſeauenth, or percaſe that hiſtory of Perkin EEBO page image 1390 in any compendious proceſſe by it ſelfe. But in the meane time for this preſent matter, I ſhal re|hearſe you the dolorous ende of thoſe babes, not after euery way that I haue heard, but after that way that I haue ſo hearde by ſuche men and by ſuche meanes as me thinketh it were hard, but it ſhould be true.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 King Richard after his Coronation, takyng his way to Glouceſter to viſit in his new [...] ho|nour, the towne of which he bare the name of his olde, deuiſed as he rode, to fulfill the thing whiche he before had intended. And for aſmuche as hys minde gaue him, that his nephewes liuing, men would not recken that he could haue right to the Realme, he thoughte therefore without delay to ridde them,Iohn Greeue. Robert Bra|kenbery Con|neſtable of the Tower. as though the killing of his kinſmen could amend his cauſe, and make him a kindelie King. Wherevpon, he ſent one Iohn Greene, whome hee ſpecially truſted vnto Sir Roberte Brakenbery, Conneſtable of the Tower, with a [figure appears here on page 1390] letter and cred [...]nce and, that the ſame ſir Robert ſhould in any wiſe put the two children to death. This Iohn Green, did his errand vnto Brakẽ|bery, kneeling before our Lady in the tower, who playnely aunſwered, that he would neuer putte them to death to die therefore: with which aun|ſwere, Iohn Greene returning, recoumpted the ſame to King Richard at Warwike yet in hys way. Wherewith he tooke ſuch diſpleaſure and thought, that the ſame night he ſaid vnto a ſecret page of his: An whome ſhall a man truſt? thoſe that I haue broughte vp my ſelfe, thoſe that I had went would moſt ſurely ſerue me, euẽ thoſe fayle me, and at my commaundemente will doe nothing for me. Sir (quoth his page) there ly|eth one on your pa [...]let without, that I dare well ſay, to do your grace pleaſure, the thing wer right harde that he would refuſe, meaning this by Sir Iames Tirrel,Sir Iames Tyrell. which was a man of right goodly perſonage, and for natures giftes worthy to haue ſerued a much better Prince, if he had wel ſerued God, and by grace obteyned aſmuche trothe and good will as he had ſtrength and with.Authoritie loueth to pa [...]. The [...] had an high heart, and ſore longed vpward, not riſing yet ſo faſt as hee had hoped, being [...] and kepte vnder by the meanes of Sir Richarde Ratcliffe, and Sir William Cateſhie, whyche longing for no moe partners of the Princes fa|uoure, and namely not for him, whoſe wide they wiſt woulde beare no peere, kepte him by [...]e d [...]iftes out of all ſecrete truſt, which thing, thys Page well had marked and knowen: wherefore this occaſion offered, of very ſpeciall friende|ſhippe hee tooke hys tyme to put him forwarde, and by ſuche wyſe doe hym good that all the enimies hee hadde excepte the Deuyll, coulde neuer haue doone hym ſo muche h [...]. For vp|on thys pages woordes Kyng Richarde [...]oſ [...]. (For thys communication hadde he ſitting at the draught, a conuenient corpet for ſuche in coun|ſell) and came oute into the pallet chamber, on which he founde in bed ſir Iames, & ſir Thomas Tyrels, of perſon like and brethren of bloud, but nothing of kin in conditions. Then ſaid the king merily to them, what [...]rs he ye in [...] and calling vp ſir Iames, brake to him ſecretely his mynde in this miſcheuous matters. In whiche he founde him nothyng ſtrange. Wherefore on the morow he ſent him to Braken burne with a let|ter, by which he was cõmaunded to deliuer Sir Iames all the keys of the tower for one nighte, to the end he might there accompliſhe the kinges pleaſure, in ſuch thing as he had giuen him com|mandement. After whiche letter deliuered & the keys receyued, ſir Iames appointed the nyghte next enſuyng to deſtroye them, deuiſing before and preparing the meanes. The prince a [...] ſoone as the protectour left that name, and toke himſelf as king, had it ſhewed vnto hym, that he ſhoulde not reigne, but his vncle ſhould haue the crown. At which word, the Prince ſore abaſhed, began to ſigh, and ſayd: Alas, I wold my vncle wold let me haue my life yet, though I leeſe my king|dome. Then he that tolde him the tale, vſed him with good wordes, and put him in the beſt com|fort he could. But forthwith was the prince and his brother both ſhut vp, and all other remoued from them, only one called black Will, or Wil|liam ſlaughter excepte, ſet to ſerue them and ſee them ſure. After whiche time the Prince neuer tyed his points, nor aught rought of himſelf, but with that young babe his brother, lingred with thought and heauineſſe, till this traitetous death deliuered them of that wretchedneſſe. For Sir Iames Tyrell deuiſed that they ſhould be mur|thered in their beds. To the execution whereof, he appoynted Myles Forreſte, one of the foure that kept them, a fellowe fleſhed in murther be|fore time. To him he ioyned one Iohn Dighton his own horſkeeper, a bigge, brode, ſquare, ſtrong EEBO page image 1391 knaue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then all the other beeing remoued from them,The yong [...] and hys [...] mur| [...]d. this Myles Forreſt, and Iohn Dighton about midnight (the ſelie children lying in theyr heddes) came into the chamber, and ſuddaynely lappe them vp amõg the clothes, ſo to bewray| [...]ed them and intangled them, keeping downe by force the fetherbed and pillowes hard vnto theyr mouthes, that within a while, ſmothered and ſtifled, their breath fayling, they gaue vnto God their innocente ſoules into the ioyes of Heauen, leauing to the tormentors their bodyes dead in the bedde. Which after that the wretches perce [...]| [...]ed, firſte by the ſtrugling with the paines of death, and after long lying ſtill to bee throughly dead, they layde theyr bodyes naked out vppon the bed, and fetched Sir Iames to ſee them, whi|che vpon the ſight of them, cauſed thoſe murthe|rers to burie them at the ſtaire foote, meetely deepe in the grounde, vnder a greate heape of ſtones.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 Then rode Sir Iames in great haſt to Kyng Richarde, and ſhewed him all the maner of the murther, who gaue him greate thankes, and (as ſome ſay) there made hym Knight. But he al|lowed not as I haue hearde, the burying in ſo vile a corner, ſaying, that hee would haue them buryed in a better place, bycauſe they were a Kings ſonnes. Loe the honorable courage of a King. Wherevpon they ſay, that a Prieſt of S. Robert Brakenbery tooke vp the bodyes againe, and ſecretely enterred them in ſuche place, as by the occaſion of his deathe, whiche onely knew it, could neuer ſince come to light. Very troth is it, and wel knowen, that at ſuch time as ſir Iames Tirrell was in the Tower, for treaſon cõmitted againſt the moſt famous Prince King Henrye the ſeauenth, both Dighton and he were exami|ned, and confeſſed the murther in manner aboue written, but whether the bodyes were remoued, they could nothing tell. And thus as I haue learned of thẽ that much knewe, and little cauſe had to lie were theſe two noble Princes, theſe in|nocent tender childrẽ, borne of moſt royal bloud, brought vp in great wealthe, likely long to lyue, raigne, and rule in the Realm, by trayterous ti|rannie taken, depriued of their eſtate, ſhortlye ſhut vp in priſon, and priuily ſlayne and mur|thered, their bodies caſt God wot where, by the cruell ambition of their vnnaturall vncle and his diſpiteous tormentors. Which things on e|uery parte well pondered, God neuer gaue thys world a more notable example, neyther in what vnſuretie ſtandeth this worldly weale, or what miſchiefe worketh the proude enterpriſe of an high heart, or finally, what wretched ende enſu|eth ſuch diſpiteous crueltie. For firſt to beginne with the Miniſters, Myles Forreſt, at Saint Mar [...] pe [...]le [...] away. Dighton in|deede yet walketh [...] alyue in good poſſibilitie to be hanged are hee dye. But Sir Iames Tyr|rell dyed at the Tower hill beheaded for treaſon. King Richarde himſelfe, as yee ſhall heereafter heare, ſlayne in the fielde, hacked and hewed of his enimies handes, haried on Horſebacke dead, his heade in deſpite torne and tugged like a curre dogge. And the miſchiefe that hee tooke, within leſſe than three yeares of the miſchiefe that hee did. And yet all the meane time, ſpente in muche payne and trouble outwarde, muche feare, an|guiſh and ſorowe within. For I haue hearde by credible reporte of ſuche as were ſecret with hys Chamberlayne, that after thys abhominable deede done, hee neuer hadde quiet in hys minde.The out and inward trou|bles of tiran [...]. Hee neuer thoughte hymſelfe ſure. Where hee wente abroade, hys eye [...] whitled about, hys body priuily fenced, hys hande euer vppon hys dagger, hys countenaunce and manner lyke one; alwayes readye to ſtrike agayne, hee tooke ill reſt anyghtes, [...]y long wakyng and mu|ſing, ſore weeryed with care and watche, ra|ther ſlumbered than ſlepte, troubled with feare|full dreames, ſuddaynely ſometyme ſtert vppe lepte out of hys bedde, and ranne aboute the chamber, ſo was hys reſtleſſe hearte continual|lie toſſed and tumbled with the tedious impreſ|ſion and ſtormie remembraunce of his abhomi|nable deede. Nowe hadde he outwarde no long [...]yme in reſt. For heerevpon, ſoone after, be|ganne the conſpiracie, or rather good confede|ration, betweene the Duke of Buckingham, and many other Gentlemen agaynſte hym.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The occaſion wherevpon the Kyng and the Duke fell out, is of dyuers folke dyuers wyſe pretended.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 Thys Duke (as I haue for certayne beene enformed) as ſoone as the Duke of Glouceſter, vppon the deathe of Kyng Edwarde, came to Yorke, and there hadde ſolemne funerall ſer|uice for Kyng Edwarde, ſente thither in the moſt ſecrete wiſe he coulde, one Perſall his tru|ſtie ſeruaunte, who came to Iohn Warde a Chamberer of lyke ſecrete truſt with the Duke of Glouceſter, deſiring, that in the moſt cloſe and couerte manner, hee myghte be admitted to the preſence and ſpeeche of hys maiſter. And the Duke of Glouceſter aduertiſed of hys de|ſire, cauſed hym in the dead of the nyghte, after all other folke auoyded, to bee broughte vnto hym in hys ſecrete Chamber, where Perſall after hys maſters recommendation, ſhe|wed hym that hee hadde ſecretely ſente hym to ſhewe hym, that in thys newe worlde, hee woulde take ſuche parte as hee woulde, and wayte vppon hym with a thouſande good fellowes, if neede were. The Meſſenger EEBO page image 1392 ſent backe with thankes, and ſome ſecrete inſtru|ction of the Protectors minde: yet mette him a|gayne with farther meſſage from the Duke hys maſter, within few days after at Nottingham: whither the Protector from Yorke with manye Gentlemen of the North Countrey to y^e num|ber of ſixe hundred horſes, was come on his way to Londonwarde, and after ſecret meeting and communication had, eftſoone departed. Where|vpon at Northampton, the Duke met with the Protector hymſelfe with three hundred Horſes, and from thence ſtill continued with hym part|ner of all hys deuiſes, till that after his Corona|tion, they departed as it ſeemed very great friẽds at Glouceſter. From whence aſſoone as the duke came home, he ſo lightly turned from him, and ſo highly conſpired againſte him, that a manne woulde maruell whereof the change grew. And ſurely, the occaſion of their varriance is of diuers men diuerſlie reported. Some haue (I heard ſay) that the Duke alittle before the Coronation, a|mong other things, required of the Protector the Duke of Herefordes lands, to the which hee pre|tended himſelfe iuſt inheritor. And foraſmuch as the title whiche he claymed by inheritance, was ſomewhat interlaced with y^e title to the Crowne, by the line of King Henrye before depriued, the Protector conceyued ſuch indignation, that hee reiected the Dukes requeſt with manye ſpitefull and minatorie wordes, whiche ſo wounded hys heart with hatred and miſtruſt, that he neuer af|ter coulde endure to looke a righte on King Ri|chard, but euer feared his own life, ſo farre forth, that when the Protector rode through London towarde his Coronation, hee fayned hymſelfe ſicke, bycauſe he would not ride with hym. And the other taking it in euill part, ſent hym worde to riſe, and come ride, or he would make hym bee carried. Wherevpon, he rode on with euill wyll, and that notwithſtanding on the morrowe, roſe from the feaſt, fayning hymſelfe ſicke, and King Richard ſayde, it was done in hatred and deſpite of hym. And they ſayde that euer after continu|ally, eache of them liued in ſuche hatred and di|ſtruſt of other, that the Duke verily looked to haue bin murthered at Glouceſter. From whych naytheleſſe, hee in faire manner departed. But ſurely ſome right ſecrete at that days denie this: and manye righte wiſe men thinke it vnlikely, (the deepe diſſembling nature of thoſe both men conſidered, and what neede in that greene world the Protector had of the Duke, and in what pe|ril the Duke ſtoode, if hee fell once in ſuſpicion of the Tyrant) y^t eyther the Protector would giue the Duke occaſion of diſpleaſure, or the Duke the Protector occaſion of miſtruſt. And verily, men thinke, that if King Richard had anye ſuch opinion conceyued, he would neuer haue ſuffered him to eſcape his hands. Very truth it is, [...] was an high minded man, and euill co [...] beare the glorie of an other, ſo that I haue [...] of ſome that ſay they ſaw it, that the Duke at [...] time as the Crowne was firſt ſet vpon the Pro|tectors head, his eye coulde not abyde the [...] thereof, but wried his head another way. But men ſaye, that he was of troth not well at eaſe, and that both to King Richarde well kno [...], and not ill taken, nor any demaund of the dukes vncurteouſly reiected, but hee both was greate giftes and high beheſtes, in moſt louing a [...] [...]|ſtie manner, departed at Glouceſter. But [...] after his comming home to Brecknocke, ha|uing there in his cuſtodie by the commaunde|ment of King Richarde Doctor Morton, By|ſhop of Elie, who (as ye before heard) was taken in the Counſell at the Tower, waxed with h [...] familiar: whoſe wiſedome abuſed hys pride ſo his owne deliuerance and the Dukes deſtracti|on. The Byſhop was a man of great naturall witte, very well learned, and honorable in beha|uiour, lacking no wiſe wayes to winne fauour. He had bin faſt vpon the parte of King Henrye, while that part was in wealth, and naytheleſſe, lefte it not, nor forſooke it in woe, but fledde the Realme with the Queene and the Prince, while King Edwarde hadde the King in priſon, neuer came home, but to the fielde. After whiche loſte, and that part vtterly ſubdued, the tother for hys faſt fayth and wiſedome, not only was contente to receyue hym, but alſo woed him to come, and had him from thenceforth both in ſecrete truſt, and very ſpeciall fauour, whiche hee nothing de|ceyued. For he being as ye haue heard after king Edwards death firſte taken by the Titante for his troth to the King, founde the meane to ſette this Duke in hys toppe, ioyned Gentlemen to|gither in aide of King Henry, deuiſing firſte the marriage betweene him and King Edwardes daughter, by whiche his faith declared the good ſeruice to both his maſters at once, with infinite benefite to the Realme by the coniunction of thoſe two blouds in one, whoſe ſeueral titles had long enquieted the lande, he fledde the Realme, went to Rome, neuer mynding more to meddle with the world, till the noble Prince King Hen|ry the ſeauenth gate him home againe, made him Archbyſhoppe of Caunterburie, and Chancellor of England, wherevnto the Pope ioyned the ho|nor of Cardinall. Thus lyuing many dayes in as much honor as one man mighte well wiſhe, ended them ſo godly, that his deathe with Gods mercie well changed his life.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 This man therefore as I was about to tell you, by the long and often alternate proofe,

1484

An. reg. 2.

as well of proſperitie, as aduers fortune, hadde got|ten by great experience the very mother and mi|ſtreſſe EEBO page image 1393 of wiſedome, a deepe inſighte in politike worldly driftes. Whereby perceyuing now this Duke glad to comune with him, fedde him with faire words, and many pleaſaunt prayſes. And perceyuing by the proceſſe of their communica|cions, the Dukes pride, nowe and then balke out a little bredde of enuie, towarde the glory of the King, and thereby feeling him ethe to fall out if the matter were well handled: he craftely ſought the wayes to pricke him forwarde, taking al|wayes the occaſion of his commyng, and ſo kee|ping himſelfe ſo cloſe within his boundes, that hee rather ſeemed to followe hym, than to leade him. For when the Duke firſte beganne to prayſe and boaſt the King, and ſhew how much profite the Realme ſhoulde take by his raigne: my Lorde Morton aunſwered: Surely my Lord, follie were it for me to lie, for if I woulde ſweare the contrarie, your Lordſhip woulde not I weene beleeue, but that if the worlde woulde haue gone as I woulde haue wiſhed, Kyng Henries ſonne had hadde the Crowne, and not King Edward. But after that God had ordered him to leeſe it, and King Edwarde to raigne, I was neuer ſo madde that I woulde with a dead man ſtriue againſte the quicke. So was I to King Edward a faithfull Chaplayne, and glad would haue bin that hys chylde hadde ſucceeded him. Howbeit, if the ſecrete iudgemente of God haue otherwiſe prouided, I purpoſe not to ſpurre againſt a pricke, nor labour to ſette vp that God pulleth downe. And as for the late Protector and now King. And euen there he left, ſaying that he had already meddled to muche with the worlde, and woulde from that day meddle with his Booke and hys heades, and no farther. Then longed the Duke ſore to heare what hee woulde haue ſayd, bycauſe he ended with the King, and there ſo ſuddaynely ſtopped, and exhorted hym ſo familiarly betweene them twayne, to be bolde to ſay whatſoeuer he thought, whereof he faith|fully promiſed, there ſhoulde neuer come hurte, and peraduenture more good than hee woulde wene, and that himſelfe intended to vſe his faith|full ſecrete aduiſe and counſell, whiche hee ſayde was the onely cauſe for which he procured of the King to haue him in his cuſtody, where hee might recken himſelfe at home, and elſe had hee bin putte in the handes of them with whome hee ſhould not haue founden the like fauoure. The Byſhop right humbly thanked him, and ſayde, in good faith my Lord, I loue not to talke much of Princes, as thing not all out of perill, though the word be without fault, for aſmuch as it ſhall not bee taken as the partie meante it, but as it pleaſeth the Prince to conſtrue it. And euer I thinke on Eſops tale, that when the Lion hadde proclaymed, that on payne of death, there ſhould none horned beaſt abyde in that wood: one that had in his forhead a bunche of fleſhe, fled awaye a great pace. The Foxe that ſaw hym runne ſo faſt, aſked hym whyther he made all that haſte? And he anſwered, In fayth I neyther wote, nor recke, ſo I were once hence, bicauſe of this pro|clamation made of horned beaſtes. What foole quoth the Foxe, thou mayſt abyde well ynough, the Lion meant not by thee, for it is none horne that is in thine head. No mary (quoth hee) that wote I well ynough. But what and hee call it an horne, where am I then? The Duke laughed merily at the tale, and ſayd, My Lorde, I war|rant you, neyther the Lion nor the Bore ſhall pyke any matter at any thing heere ſpoken, for it ſhall neuer come neere their eare. In good faith Sir ſayde the Byſhop if it did, the thing that I was about to ſay, taken as well (as afore God, I meant) it could deſerue but thanke. And yet taken as I wene it woulde, mighte happen to turne mee to little good, and you to leſſer. Then longed the Duke yet much more to witte what it was, wherevppon the Byſhoppe ſaide, in good fayth my Lorde, as for the late Protector, ſith he is nowe King in poſſeſſion, I purpoſe not to diſpute his title, but for the weale of this Realm, whereof hys grace hath nowe the gouernaunce, and whereof I am my ſelfe one poore member. I was about to wiſhe, that to thoſe good habi|lities whereof he hath already right many, little needing my prayſe: it mighte yet haue pleaſed God, for the better ſtore, to haue giuen hym ſome of ſuche other excellente vertues, meete for the rule of a Realme, as our Lord hathe planted in the perſon of youre grace: and there lefte a|gayne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 The Duke ſomewhat maruelling at his ſud|dayne pauſes,Here endeth Sir Thomas More, and this that followeth is taken out M. of Hall. as though they were but parenthe|ſes, with a high countenaunce ſayd: My Lorde, I euidently perceyue, and no leſſe note your of|ten breathing, and ſuddayne ſtopping in youre communication, ſo that to my intelligence, your words neyther come to any direct or perfect ſen|tence in concluſion, whereby either I might per|ceyue, and haue knowledge what your inwarde intent is now toward the King, or what affec|tion you beare towarde me. For the compariſon of good qualities aſcribed to vs both (for the whi|che I may ſelfe knowledge and recogniſe to haue none, nor looke for no prayſe of any creature for the ſame) maketh me not a little to muſe, thyn|kyng that you haue ſome other priuie imagina|tiõ, by loue or by grudge, engraued and emprin|ted in your hart, which for feare you dare not, or for childiſh ſhamefaſtneſſe, you be abaſhed to diſ|cloſe and reueale, and ſpecially to me being your friend, which on my honour do aſſure you, to hee as ſecrete in this caſe, as the deaffe and dumme EEBO page image 1394 perſon is to the ſinger, or the tree to the hunter. The Byſhop beeing ſomewhat bolder, conſide|ring the Dukes promiſe, but moſt of all anima|ted and encouraged, bycauſe he knew the Duke deſirous to be exalted and magnified, and alſo he perceyued the inwarde hatred and priuie rancor which he bare toward King Richard, was now boldened to open his ſtomacke euen to the very bottome, intending thereby to compaſſe howe to deſtroy, and vtterly confound King Richard, and to depriue him of his dignitie royall, or elſe to ſet the Duke ſo a fyer with the deſire of ambi|tion, that hee himſelfe mighte be ſafe, and eſcape out of all daunger and perill, whiche thing hee brought ſhortly to concluſion, both to the kings deſtruction and the Dukes confuſion, and to his owne ſafegard, and finally, to hys high promo|tion. And ſo (as I ſayde before) vpon truſt and confidence of the Dukes promiſe, the Byſhoppe ſayd: my ſinguler good Lord, ſith the time of my captiuitie, which being in your graces cuſtodie, I may rather call it a liberall libertie, more than a ſtraighte empriſonmente, in auoyding idle|neſſe, mother and nouriſher of all vices, in rea|ding Bookes and auntient Pamphlets, I haue founde this ſentence written, that no manne is borne free, and in libertie of himſelfe onely, for one part of duetie he oweth or ſhould owe to his parents for his procreation by a very natural in|ſtincte and filiall curteſie: another parte, to hys friendes and kinſfolke, for proximitie of bloud, and natural amitie, doth of very duetie chalenge and demaunde: But the natiue Countrey in the whiche hee taſted firſte the ſweete ayres of thys pleaſant and flattering world after his natiuitie, demaundeth as a debt by a naturall bond, ney|ther to bee forgotten, nor yet to be put in obliui|on, which ſaying cauſeth me to conſider in what caſe this Realme my natiue Countrey nowe ſtandeth, and in what eſtate and aſſurance be|fore this time it hath continued: what gouernour we now haue, and what ruler wee mighte haue, for I playnely perceyue the Realme beeing in this caſe, muſt needes decay, and bee broughte to vtter confuſion, and finall exterminion: But one hope I haue encorporate in my breſt, that is, when I conſider, and in my mynd do diligently remember, & dayly behold your noble perſonage, your iuſtice, and indifferencie, your feruent zeale, and ardente loue towarde youre naturall Coun|trey, and in like manner, the loue of your Coun|trey toward you, the great learning, pregnaunt witte, and goodly eloquence, which ſo much doth abounde in the perſon of your grace, I muſte needes thinke this Realme fortunate, yea twice more than fortunate, whiche hath ſuch a Prince in ſtore, meete, and apte to bee a gouernoure, in whoſe perſon beeyng endued with ſo manye princely qualities conſiſteth and reſteth the [...] vndoubted ſimilitude and image of true [...].

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 But on the other ſide, when I call to [...]|rie the good qualities of the late Protector, and nowe called King, ſo violated and ſubuerted by Tyrannie, ſo changed and altered by vſurped authoritie, ſo clouded and ſhadowed by blynde and inſaciable ambition, yea, and ſo ſuddaynely (in manner by a metamorphoſis) tranſformed from politike ciuilitie, to deteſtable tyrannie: I muſt needes ſaye, and iuſtly affirme, that hee is neyther meete to be a king of ſo noble a Realme, nor ſo famous a Realme meete to bee gouerned by ſuche a tyraunt: Was not his firſt enterpriſe to obteyne the Crowne begunne and incepted by the murther of diuers noble valiant, true, and vertuous perſonages: O a holy beginning, to come to a miſcheuous ending, did he not ſecon|darily proceede contrarie to al lawes of honeſtie, ſhamefully againſte his owne naturall mother, being a woman of much honour, and more ver|tue, declaring hir openly to bee a woman giuen to carnall affection, and diſſolute liuing? (whych thing if it had bin true as it was not indeede, e|uery good and naturall childe would haue father mummed at, than to haue blaſted abroade, and eſpecially ſhee beeing aliue.) Declaring farther|more his two breethren, and his two nephewes to bee baſterdes, and to be borne in auoutrie: yet not with all this content: After that hee had ob|teyned the garland for the which he ſo long thir|ſted, hee cauſed the two poore innocentes hys ne|phewes, committed to him for eſpeciall truſt, to be murthered, and ſhamefully to be kylled. The bloud of which ſely and little babes, dayly crie to God, from the earth for vengeaunce. Alas, my heart ſobbeth, to remember this bloudy butcher, and cruell monſter, what ſuretie ſhall be in thys realme to any perſon, either for life or goodes vn|der ſuch a cruell Prince, which regardeth not the deſtruction of his owne bloud, and then leſſe the loſſe of other. And moſt eſpecially as oftentymes it chanceth, where a couetous or a cruell Prince taketh ſuſpicion, the ſmalleſt, ſwaruing that is poſſible (if the thing be miſconſtrued) may be the cauſe of the deſtruction of many giltleſſe perſo|nes: and in eſpeciall of noble and wealthye perſonages, hauing great poſſeſſions and riches: Suche a Lorde is Lucifer when he is entred into the heart of a proude Prince, giuen to couetouſ|neſſe and crueltie. But nowe my Lord to con|clude what I meane toward your noble perſon, I ſaye and affirme, if you loue GOD, youre lygnage, or youre natiue Countrey, you muſt youre ſelfe take vppon you the Crowne and imperiall Diad [...]ne of thys noble Empyre, bothe for the maynetenaunce of the honoure of the ſame (whiche ſo long hathe flouriſhed in EEBO page image 1395 fame and renowne) as alſo for the deliueraunce of your naturall Countreymen, from the bon|dage and thraldome (worſe than the captiuitie of Egypt) of ſo cruell a Tyrant and arrogant op|preſſor. For thus I dare ſaye, if any forreyne Prince or Potentate, yea the Turke hymſelfe woulde take vppon him the regiment heere, and the Crowne, the commons would rather admit and obey hym, than to liue vnder ſuche a bloud-ſupper and childe kyller: but howe muche more ioyful and glad would they be to liue vnder your grace, whome they all knowe to be a ruler meete and conuenient for them, and they to be louyng and obedient ſubiects, meete to liue vnder ſuch a gouernor: deſpiſe not, nor forſake not ſo manifeſt an occaſion ſo louingly offered. And if you your ſelfe knowing the paine and trauaile that apper|teyneth to the office of a King, or for anye other conſideration, will refuſe to take vppon you the Crowne and Scepter of this Realme: Then I adiure you, by the faith that you owe to God, by your honour and by your othe made to Saincte George, patrone of the noble order of the garter (whereof you bee a companyon) and by the loue and affectiõ that you beare to your natiue Coũ|trey, and the people of the ſame, to deuiſe ſome way, how this Realme nowe beeing in miſerie, may by youre high diſcretion and princely poli|cie, bee broughte and reduced to ſome ſuretie and conueniente regimente, vnder ſome good gouer|nour by you to be appoynted: for you are the ve|ry patrone, the only help, refuge, and comfort for the poore amaſed and deſolate commons of thys Realme. For if you could either deuiſe to ſet vp againe the lignage of Lancaſter, or auaunce the eldeſt daughter of King Edward to ſome hygh and puiſſant Prince, not only the new crowned King ſhall ſmall time enioy the glory of his dig|nitie, but alſo all ciuill warre ſhoulde ceaſſe, all domeſticall diſcord ſhould ſleepe, and peace, pro|fite and quietneſſe ſhould be ſet forth and embra|ſed. When the Byſhop had thus ended his ſay|ing, the Duke ſighed and ſpake not of a greate while, which ſore abaſhed the Byſhop, and made him change coulour: which thing when the duke apperceyued, he ſaide, be not afraid my Lord, all promiſes ſhall be kepte, to morow we will com|mon more: lette vs goe to ſupper, ſo that nyghte they cõmoned no more, not a little to the diſqui|eting of the Biſhop, whiche nowe was euen as deſirous to know the Dukes mind and intente, as the Duke longed the day before to knowe hys opinion and meaning. So the next day, the duke ſent for the Byſhop, and rehearſed to him in ma|ner (for he was both wittie and eloquent) all the communication had betweene them before, and ſo pauſed awhile, and after a little ſeaſon, put|ting off his bonet he ſayd: O Lorde God crea|tor of all things, howe muche is this Realme of England, and the people of the ſame bounden to thy goodneſſe, for where we now be in vexation and trouble with greate ſtormes oppreſſed, ſay|ling and toſſing in a deſperate Shippe, without good maſter or gouernoure but by thy help good Lorde I truſt or long time paſſe, that wee ſhall prouide for ſuche a ruler, as ſhall bee both to thy pleaſure, and alſo to the ſecuritie and ſauegarde of this noble Realme. And then hee put on hys bonet ſaying to the Byſhop, my Lord of Ely, whoſe true hart and ſincere affection toward me at all times, I haue euidently perceyued and knowen, and nowe moſt of all in our laſt priuie communication and ſecrete deuiſing, I muſte needes in hart thinke, and with mouth confeſſe and ſay, that you be a ſure friend, a truſty coun|ſellour, a vigilant foreſeer, a verye louer of your Countrey, & a natural Countreyman for which kindneſſe for my part, I moſt louingly render to you my harty thankes now with wordes, heere|after truſting to recompence and remunerate you with deedes, if life and power ſhall ſerue. And ſith at oure laſt communication, you haue diſcloſed, and opened the very ſecretes and priui|ties of youre ſtomacke, touching the Duke of Glouceſter now vſurper of the Crowne, and al|ſo haue a little touched the aduancement of the two noble families of Yorke and Lancaſter: I ſhall likewiſe not only declare and manifeſt vn|to you, al my open actes, attemptes, and doings, but alſo my priuie entents, and ſecret cogitati|ons. To the intent that as you haue vnbuckeled youre bouget of your priuie meanings, & ſecrete purpoſes to me: ſo ſhal all my clowdy workyng, cloſe deuiſes, and ſecrete imaginations, bee (as cleere as the ſunne) reuealed, opened, and made lighteſome to you. And to beginne, I declare: That when King Edwarde was deceaſed, to whome I thought my ſelfe little or nothing be|holden, (although we two hadde maried two ſi|ſters) bycauſe he neither promoted, nor preferred me, as I thought I was worthy, and had deſer|ned, neither fauored nor regarded me, according to my degree and birthe: for ſurely I had by him little authoritie, and leſſe rule, and in effect no|thing at all: which cauſed me leſſe to fauour his children, bycauſe I founde ſmall humanitie, or none in their parent. I then began to ſtudy, and with rype deliberation, to ponder and to conſi|der, howe and in what manner this Realme ſhould be ruled & gouerned. And firſt I remem|bred an olde prouerbe worthy of memorie, that often ruith the Realme, where children rule, and women gouerne. This olde adage ſo ſanke and ſettled in my head, that I thought it a great er|ror, and extreame miſchiefe to the whole realme, either to ſuffer the yong Kyng to rule, or EEBO page image 1396 the Queene his mother to be a gouernoure once him, conſidering that hir breethren, and hir firſte children (although they were not extract of hygh and noble lynage) toke more vpon them, & more exalted themſelues, by reaſon of the Queene, than did the Kings breethren, or anye Duke in his Realme: which in concluſion, turned to their confuſion. Then I beeing perſwaded with my ſelfe in this poynt, thought it neceſſarie both for the publique & profitable wealth of this Realme, and alſo for myne owne commoditie and emo|lument, to take parte with the Duke of Glouce|ſter: whome I aſſure you I thought to bee as cleane without diſſimulation, as tractable with|out iniurie, as merciful without crueltie, as now I know him perfectly to be a diſſembler without veritie, a Tyraunt without pitie, yea, and worſe than the tyraunt Ph [...]leres deſtitute of all trueth and clemencie: and ſo by my meanes, at the firſt Counſayle holden at London, when hee was moſt ſuſpected of that thing that after happened (as you my Lord know well ynough) hee was made Protector and defender, both of the King, and of the Realme, whiche authoritie once got|ten, and the two children partly by policie brou|ght vnder his gouernaunce, bee beeing moued with that gnawing and couetous ſerpente, deſi|red to raigne, and neuer ceaſſed priuily to exhort and require (yea and ſometimes with minatorie tearmes) to perſwade mee and other Lordes, as well ſpirituall as temporall, that hee might take vppon him the Crowne, till the Prince came to the age of foure and twenty yeares, and were able to gouerne the Realme, as a rype and ſufficient King: which thing, when he ſawe mee ſomewhat ſticke at, both for the ſtrangeneſſe of the example (bycauſe no ſuche preſident had bene ſeene) and alſo bycauſe we remembred that men once aſcended to the higheſt tipe of honour and authoritie, will not gladly diſcende againe, hee then brought in inſtruments, autentike doctors, proctors, and notaries of the law, with depoſiti|ons of diuers witneſſes, teſtifying King Ed|wards children to be baſterds, whiche depoſitiõs then I thought to be as true, as now I knowe them to be fayned, and teſtifyed by perſons with rewards vntruely ſubornate. When the ſaid de|poſitions were before vs redde and diligently hearde, he ſtoode vp bareheaded ſaying: Well my lords, euen as I and you ſage and diſcrete coun|ſaylers would that my nephew ſhoulde haue no wrong, ſo I pray you do me nothing but righte. For theſe witneſſes and ſayings of famous doc|tors being true, I am onely the vndubitate heire to Lord Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke, adiudged to bee the verye heire to the Crowne of this Realme, by authoritie of Parliament, whi|che things, ſo by learned men to vs for a veri|tie declared, cauſed me and other to take him for our lawfull and vndoubted Prince and ſoue|raigne Lord. For well wee knew that the Duke of Clarence ſonne, by reaſon of the attaynder [...] his father, was diſabled to inherite, and alſo the Duke himſelfe was named to be a baſterd, as I my ſelfe haue heard ſpoken, and that vpon great preſumptions more times than one: ſo agayne, by my ayde and fauoure, hee of a protector was made a King, and of a ſubiect made a gouernor, at whiche time hee promiſed me on his fidelitie, laying his hande in mine at Baynard Caſtell, that the two yong Princes ſhould liue, and that he would ſo prouide for them, and ſo maynteine them in honorable eſtate, that I and all the Realme ought and ſhoulde bee content. But when he was once Crowned Kyng, and in full poſſeſſion of the whole Realme, he caſt away his olde conditions, as the adder doth hir ſkinne, ve|rifying the olde prouerbe, Honours change man|ners, as the pariſhe Prieſte remembreth that hee was neuer pariſh clearke. For when I my ſelfe ſued to hym for my parte of the Earle of Hare|fords landes whiche his brother King Edwarde wrõgfully deteyned and withheld from me, and alſo required to haue the office of the high Con|neſtableſhip of Englande, as diuers of my noble aunceſters before this time haue hadde, and in long diſcent continued, in this my firſt ſure ſhe|wing his good mind toward me, he did not only firſte delay me, and afterward denay mee, but gaue me ſuch vnkynd words, with ſuch taunts and retauntes, yee in manner checke and checke mate, to the vttermoſt proofe of my pacience, as though I had neuer furthered him, but hindered him, as though I had put him downe, and not ſet hym vp yet all theſe ingratitudes and vnde|ſerued vnkindneſſe I bare cloſely, and ſuffered paciently, and couertly remembred, outwardly diſſimuling that I inwardly thoughte, and ſo with a paynted countenaunce, I paſſed the laſte ſummer in his laſt companie, not without many faire promiſes, but withoute anye good deedes. But when I was credibly enformed of y^e death of the two yong innocents, his owne naturall nephewes contrarie to his faith and promiſe, to the which (God be my iudge) I neuer agreed, nor condiſcended. O Lord, how my veynes panted, how my body trembled, and my heart inwardly grudged, in ſomuch, that I ſo abhorred the ſight, and muche more the companie of him, that I coulde no longer abide in his Courte, excepte I ſhould be openly reuenged. The ende whereof was doubtfull, and ſo I fayned a cauſe to de|part, and with a merrie countenaunce and a de|ſpitefull heart, I tooke my leaue humbly of him, (he thinking nothing leſſe, than that I was diſ|pleaſed) and ſo returned to Brecknock to you. EEBO page image 1397 But in that iourney as I returned, whether it were by the inſpiracion of the holy Ghoſt, or by Melanculous diſpoſition, I had diuers and ſun|dry imaginacions howe to depriue this vnnatu|rall vncle, and bloudy Butcher, from his royal ſeate, and princely dignitie. Firſte I fanteſyed, that if I lift to take vppon me the Crowne, and imperiall Scepter of the Realme, nowe was the time propice and conuenient. For now was the way made playne, and the gate opened, and oc|caſion giuen, which now neglected, ſhoulde per|aduenture neuer take ſuch effect and concluſion. For I ſaw he was, diſdeyned of the Lords tem|porall, execrate and accurſed of the Lords Spi|rituall, deteſted of all Gentlemen, and deſpiſed of all the communaltie: ſo that I ſaw my chaunce as perfectly as I ſaw my own image in a glaſſe, that there was no perſon (if I had bin greedy to attempte the enterpriſe) coulde nor ſhoulde haue wonne the ring, or got the gole before mee. And on this poynt I reſted in imagination ſecretely with myſelfe, two dayes at Tewkeſberie. And from thẽce ſo iourneying, I muſed and thought that it was not beſt nor conuenient to take vpon me as a conquerour, for then I knew that al mẽ and eſpecially the nobilitie, woulde with al their power withſtande me, both for reſcuyng of poſ|ſeſſiõs, and tenours, as alſo for ſubuerting of the whole eſtate, lawes, and cuſtomes of y^e Realm: Such a power hath a conquerour as you know well inough my Lord. But at the laſt, in al this doubtfull caſe there ſprang a newe branche out of my head, which ſurely I thought ſhould haue broughte forthe faire floures, but the ſunne was ſo hote, that they turned to drie weedes, for I ſuddaynely remembred that Lorde Edmonde Duke of Somerſet my Grandfather, was with King Henrye the ſixte in the two and three de|grees, from Iohn Duke of Lancaſter lawfully begotten: ſo that I thought ſure, my mother be|ing eldeſt daughter to Duke Edmond, that I was nexte heire to King Henrye the ſixte of the houſe of Lancaſter. This title pleaſed well ſuche as I made priuie of my counſaile, but muche more it encouraged my fooliſh deſire, and eleua|ted my ambicious intente, in ſomuche, that I cleerely iudged, and in mine owne minde was determinately reſolued, that I was indubitate heire of the houſe of Lancaſter, and therevppon concluded to make my firſte foundation, and e|rect my new buylding. But whether God ſo or|deyned, or by fortune it ſo chanced, while I was in a maze, other to conclude ſuddaynely on thys title, and to ſet it open amongſt the cõmon peo|ple, or to keepe it ſecret a while, ſee the chance: as I rode betwene Worceter and Bridgenorth, I encountred with the Lady Margaret, Counteſſe of Richmond, now wife to the Lorde Stanley, whiche is the very daughter and [...] heyre, to Lord Iohn Duke of Somerſet, my Grandfa|thers elder brother, whiche was as cleane out of my minde, as though I hadde neuer ſeene hir, ſo that ſhee and hir ſonne the Earle of Richmond, be both bulwarke and portecolice betweene mee and the gate, to enter into the maieſtie royal and getting of the Crowne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 And whẽ we had cõmuned a little concerning hir ſonne, as I ſhal ſhew you after, and were de|parted, ſhe to our Ladie of Worceſter, and I to Shrewſbury: I then new changed, and in ma|ner amazed, began to diſpute with my ſelfe, little conſidering that thus my earneſt title was tur|ned to a tittel not ſo good as Eſt Amen. Eftſoo|nes I imagined whether I were beſt to take vp|on me, by the election of the nobilitie and com|munaltie, which me thought eaſie to be done, the vſurper king, thus being in hatred and abhorred of this whole realm, or to take it by power, which ſtandeth in fortunes chaunce, and difficile to bee atchieued and brought to paſſe. Thus tumbling and toſſing in the waues of ambiguitie, betwene the ſtone and ſacrifice, I conſidered firſt the of|fice, dutie, and payne of a King, whiche ſure|ly thynke, I that no mortall man can iuſtly and truly obſerue, except he be called, elected, & ſpeci|ally appoynted by God as king Dauid, and dy|uers other haue bin. But farther, I remembred that if I once tooke on me the ſcepter, and the go|uernaunce of the realme: That of two extreme enimies I was dayely ſure, but of one truſtye frend (which now a days be gone a pilgrimage) I was neither aſſured, nor credibly aſcertayned, (ſuche is the worldes mutation) for I manifeſt|ly perceiued, that the daughters of king Edward and their alyes, and frendes, whiche be no ſmall number, being both, for his ſake muche beloued, and alſo for the greate iniurie and manifeſte ty|rannie done to them by the newe vſurper, muche lamented and pitied, would neuer ceaſſe to barke if they can not byte at the one ſide of me. S [...]|blably, my couſyn the Earle of Richmond, hys aydes and kinſfolke, whiche be not of little po|wer, will ſurely attẽpt lyke a fierce grandhound, eyther to byte or to pierce mee on the other ſide. So that my lyfe and rule, ſhould euer hang by a haire, neuer in quiet, but euer in doubt of death, or depoſition. And if the ſayde two lynages of Yorke and Lancaſter, whiche ſo long haue ſtri|ued for the Imperiall diademe, ſhoulde ioyne in one againſte mee, then were I ſurely mated, and the game gotten. Wherefore I haue cleere|ly determined, and with my ſelfe concluded, vtterly to relinquiſhe all ſuche fantaſticall i|maginations, concerning the obteyning of the Crowne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 But all ſuche plagues calamities & troubles EEBO page image 1398 (which I feared and ſuſpected) might haue chã|ced on me if I had taken the rule and regiment of this Realme, I ſhall with a reredemayne ſo make them rebound to our common enimie that calleth himſelfe King, that the beſt ſtopper that he hath at tenice, ſhall not well ſtoppe without a faulte: for as I tolde you before, the Counteſſe of Richmonde in my returne from the new na|med King, meeting mee in the high way, pray|ed mee firſte for kinred ſake, ſecondarily for the loue that I bare to my Grandfather Duke Hũ|frey, which was ſworne brother to hir father, to moue the King to bee good to hir ſonne Henrye Earle of Richmond, and to licence him with hys fauour to returne agayne into England: and if it were his pleaſure ſo to doe, ſhee promiſed that the Earle hir ſonne ſhoulde marrie one of Kyng Edwardes daughters, at the appoyntmente of the King, without any thing to bee taken or de|maunded for the ſayde eſpouſals, but onely the Kings fauoure, whiche requeſt I ſoone ouerpaſ|ſed, and gaue hir faire wordes, and ſo departed. But after in my lodging, when I called to me|morie with a deliberate ſtudie, and did circum|ſpectly ponder them, I fully adiudged, that the holy Ghoſt cauſed hir to moue a thing (the ende whereof ſhe could not conſider) both for the ſeen|ritie of the Realme, as alſo for the preferment of hir childe, and the deſtruction and finall confuſi|on of the common enimie King Richard, Whi|che thing, ſhe neither then thought (I am ſure) as I by hir wordes coulde make coniecture, nor I my ſelfe caſt not hir deſire to be ſo profitable to the Realme, as I now doe perceyue, but ſuche a Lord is God, that with a little ſparkle, hee kyn|dleth a great fire, and ſo finally to declare to you the very cõcluſion, to the which I am both bent and ſet, my minde is, and my power and purſe ſhall help, that the Erle of Richmond, very heire of the houſe of Lancaſter (in the quarrell of the which linage, both my father and Graundfather loſt their lyues in battayle) ſhall take to wife La|dy Elizabeth eldeſt daughter to King Edward, by the which marriage both the houſes of Yorke and Lancaſter maye bee ioyned, and vnited in one, to the cleere ſtabliſhmente of the title to the Crowne of this noble Realme. To which con|cluſion, if the mothers of both parties, and eſpe|cially the Earle himſelfe, and the Lady will a|gree, I doubt not but the bragging Bore, which with his tuſkes rayſeth euery mans ſkinne, ſhall not only be brought to confuſion as he hath de|ſerued, but that this empire ſhall euer be certaine of an vndubitate heire, and then ſhall all ciuile and inteſtine warre ceaſe, whiche ſo long hathe continued to the paring of many mẽs crownes, and this Realme ſhall be reduced againe to qui|etneſſe, renoune and glory. This inuentiõ of the Duke manye menne thoughte after, that it was more imagined for the inwarde hatred that we bare to King Richard, than for any [...] that he bare to the Earle of Richmond. But of ſuche doubtfull matter, it is not beſt to iudge for [...]ng to farre from the minde and intent of the auctor: But whatſoeuer hee entended, this deuice once opened to King Richard was the very occaſion, that he was rounded ſhorter by the whole head, without attainder or iudgemente. When the Duke hadde ſaid, the Biſhop whiche fauoured e|uer the houſe of Lancaſter, was wonderous ioy|full, and muche reioyſed to heare this deuice, for nowe came the winde about euen as hee woulde haue it, for all his imaginacion tended to thys effect to haue King Richarde ſubdued, and to haue the lines of king Edward, and King Hen|ry the ſixth agayne raiſed and aduaunced. But Lorde howe hee reioyced to thinke howe that by this marriage the linages of Yorke and Lanca|ſter ſhould be conioyned in one, to the very ſted|faſtneſſe of the publique wealth of this Realme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 And leaſt the Dukes courage ſhoulde ſwage, or his mynde ſhould againe alter, as it did often before, as you may eaſily perceyue by his owne tale. He thought to ſet vp all the ſayles that hee hadde, to the intent that the ſhip of his preten|ſed purpoſe, myghte come ſhortely to ſome ſure port: And ſayde to the duke, My Lorde, ſith by Gods prouiſion and youre incomparable wyſe|dome and policie, this noble coniunction is firſte moued, nowe is it conuenient, yea & neceſſary to conſider what perſonages, & what frends we ſhal firſt make priuie of this high deuice and politike cõcluſiõ. By my truth, quod the duke, we wil be|gin w^t the ladie Richmõd, y^e erles mother, which knoweth where he is, eyther in captiuitie, or at large in Britayn. For I heard ſay, y^t the duke of Britayn reſtored him to libertie, immediatly af|ter the death of king Edward, by whoſe meanes hee was reſtreyned. Sith you will begin that way (ſaid the Biſhop) I haue an old friend with the Counteſſe, a man ſober, ſecret, and well wit|ted, called Reignold Bray, whoſe prudente poli|cie I haue knowen to haue cõpaſſed thyngs of greate importance, for whome I ſhall ſecretely ſend, if it be your pleaſure, and I doubte not hee will gladly come and that with a good will. So with a little diligence, the Byſhop wrote a let|ter to Reignold Bray, requiring him to come to Brecknocke with ſpeede, for great and vrgent cauſes, touching his miſtreſſe: and no other thing was declared in the letter. So the meſſenger rode into Lancaſhire, where Bray was with the Counteſſe, and Lord Thomas Stanley hir huſ|band, and deliuered the letter, which when he had red, he tooke it as a ſigne or preſage of ſome good fortune to come, and ſo with the meſſenger he EEBO page image 1399 came to the Caſtell of Brecknock, where the Duke and the Byſhop declared what thing was deuiſed, both for to ſet the realme in aquires ſted|faſtneſſe; as alſo for the high prefermente of the Erle of Richmond, ſon to his Lady & miſtreſſe: willing hir firſte to compaſſe how to obteyne the good will of Q. Elizabeth, and alſo of hir eldeſt daughter hearing the ſame name: & after fe [...]ely to ſend to hir ſon into Britaine, to declare what high honor was prepared for him, if hee woulde ſweare to marrie the Lady Elizabeth aſſume as he was K. & in royall poſſeſſion of the Realme. Reignold Bray with a glad hearte, forgettyng nothing giuen to him in charge, in greate haſt & with good ſpeede returned to y^e counteſſe his La|dy & miſtreſſe. Whẽ Bray was departed, & thys great doubtful veſſel once ſet abroche, y^e Byſhop thirſting for nothing more thã for libertie: whẽ he ſaw y^e D. pleaſant & wel minded toward him, he told y^e Duke, that if hee were in his yle of E|ly he could make many friẽds to further their en|terpriſe, & if he were there & had but foure dayes warning, he little regarded the malice of K. Ri|chard, his countrey was ſo ſtrõg. The D. knew well al this to be true, but yet loth hee was that the B. ſhoulde departe, for he knew well, that us long as the B. was with him, he was ſure of po|litique aduiſe, ſage counſayle, and circumſpect proceeding. And ſo he gaue the B. faire wordes, ſaying, that hee ſhoulde ſhortly depart, and that wel accompanyed for feare of enimies. The B. being as wittie as the D. was wilie, did not tar|rie till the Dukes company were aſſembled, but ſecretly diſguiſed, in a night departed (to y^e dukes great diſpleaſure) & came to his ſee of Ely, where he found mony and friends, & ſo ſailed into Flã|ders, where hee did the Earle of Richmond good ſeruice, and neuer returned agayne, till the Earle of Richmond after beeing K. ſente for him, and ſhortly promoted him to the ſea of Canterburye. Thus the B. wound himſelfe from the D. when he had moſt neede of his aide, for if he had taryed ſtil, the D. had not made ſo many blabbes of his counſaile, nor put ſo much cõfidẽce in y^e Welch|mẽ, nor yet ſo temerariouſly ſet forward, with|out knowledge of his friendes as hee did, whyche things were his ſuddayne ouerthrowe, as they that knew it did report.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 When Reignold Bray had declared his meſ|ſage & priuie inſtruction to the coũteſſe of Rich|mond his miſtreſſe, no maruell though ſhe were ioyous and glad, both of the good newes and al|ſo for the obteining of ſuche a high friende in hir ſonnes cauſe as the D. was, wherefore ſhe wil|ling not to ſlepe this matter, but to farther it to the vttermoſt of hir power and abilitie, deuiſed a meanes how to breake this matter to Q. Eli|zabeth then beeing in Sanctuarie at Weſt. And the [...], ſhe hauing in hir family at that time for the preſeruatiõ of h [...]r health a certain Welſh|man called Lewes, learned in phiſicke, which for his grauitie and experience, was well knowen, and much eſteemed amongſt great eſtates of the Realm: with whome the vſed ſometime liberal|ly & familiarly to talke, now hauing opportuni|tie and occaſion to breake hir minde vnto him of this weighty matter, declared that the time was come that hir ſonne ſhould be ioyned in mariage with Lady Elizabeth, daughter and heire to K. Edward, and that K. Richard being taken and reputed of all men for the common enimie of the Realme, ſhould out of all honoure and eſtate bee detected, & of his rule & kingdome be cleerely ſpoi|led and expulſed: and required him to goe to Q. Elizabeth (with whome in his facultie he was of counſaile) not as a meſſenger, but as one y^t came friendly to viſite & conſolate hir, and as time and place ſhoulde require, to make hir priuie of thys deuiſe, not as a thing concluded, but as a purpoſe by him imagined. This phiſician did not long [...]ger to accompliſh hir deſire, but with good di|ligence repared to the Q. being ſtil in the ſanctu|ary at Weſt. And whẽ he ſaw time propice and conuenient for his purpoſe, he ſaw vnto hir: Ma|dame, although my imaginatiõ be very ſimple, & my deuice more foliſh, yet for the entier affection that I beare toward you & your childrẽ, I am ſo bold to vtter vnto you a ſecrete & priuie conceit y^t I haue caſt & cõpaſſed in my fantaſtical braine. Whẽ I wel remẽbred and no leſſe conſidered the greate loſſe & dammage that you haue ſuſteyned by the death of your noble and louing huſbande, & the great doloure and ſorow that you haue ſuf|fered and tollerated, by y^e cruell murther of youre innocent children: I can no leſſe do both of boun|den duetie and chriſtian charitie, than dayly to ſtudie, & hourely imagine, not only how to bring your heart to comfort and gladu [...]s, but alſo de|uiſe how to reuẽge the righteous quarell of you & your children on that bloudy bloudſupper, and cruel tyrant K. Richard. And firſt cõſider, what battaile, what manſlaughter, what miſchief hath riſen in this Realme by the diſſention betweene the two noble houſes of Yorke and Lancaſter, which two families (as I haue contriued) if they may bee ioyned in one, I thinke, yea and doubte not, but youre line ſhalbe againe reſtored to the priſtinate eſtate and degree, to your great ioy and cõfort, and to y^e vtter cõfuſion of your mortall e|nimie the vſurper K. You know very well Ma|dame, y^t of the houſe of Lancaſter, y^e erle of Rich|mond is next of bloud, which is liuing, & a luſtie yõg batcheler, & to y^e houſe of York your daugh|ters now are heires: if you could agree and inuẽt the meane howe to couple youre eldeſt daughter with the yong erle of Richmond in matrimonie, EEBO page image 1400 no doubt but the vſurper of the Realme ſhoulde be ſhortly depoſed, and your heire againe to hir right reſtored.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Queene had hearde this friendely motion (which was as farre from hir thought, as the man that the rude people ſay is in y^e Moone) lord how hir ſpirites reuiued, and how hir hearte lept in hir body for ioy and gladneſſe, and fyrſte giuing lawde to Almightie GOD, as the chiefe author of hyr comfort, ſecondarily to ma|ſter Lewes, as the deuiſer of the good newes and tydyngs, inſtantely beſought hym, that as hee hadde bin the fyrſte inuenter of ſo good an enter|priſe, that nowe hee woulde not relinquiſhe nor deſiſt to follow the ſame: requiring hym farther (bycauſe he was apperteyning to the Counteſſe of Richmonde mother to the Earle Henry) that he would with all diligente celeritie reſort to hir, then lodging in hir huſbandes place, within the Citie of London, and to declare on the Queenes behalfe to the Counteſſe, that all the friends and fautors of King Edwarde hir huſband, ſhoulde aſſiſt and take parte with the Earle of Riche|mond hir ſonne, ſo that he would take a corpo|rall othe after the Kingdome obteined, to eſpouſe and take to wife the Lady Elizabeth hir daugh|ter, or elſe Lady Cecyle, if the eldeſt daughter were not then liuing.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Maiſter Lewes with all dexteritie ſo ſped his buſineſſe, that he made and concluded a final end and determination of this enterpriſe, betweene the two mothers, and bycauſe he was a Phiſiti|on, and out of all ſuſpicion, and miſdeeming, hee was the common curter and dayly meſſenger betweene them, ayding and ſetting forth the in|uented conſpiracie againſt King Richarde. So the Lady Margaret Counteſſe of Richmonde, broughte into a good hope of the preferment of hir ſonne, made Reignold Bray hir moſt faith|full ſeruaunt, chiefe ſoliciter and priuie procurer of this conſpiracie, giuing him in charge ſecrete|ly to enuegle and attract ſuch perſons of nobili|tie to ioyne with hir & take hir part, as he knewe to be ingenious, faithfull, diligent, and of actiui|tie. This Reignold Bray within few dayes, brought vnto his lure, (firſte of all taking of e|uery perſon a ſolemne othe, to be true and ſecret) ſir Giles Daubeney, ſir Iohn Cheyney Knight, Richard Guylford and Thomas Rame Eſqui|ers, and diuers other. The Counteſſe of Riche|mond was not ſo diligente for hir parte, but Q. Elizabeth was as vigilant on the other ſide, and made friends, and appoynted Counſellors to ſet forward and aduaunce hir buſineſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 In the meane ſeaſon, the Counteſſe of Rich|monde tooke into hir ſeruice Chriſtopher Vrſ|wike, an honeſt and a wiſe Prieſte, and after an othe of him for to bee ſecrete taken and ſworne, the vttered to him all hir minde and counſayle, adhibiting to hym the more confidence and trueth that hee all his life had fauoured and ta|ken partee with King Henrye the ſixte, and as a ſpeciall iewell put to hir ſeruice by Sir Le|wes hee hir Phiſition. So the mother ſtudious for the proſperitie of hir ſonne, appoynted this Chri|ſtopher Vrſwike to ſayle into Britaine to the Earle of Richmonde, and to declare and to re|ueale to him all pactes and agreementes be|tweene hir and the Queene agreed and conclu|ded: but ſuddaynely, ſhee remembring that the Duke of Burkingham was one of the firſte in|uentors, and a ſecret founder of thys enterpriſe, determined to ſend ſome perſonage of more eſti|mation than hir Chaplayne, and ſo elected for a meſſenger Hugh Conwey Eſquier, and ſente him into Britaine with a greate ſumme of money to hir ſonne, gyuing him in charge, to declare to the Earle the greate loue and eſpeciall fauoure that the moſt part of the nobilitie of the Realme bare towarde him, the louing heartes and beneuolent mindes whiche the whole com|munaltie of theyr owne free will frankely offe| [...]and liberally exhibited to him, willing and aduiſing him not to neglect ſo good an occaſion apparantly offered, but with all ſpeede and dili|gence to addict and ſettle his mind and ful intẽ|tion how to returne home againe into Englãd, where hee was both wiſhed and looked for, gy|uing him farther monicion and councell to take land and arriuall in the principalitie of Wales, where he ſhould not doubt to finde both and, cõ|fort, & friẽds. Richard Guilford leaſt Hugh Cõ|wey mighte fortune to bee taken or ſtopped at Plimmouth, where he intẽded to take his naui|gatiõ, ſent out of Kẽt Tho. Rame with y^e ſame inſtructions: & both made ſuch diligence, and had ſuch wind & weather, y^e one by land frõ Calais, & the other by water from Plimmouth, y^t within leſſe than an houre, both arriued in y^e D. of Bri|taines court, & ſpake with the Erle of Richmõd, which frõ the death of K. Edward, went at hys pleaſure and libertie, & to him counted & manife|ſted y^e cauſe & effect of their meſſage and ambaſ|ſade. When y^e Erle had receiued this ioyful meſ|ſage, whiche was the more pleaſaunt, bycauſe it was vnloked for, he rendred to Ieſu his ſauioure his moſt humble & harty thãkes, being in firme credence & beliefe y^t ſuch things as he with buſie mind & laborious intent had wiſhed and deſired, coulde neuer haue taken any effect, without the help & preferment of almightie God. And nowe being put in comfort of his long longing, he did communicate and breake to the D. of Britaine all his ſecretes, and priuie meſſages, which were to him declared, aduertiſing him that he was en|tered into a ſure and ſtedfaſt hope, to obteyne, EEBO page image 1401 and get the [...]ne a [...]ingdome of the realme of England, deſiring him both of his good wyll and friendly helpe toward the atchieuing of hys officed enterpriſe, promiſing [...] when he came to his intented purpoſe; to render to him againe e|quall kindneſſe and condigne recompence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Although the Duke of Brytaine before that day by Thomas Hutton Ambaſſador from king Richard, had both by money and prayers beene ſolicited and moued to put again into ſafe cuſto|die the Erle of Richmonde, he neuertheleſſe pro|miſed faythfully to ayde him, and his promiſe he truely performed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 1485Wherevpon the Earle with all diligence ſent into England again Hugh Conway,A [...]. reg. 3. and Tho|mas Rame, whiche ſhould declare his comming ſhortly into England, to the intent that al things which by counſaile might be for his purpoſe pro|uided, ſhould be ſpeedily and diligently done, and that all things doubtfull ſhould of his friends bee prudently foreſeene, in auoyding all engines and ſnares which king Richarde had or might ſet in diſturbance of his purpoſe: and hee in the meane ſeaſon woulde make his abode ſtill in Brytaine, till all things neceſſarie for his iourney were pre|pared and brought in a readineſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon, the chiefraines of the coniuration in Englande, began togither many enterpriſes: Some in conuenient fortreſſes put ſtrong garniſons: ſome kept armed men priui|ly, to the intente that when they ſhoulde haue knowledge of the Earles landing, they woulde beginne to ſtyrre vppe the warre: Other did ſecretly moue and ſolicite the people to riſe and make an inſurrection: Other (amongſt whome Iohn Morton Biſhop of Elie then being in Flã|ders was chiefe) by priuie letters and cloked meſ|ſengers, did ſtirre and moue to this new coniura|tion, al ſuch which they certainly knew to haue a rooted hatred, or to beare a cãkred malice toward king Richard and his proceedings.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Although this great enterpriſe were neuer ſo priuily handled, and ſo ſecretly amongſt ſo cir|cumſpect perſons treated, compaſſed and con|ueyed, yet knowledge thereof came to the eares of king Richard, who with the ſodaine chaunce was not a little moued and aſtonied. Firſt by|cauſe he had no hoſt readie prepared, ſecondly, if he ſhoulde raiſe an army ſo ſodainlye, hee knewe not were to meete his enimies, or whither to go, or where to tary. Wherfore he determined to diſ|ſemble the matter, as though hee knew nothing, till hee had aſſembled his hoſte, and in the meane ſeaſon eyther by y^e rumor of the cõmon people, or by the diligence of his eſpials to ſearch out all the counſailes, determinations, entents and compaſ|ſes of his cloſe aduerſaries, or elſe by policie to in|tercept and take ſome perſon of the ſame coniu|ration, conſidering that there is [...] [...]e nor hid eſ [...]ll, than that which lurketh in diſſi|mulation of knowledge and intelligence, or is hidden in name and [...] of [...] hu|manitie and feyned kindneſſe.The duke of Buckingham conſpireth a|gaynſt King Richard. And bycauſe hee knewe the Duke of Buckingham to be the chiefe heade and ayde of the coniu [...]tion, he thought it moſte neceſſarie to plucke him from that parte, eyther by fayre promiſes, or open water.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Wherevpon he addreſſed his louing letters to the Duke, full of gentle wordes, and [...]oſt friend|ly ſpeech, giuing further in charge to the meſſen|ger that caried the letter, to promiſe the duke on his behalfe, golden hilles, and ſiluer riuers, and with all gentle and pleaſaunt meanes to per|ſwade and exhorte the Duke to come to the Court.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But the Duke as wily as the King miſ [...]|ſting the fayre flattering wordes, and the ga [...]e promiſes to him ſo ſodainly without any cauſe offred, knowing the craftie caſtes of K. Richards bow, which in diuerſe affayres before time he had ſeene practiſed, required the king to pardon hym, excuſing himſelfe that hee was ſo diſeaſed in hys ſtomacke, that ſkant he could eyther take refecti|on or reſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Richarde not being content with thys excuſe, would in no wiſe admit the ſame, but in|continent directed to the duke other letters, of a more rogher and hawtier ſort, not without tan|ting and byting tearmes, and checking wordes, commaunding him (all excuſes ſet apart) to re|payre wythoute any delaye to hys royall pre|ſence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The duke made to the meſſenger a determi|nate anſwere, that hee woulde not come to hys mortall enimie, whom hee neither loued, nor fa|uoured: and immediately prepared open warre againſt him, and perſwaded al his complices and partakers, that euerie man ſhould in his quarter with all diligence rayſe vp the people and make a commotion. And by this meanes almoſt in one moment Thomas Marques Dorſet came oute of Sanctuarie, where hee ſithe the beginning of King Richarde dayes had continued, whoſe life by the onely helpe of ſir Thomas Louell, was preſerued from all danger and perill in this trou|blous worlde, gathered togither a great bande of men in Yorkeſhire.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Sir Edward Courtney, and Peter his brother Biſhop of Exeter, rayſed an other army in De|uonſhire & Cornwall. In Kent Richard Guil|ford and other gentlemen collected a great com|panie of ſouldiers, and openly began warre. But king Richard which in the meane time had gottẽ togither a great ſtrength and puiſſance, thinking it not moſt for his part beneficiall to diſperſe and deuide his greate armye into ſmall braunches, EEBO page image 1402 and particularly to perſecute any one of the con|iutation by himſelfe, determined all other things being ſet aſide, with his whole puiſſaunce to ſette on the chiefe head, which was the Duke of Buc|kingham. And ſo remouing from London, hee tooke his iourney toward Saliſburie, to the entent that in his iourney hee myght ſet on the Dukes armie, if he might knowe him in any place en|camped or in order of battaile arrayed. The king was ſcarce two dayes iourney from Saliſburie, when the Duke of Buckingham accompanied wyth a great power of wilde Welchmen, whom hee beeing a man of greate courage and ſharpe ſpeeche, in maner againſt theyr wilies had rather there to inforced and compelled by Lordly and ſtrayte commaundement, than by liberall wa|ges and gentle reteynour, whiche thing was the verie occaſion why they left him deſolate, and co|wardly forſooke him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 The Duke wyth all his power marched tho|row the Foreſt of Deane, intending to haue paſ|ſed the riuer Seuerne at Glouceſter, and there to haue ioined his armie with the Courtneis, and o|ther Weſterne men of his confederacie and affi|nitie, which if he had done, no doubt but king Ri|chard had beene in great ieopardie, eyther of pri|uation of his Realme, or loſſe of his life, or both. But ſee the chaunce, before hee coulde attaine to Seuerne ſide, by force of continuall rayne and moyſture, the riuer roſe ſo high that it ouerflowed all the Countrey adioyning, inſomuch that men were drowned in their beds, and houſes with the extreme violence were ouerturned, children were caryed about the fieldes ſwimming in Cradels, beaſtes were drowned on hilles, whiche rage of water laſted continually tenne dayes, inſomuch that in the Coũtrey adioyning they call it to this day the great water, or the Duke of Buckinghãs great water. By this floud the paſſages were ſo cloſed,The great water. that neither the duke could come ouer Se|uerne to his complices, nor they to him: during the which time, the Welchmen lingring ydlely, and without money, vytaile, or wages, ſodainly ſcattered and departed: and for all the Dukes fayre promiſes, threatnings, and enforcements, they woulde in no wiſe neither go further nor a|byde. The Duke being thus left almoſt poſt a|lone, was of neceſſitie compelled to flie, and in his flight was with this ſodaine fortune maruei|louſly diſmayde: and beeing vnpurueyed what counſaile he ſhould take, and what way he ſhuld follow, like a man in diſpayre, not knowing what to doe, of verie truſte and confidence con|ueyed himſelfe into the houſe of Humfrey Bana|ſter his ſeruant beſide Shrewſbury, whom he had tenderly brought vp, and whom he aboue al men loued, fauored, and truſted, now not doubting but that in his extreme neceſſitie he ſhould find him faythfull, ſecrete, and truſtie, intendi [...]g [...] co|uertly to lurke, till either he might rayſe aga [...] [...] new army, or elſe ſhortly to ſayle into Brytaine to the Erle of Richmond.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But when it was knowne to his adher [...], which were readie to giue battaile, that his h [...] was ſcattered, and had left him almoſt alone, and was fled, and could not be founde, they were ſo|dainly amaſed and ſtryken with a ſodaine [...], that euery man like perſons deſperate ſhined for himſelfe and fled, ſome went to Sanctuarie, and to ſolitarie places, ſome fled by Sea, whereof the moſt part within a few dayes after arriued ſ [...]|ly in the Duchie of Brytaine. Among which nũ|ber were theſe perſons, Peter Courtney Biſhop of Exceter, & ſir Edmond Courtney his brother, by king Henrie the ſeuenth after created Earle of Deuonth. Thomas Marques Dorſet, Iohn lord Wells, ſir Iohn Bourchier, ſir Edward Wood|uile, a valiant man in armes, brother to Queene Elizabeth, ſir Robert Willoughbie, ſir Gyles Daubeney, ſir Thomas Arũdel, ſir Iohn Chey|ney and his two brethren, ſir William Barke|ley, ſir William Brandon, and Thomas hys brother, ſir Richarde Edgecombe: all theſe for the moſte parte beeing Knightes, Iohn Hal|well, and Edwarde Ponings, a politike cap|taine.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At this verie ſeaſon, Iohn Morton Biſhop of Ely, and Chriſtofer Vrſwike prieſt, and an o|ther companie of noble men ſoiourned in Flaun|ders, and by letters and meſſengers procured ma|ny enimies agaynſt king Richarde, which vſing a vigilant eye, and a quicke remembrance, being newly come to Saliſburie, hauing perfite notice and knowledge how the duke was fled, and how his complices intended to paſſe out of the realme. Firſt he ſent men of warre to all the next portes and paſſages, to keepe ſtraytly the Sea coaſt, ſo that no perſon ſhould paſſe outwarde, nor take lande within the realme without their aſſent and knowledge. Secondarily he made proclamation, that what perſon could ſhewe and reueale where the Duke of Buckingham was, ſhoulde he high|ly rewarded, if he were a bondman, he ſhoulde be enfranchiſed and ſet at libertie, if he wereof [...] bloud, he ſhould haue a generall pardon, and be rewarded with a thouſand poundes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Furthermore, bycauſe he vnderſtood by Tho|mas Hurtõ, which (as you haue herd) was new|ly returned out of Brytaine, that Frances Duke of Britain, not onely refuſed to keepe the Erle of Richmond as a priſoner, at his contemplation, and for his ſake, but alſo that he was readie to aid and ſuccour the ſayde Earle, with men, money, and all things neceſſarie for his tranſporting in|to England: he therefore rigged & ſent out ſhape of warre, well furniſhed and decked wyth men EEBO page image 1403 and artyll [...]rie, to ſkoure and keepe that parte of the ſea that lyeth ouer agaynſt Brytayne, to the entent [...] that if the Earle of Richmonde woulde adventure to ſayle towarde Englande, either he ſhould be taken captiue, or be beaten and driuen from the coaſt of England.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And moreouer, to the entent that euery coaſt, way, paſſage, and corner, ſhoulde bee diligently watched and kept, he ſet at euery doubtfull and ſuſpected place men of warre, to ſeeke, ſearch, and inquire, if anye creature coulde tell tydings of the Duke of Buckingham, or of any of his con|federation, adherentes, fantours or partakers.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 [...]ey Ba| [...]r ſeruant [...] the Duke [...] Bucking|ham betrayed [...] [...]er.While this buſie ſearche was diligently ap|plyed and put in execution, Humfrey Banaſter (were it more for feare of lyfe and loſſe of goodes, or attracted and prouoked by the auaricious de|ſire of the thouſande poundes) hee bewrayed hys gueſt and maiſter to Iohn Mitton then Sherife of Shropſhire, which ſodainly with a ſtrong po|wer of men in harneſſe apprehended the Duke in a little groue adioyning to the manſion of Hum|frey Banaſter, and in greate haſte and euyll ſpeede, conueyed hym apparayled in a pylled blacke Cloake to the towne of Shrewſburie, where King Rycharde then kepte hys houſe|holde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Whether this Banaſter bewrayed the duke more for feare than couetous, many menne doe doubt: but ſure it is, that ſhortly after he had be|trayed the Duke his maiſter, his ſonne and heyre waxed mad, and ſo died in a B [...] [...]lie, his eldeſt daughter of excellent beautie, was ſodainly ſtry|ken with a foule leaprie, his ſecond ſonne marue|louſly deformed of his limmes, and made lame, his yonger ſonne in a ſmall puddle was ſtrangled and drowned, and he being of extreeme age, ar|raigned, and found guiltie of a murther, and by his cleargie ſaued. And as for his thouſand pound king Richard gaue him not one farthing, ſaying that he which would be vntrue to ſo good a mai|ſter, would be falſe to all other: howbeit ſome ſay that hee had a ſmall office or a farme to ſtop hys mouth withall. The duke being by certaine of the kings counſaile diligently vpon interrogatories examined what things hee knewe preiudiciall to the Kings perſon, opened and declared frankly, & freely all the coniuration wythout diſſembling or gloſing, truſting bycauſe hee had trulye and plainely reuealed and confeſſed all things that were of him requyred, that he ſhould haue licence to ſpeake to the king, whiche (whether it were to ſue for pardon and grace, or whether hee beeing brought to hys preſence, woulde haue ſtycked him with a dagger as men then iudged) hee ſore deſired and required. But when he had confeſſed the whole fact and conſpiracie, vpon Alſoulne day without arraignment or iudgement, hee was at Saliſburie in the open market place,The Duke of Buckingham beheaded. on a newe ſcaffold behedded and put to death.

[figure appears here on page 1403]

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This death (as a reward) the Duke of Buc|kingham receyued at the hands of king Richard, whom he before in his affayres, purpoſes and en|terpriſes, had holpen, ſuſteyned and ſet forwarde, aboue all Gods forbode.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 By this all men may eaſily perceyue, that hee not onely loſeth both his labor, trauaile, and in|duſtrie, and further ſteyneth and ſpotteth his line with a perpetuall ignominie & reproche, which in euill and miſchiefe aſſyſteth and aydeth an euill diſpoſed perſon, conſidering for the moſte part, that hee for his friendly fauour ſhoulde receyue ſome great diſpleaſure or importunate chaunce. Beſide that, God of his iuſtice in concluſion ap|poynteth to him a condigne paine and affliction for his merits and deſerts.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Whyle theſe things were thus handled and ordred in England, Henrie Earle of Richmonde EEBO page image 1304 prepared an army of fiue thouſand manly Bry|tonnes, and fortie well furniſhed ſhips.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When all things were prepared in a readi|neſſe, and the day of departing & ſetting forwarde was appoynted, whiche was the .xij. day of the Moneth of October, the whole armie went on ſhipbourd, and halſed vp their ſayles, and wyth a proſperous wind tooke the ſea: but toward night the wind chaunged, and the weather turned, and ſo huge and terrible a tempeſt ſo ſodainly aroſe, that with the verie power and ſtrength of the ſtorme, the ſhips were diſparcled, ſeuered and ſe|parate a ſunder: ſome by force were driuen into Normandie, ſome were compelled to returne a|gaine into Brytaine. The ſhip wherein the erle of Richmond was, aſſociate onely with one other Barke, was all night toſſed and turmoyled.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the morning after, when the rage of the furious tempeſt was aſſwaged, and the yre of the bluſtring winde was ſome deale appeaſed, about the houre of noone the ſame day, the Erle appro|ched to the South part of the realm of England, euen at the mouth of the Hauen of Pole, in the Countie of Dorcet, where he might plainly per|ceyue all the Sea bankes and ſhores, garniſhed and furniſhed with men of warre and ſouldiers, appoynted and deputed there to defende hys arri|ual and landing (as before is mentioned.) Wher|fore he gaue ſtraight charge, and ſore commaun|demẽt, that no perſon ſhuld once preſume to take lande, and goe to the Shore, vntill ſuche tyme as the whole Nauie were aſſembled and come togither.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And while hee taryed and lyngered, hee ſent out a Shipbote towarde the lande ſide, to knowe whether they which ſtood there in ſuch a number, and ſo well furniſhed in apparell defenſiue, were his foes and enimies, or elſe his friends and com|forters. They that were ſent to enquire, were in|ſtantly deſired of the men of warre keeping the coaſt (which therof were before inſtructed and ad|moniſhed) to diſcend & take lande, affirming that they were appointed by the duke of Buckingham there to awayt and tarie for the arriuall and lan|ding of the Erle of Richmonde, and to conduct him ſafely into the campe, where the Duke not farre of laye incamped with a mightie armie, and an hoſt of great ſtrength and power, to the intent that the Duke and the Earle ioyning in puiſſaunces and forces togither, might proſecute and chaſe King Richarde being deſtitute of men. and in maner deſperate, and ſo by that meanes, and their owne labors, to obteyne the end of their enterprice which they had before begon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Richmonde ſuſpecting theyr flattering requeſt to be but a fraude (as it was in deede) after hee perceyued none of his ſhippes to appeare in ſight, hee w [...]yed vp his Ancors, hal|ſed vp his Say [...]s, and hauing a pr [...] [...] ſtreynable winde, and a f [...]he [...] God to delyuer him from that pa [...] and [...] [...]|die, arriued ſafe and in all [...]c [...] the D [...]|chie of Normandy, where he [...] and ſ [...]ace hys ſouldiers and people, tooke his recration by the ſpace of three dayes, and clearely determined with part of his companie to paſſe all by la [...] a|gaine into Brytaine. And in the meane ſeaſon he ſent Ambaſſadors to the Frenche king, called Charles the eight which newly ſucceeded his fa|ther king Lewes the eleuenth, not long before de|parted to God, requ [...]ng of him a ſafeconduct & licence to paſſe through his country of Norman|die into Brytaine.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The yong King hauing compaſſion of the miſfortune of the Earle of Richmond, not duely gently graunted and aſſigned to him a paſport, but alſo liberally diſburſed to him a great ſumme of money for his conduct and expences neceſſarie in his long iourney and paſſage. But the Earle truſting in the French kings humanitie, aduen|tured to ſende his ſhippes home into Brytaine, and to ſet forward himſelf by land on his iorney, making no great haſt til his meſſengers were re|turned, which being with that benefit ſo comfor|ted, and with hope of proſperous ſucceſſe ſo enco|raged, marched towarde Brytayne, wyth all dyligence entending there to conſult further with his louers and friendes of his affayres and enterprices.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When hee was returned againe into Bry|tayne, hee was certifyed by credible informa|tion that the Duke of Buckingham had loſte hys heade, and that the Marques Dorcet, and a greate number of Noble men of Englande, had a lyttle before enquyred and ſearched for hym there, and were nowe returned to Van|nes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When he had heard theſe newes thus repor|ted, he firſt ſorrowed and lamented his [...] at|tempt and ſetting forwarde of his friendes, and in eſpecial of the Nobilitie, not to haue more for|tunately ſucceeded. Secondarily, he re [...]ed on the other part, that God had ſent him [...] manye valiant and prudent Captaynes to bee [...] com|paniõs in his martiall enterpriſes, truſting ſure|lye and nothing doubting in his owne opini|on, but that all his buſineſſe ſhoulde hee wiſely compaſſed, and brought to a good concluſion. Wherefore he determining with all diligence to ſet forwarde his new begon buſineſſe, departed to Renes, and ſent certain of his priuie ſeruitors to conduct and bring the Marques and other noble men to his preſence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When they knew that hee was ſafe returned into Brytayne, Lorde howe they reioyced, for before that tyme they myſſed him, and knewe EEBO page image 1405 not in what part of the world to make inquirie or ſearch for him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 For they doubted and no leſſe feared leaſt he had taken lande in Englande, and fallen in the handes of King Richarde, in whoſe perſon they knew well was neyther mercie nor compaſſion. Wherefore in all ſpeedie maner they galoped to|ward him, & him reuerendly ſaluted, which mee|ting after great ioy and ſolace, and no ſmal than|kes giuen and rendred on both partes, they adui|ſedly debated and commoned of their great buſi|neſſe and weightie enterpriſe, in the which ſeaſon the feaſt of the Natiuitie of our Sauiour Chriſt happened, on which day all the Engliſh Lordes went with their ſolemnitie to the chiefe Churche of the Citie, and there eche gaue fayth and pro|miſe to other.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Erle himſelfe firſt tooke a corporall othe on his honour, promiſing that incontinent after he ſhoulde be poſſeſſed of the Crowne and digni|tie of the Realme of Englande, be would be con|ioyned in matrimonie with the Ladie Elizabeth daughter to king Edwarde the fourth. Then all the companie ſware to him fealtie, and did to him homage as though he had beene that tyme the crowned king, and annoynted Prince, promiſing faythfully, and firmly aſſuring, that they would not onely leaſe theyr worldly ſubſtaunce, but al|ſo be deprited of their lyues and worldly felicitie, rather than to ſuffer king Richarde that tyraunt longer to rule and raigne ouer them. Which ſo|lemne othes made and taken, the Earle of Rich|monde declared and communicated all theſe do|ings to Fraunces Duke of Brytayne, deſyring and moſt heartily requiring him to ayd him with a greater armie to conduct him into his Coun|trey, whiche ſo ſore longed and looked for his re|turne, and to the which he was by the more part of the nobilitie and comunaltie called and deſired, (which with Gods ayde, and the Dukes com|fort) he doubted not in ſhort time to obtaine, re|quiring him farther to preſt to him a conuenient ſum of mony, affyrming that all ſuch ſummes of money whiche hee had receyued of his eſpeciall friends, were ſpent and conſumed in preparation of his laſte iourney made towarde Englande, which ſummes of money after his enterpriſe once atchieued, he in the worde of a Prince, faythful|ly promiſed to repay and reſtore againe. The Duke promiſed hym ayde and helpe, vpon con|fidence whereof hee rigged his ſhippes, and ſette foorth hys Nauye well decked with ordinance, and warlikely furniſhed wyth all things neceſ|ſarie, to the intent to ſaile forward ſhortly, and to loſe no time.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon, king Richard apprehen|ded in diuerſe partes of the realme certain gentle|men of the Erle of Richmonds faction, and con|federation, whiche eyther intended to ſayle into Brytayne towarde him, or elſe at his landing to aſſyſt and ayde him. Amongſt whom ſir George Browne, ſir Roger Clifforde, and foure other were put to execution at London, and ſir Tho|mas Senetliger which had maried the Duches of Exceter the kings owne ſiſter, & Thomas Ram, and dyuerſe other were executed at Exeter. Be|ſide theſe perſons, diuerſe of his houſhold ſeruants whõ either he ſuſpected, or doubted, were by great crueltie put to ſhamefull death.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After this, he called a Parliament,The Erle of Richemond attaynted in Parlament. in the which he attaynted the Erle of Richmond and all other perſons which were fled out of the realme for feare, or any other cauſe, as enimies to him, and to their naturall Countrey, and all their landes, goods, and poſſeſſions, were confiſcate and ſeaſed to the kings vſe. And yet not content with thys pray, whiche no doubt was of no ſmall valour and moment, hee layde on the peoples neckes a great tax and tallage, and ſurely neceſſitie to that acte in maner him compelled. For what wyth purging and declaring his innocencie concerning the murther of his Nephewes toward the world, and what with coſt to obteyne the loue and fa|uour of the comunaltie (which outwardly gloſed, and openly diſſembled with him) he gaue prodi|gally ſo many & ſo great rewards, that now both he lacked, & ſcarce wiſt honeſtly how to borow.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In this troublous ſeaſon, nothing was more maruelled at, thã that the Lord Stanley had not bene taken, and reputed as an enimie to the King, conſidering the working of the La|die Margaret his wife, mother to the Earle of Richmond: but foraſmuch as the enterpriſe of a woman was of him reputed of no regard or eſti|mation, and that the Lord Thomas hir huſband had purged himſelf ſufficiently to be innocent of all doings and attempts by hir perpetrated & cõ|mitted, it was giuen him in charge to kepe hir in ſome ſecrete place at home, without hauing any ſeruant or companie, ſo that from thenceforth ſhe ſhuld neuer ſend letter or meſſenger vnto hir ſon, nor any of his friends or cõfederates, by the which the king might be moleſted or troubled, or anye hurt or preiudice might bee attempted agaynſte his realme and comunaltie. Which commaun|demẽt was a while put in execution and accom|pliſhed according to his dreadfull commaunde|ment. Yet the wilde worme of vengeance wa|uering in his heade, coulde not bee content wyth the death of dyuerſe gentlemen ſuſpected of trea|ſon, but alſo he muſt extende his blondy furie a|gaynſt a poore gentlemã called Collingborne, for making a ſmall rime of three of his vnfortunate counſaylers, which were the Lord Louell, ſir Ri|chard Ratcliffe his miſchieuous Minion, and ſir Williã Cateſby his ſecrete ſeducer, which meetre EEBO page image 1406 or ryme was thus.

Compare 1587 edition: 1

The Cat, the Rat, and Louell our Dogge,

Rule all England vnder an Hogge.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Meaning by the hog, the dreadful wild Bore, which was the kings cogniſance, but bycauſe the firſt line ended in dogge, the Metrician could not obſeruing the regiments of metre, end the ſeconde verſe in Bore, but called the Bore an hog. This Poetical ſcholemaiſter corrector of Breeues and Longs,Collingburne executed. cauſed Collingborne to bee abbreuiate ſhorter by the head, and to be deuided into foure quarters.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Collingborns inditementHere is to be noted, that beſide the rime which is reported by ſome to be the only cauſe for which this gentleman ſuffred, I finde in a regyſter booke of Inditements concerning felonyes and treaſons by ſundrie perſons committed, that the ſayde Collingborne by the name of Wil|lyam Collyngborne late of Lidyarde in the Countie of Wilkſhire eſquier and other his aſſo|ciates were indited in London for that that they about the tenth day of Iulie, in this ſecond yeare of King Richardes raigne in the Pariſhe of Saint Botulphes in Portſoken warde had ſoli|cited and requeſted one Thomas Yate, offring to him for his paynes eyght pounde, to goe ouer into Brytayne vnto Henrie Erle of Richmond, Thomas Marques Dorſet, Iohn Cheyney Eſ|quier, and others (whiche in the laſt Parliament holden at Weſtminſter had beene attainted of ſundrie high treaſons by them practiſed wythin the kings dominion) to declare vnto them that they ſhoulde doe verie well to returne into Eng|lande with all ſuch power as they might get be|fore the feaſt of Saint Luke the Euangeliſt next enſuing, for ſo they might receyue all the whole reuenues of the realme due at the feaſt of Saint Michaell nexte before the ſayde feaſt of Saint Luke, and that if that ſayde Earle of Richmonde and his partakers, following the counſaile of the ſayde Collingborne, would arriue at the hauen of Pole in Dorcetſhire, he the ſayd Collingborne and other his aſſociates, woulde cauſe the people to riſe in armes, and to leuie warre agaynſt king Richarde, taking part wyth the ſayde Earle and his friendes, ſo that all things ſhoulde be at theyr commaundements.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Moreouer, to moue the ſayde Earle to ſende the ſayde Iohn Cheyney vnto the French King, to aduertiſe him that his Ambaſſadours ſent in|to England ſhould be dallyed with, only to driue of the time till the winter ſeaſon were paſt, and that then in the beginning of Sommer king Ri|charde ment to make warre into Fraunce inua|ding that realme with all his puiſſance, and ſo by this meanes to perſwade the French king to ayd the Erle of Richmonde & his partakers in their quarell againſt king Richard. Further that the ſayd William Collingborne beeing confederate with the ſayd Erle & other his adherents, aſwell within the Realme as without, the .xviij. day of Iu [...], in the ſaid ſecond yeare, within the Pariſhe of S. Gregories in Faringdon ward within, had deuiſed certaine bylles and wrytings in tyme, is the ende that the ſame beeing publiſhed, myghte ſtirre the people to a commotion againſt the king and thoſe billes and writings in rime ſo deuiſes & written, the ſame Collingborne the day and yere laſt mentioned, had faſtened and ſet vppon dy|uerſe dooers of the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paule, for the more ſpeedie furthering of hys intended purpoſe. Thus farre the Inditement. But whether he was guiltie in part or in all, I haue not to ſay.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 King Richard being thus diſquieted in [...], and doubtfull for the ſuretie of his owne eſtate, called to remembraunce that confederations, ho|neſt bandes, and pactes of amitie concluded and had betwixt Princes and gouernours, are the ef|ficient cauſe that Realmes and common weal|thes are ſtrengthned with double power, that is with ayde of friendes abroade, and their owne forces at home. Wherevpon he deuiſed howe to conclude a league and amitie with his neigh|bour the King of Scottes, who not long before had made diuerſe incurſions and roades into the Realme of Englande. And although he had not much gotten, yet verily hee loſt not much, and nowe euen as King Richard could haue wiſhed he of himſelfe made ſuyte for peace or truce to be bad betwixt him and king Richarde, who wyl|lingly giuing eare to that ſuyte, Commiſſioners were appoynted to meet aboute the treatie there|of,Pag. 404 405 as in the Hiſtorie of Scotlande it maye ap|peare, at length agreed vpon a truce for three yeares,a truce betwixt England and Scotland. and withall for a further encreaſe of fyrme frindſhippe and ſure amitie (betwixt hym and the King of Scottes) King Richarde en|tered into a treatie alſo of alliaunce for the con|cluding of a maryage betwyxt the Duke of Rotheſay, eldeſt ſonne to the King of Scottes, and the Ladie Anne de la Poole daughter to Iohn Duke of Suffolke and the Duches Anne, Siſter to King Richarde, whiche Siſter hee ſo muche fauoured, that ſtudying by all wayes and meanes poſſible howe to aduaunce hir lynage, hee did not onely thus ſeeke to preferre hir daughter in maryage, but alſo after the death of hys ſonne, hee proclaymed Iohn Earle of Lyncolne hir ſonne and hys Ne|phewe, heyre apparant to the Crowne of Eng|lande, diſinheriting King Edwards daughters, whoſe brethren (as yee haue heard) hee moſte wickedly had cauſed to be murthered and made away.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The King of Scottes ſtanding in neede of EEBO page image 1407 friendes, althoughe not ſo greatlye as King Richarde did willyngly conſent to that motion of maryage, fyrſt droched by King Richarde, in ſomuche that it tooke effect,A marriage [...]cluded be|twixt the [...]ce of Roth [...] and Duke [...]ffolkes king [...]. and by Commiſſi|oners was paſſed and concluded, in maner as in the Hyſtorie of Scotlande it likewyſe appea|reth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But albeit that by this league and amitie thus couenanted and concluded, it mighte bee thought, that all conſpiracies, coniurations, and confederacies agaynſt King Richarde had beene extinct, eſpecially conſidering the Duke of Buc|kingham and his allyes were diſpatched oute of the way, ſome by death, and ſome by flight and baniſhment into farre Countreys, yet King Ri|charde more doubting than truſting to his owne people and friendes, was continually vexed and troubled in mynde for feare of the Earle of Richmondes returne, which dayly dreade and hourely agonie, cauſed him to liue in dolefull miſerie, euer vnquiet, and in maner in conti|nuall calamitie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Wherefore he intending to be relieued and to haue an ende of all his doubtfull daungers, de|termined clearely to extyrpate and plucke vp by the rootes all the matter and grounde of his feare and doubtes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Wherefore after long and deliberate con|ſultation had, nothing was for his purpoſe and intent thought eyther more neceſſarie or ex|pedient than once againe with price, prayer, and rewardes, to attempt the Duke of Brytayne, in whoſe territorie the Earle of Richmonde then abode, to delyuer the ſayde Earle into his hands, by which onely meanes he ſhoulde be diſcharged of all feare of perill, and brought to reſt and qui|etneſſe both of bodie and mynde. Wherefore in|continent he ſent certayne Ambaſſadours to the Duke of Brytayne, whiche tooke vpon them, (beſyde the greate and ample rewardes that they brought wyth them into Brytaynt) that king Richarde ſhoulde yearely pay and aunſwere the Duke of all the reuenues rentes, and profites of the ſeigniories, landes, and poſſeſſions, as well belonging and apperteyning to the Earle of Richmonde, as to any other Noble or Gentle|man, which then were in the Earles companie, if hee after that tyme woulde keepe them in con|tinuall Pryſon, and reſtrayne them from ly|bertie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Ambaſſadors furniſhed with theſe and other inſtructions, arryued in Brytain, and came to the Dukes houſe, where with him they coulde haue no matter of communication concernyng their weightie affayres, by reaſon that hee beeyng faint and weakned by a long and dayly infirmi|tie, began a little ſo war ydle and weake in hys wit and remembrance. For whiche cauſe Peter Lan [...]yle his chiefe Treaſorer, a man [...]oth of pregnant wit and great authority, ruled and ad|iudged all things at his pleaſure and commaun|dement, for which cauſe (as men ſet into autho|rity bee not beſt beloued) he excited & prouoked a|gaynſt him the malice and euill will of the nobi|litie of Brytaine, which afterward for diuers great offences by him duryng his authoritie perpetrate committed, by their meanes was brought to death and confuſion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Engliſh Ambaſſadors moued their meſ|ſage and requeſt to Peter Landoyſe,Peter Landol [...] and to him declared their maiſters commaũdement, inſtant|ly requiring, and humbly deſiring him (in whoſe power it lay to do all things in Brytayn) that he woulde friendly aſſent to the requeſt of King Richarde, offring to hym the ſame rewardes and landes, that they ſhoulde haue offred to the Duke.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This Peter whiche was no leſſe diſdeyned than hated almoſt of all the people of Brytayne, thought that if he did aſſ [...] and ſa [...]ſfie king Ri|chardes petition and deſire, he ſhould be of power and abilitie ſufficiently to withſtande and re [...]e [...] the malicious attempts and diſdainfull inuenti|ons of his enuious aduerſaries. Wherefore hee faithfully promiſed to accompliſh king Richards requeſt and deſire, ſo that he kept promiſe wyth him, that he might be able to withſtand the can|kerd malier of his ſecrete enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This act that he promiſed to doe, was not for any grudge or malice that he bare to the Erle of Richmond: for (as you haue heard before) he deli|uered him from the perill of death at S. Malos, when he was in great doubt of life, and ieopardy [...] but as cauſe riſeth we euer offende, and that cur|ſed hunger of golde, and execrable thyrſt of lucre, and inwarde feare of loſſe of authoritie, driueth the blinde mindes of couetous men, and ambiti|ous perſons to euilles and myſchiefes innume|rable, not remembring loſſe of name, obloquie of the people, nor in concluſion the puniſhment of God for their merites and deſerts.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But fortune was ſo fauourable to the pub|lique wealth of the Realme of Englande, that this deadly and dolorous compact tooke none ef|fect or place) For while Poſtes ranne, and let|ters were ſent to and fro for the finiſhing of this greate enterpryce betweene King Richarde and Peter Landoyſe, Iohn Morton Biſhop of Ely ſoiourning then in Flaunders, was of all this craftie conueyaunce certifyed by hys ſecrete and ſure friendes: Wherefore hee ſent Chriſtopher Vrſwike (whiche at that verie ſea|ſon was come out of Brytayne into Flaunders) to declare to the Earle of Richmonde howe all the deceyte and craftie working was conueyed and compaſſed, giuing him in charge to coun|ſayle EEBO page image 1408 and aduiſe the Earle in all haſte poſſible with all his companie to retire out of Brytayne into Fraunce.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When theſe newes were brought to the erle, he then kept houſe in Vannes, and incontinent diſpatched again Chriſtofer Vrſwike, to Charles the French king, requiring him that hee and his, might ſafely paſſe into Fraunce, which deſyre be|ing obteyned, the meſſenger ſhortly returned to his Lorde and Prince. The Erle well percey|uing that it was expedient and neceſſarie, wyth all ſpeede and diligence, to looke to this weighty matter, calling verie fewe to counſaile, hee made inquirie and ſearche of all ſecrete and bywayes, and ſent before all his noble men, as though for a certaine familiaritie and kindneſſe they ſhoulde viſite and comfort the Duke, which then for re|creation and chaunge of ayre, lay on the borders and confines of Fraunce. And ſecretely hee gaue charge to the Earle of Pembroke whiche was the leader and conductor of his companie, that when they approched the Marches and limittes of Brytayne, they ſhoulde diuert and take the next way into Fraunce.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The noble menne ſomewhat ſuſpitions of things newly imagined, withoute any tarying, ſkouring the wayes as faſt as theyr horſes could runne, came out of the Duchie of Brytayne, in|to y^e Duchy of Aniou in the dominion of France, where they taryed the Earles comming, which two dayes after departed out of Vannes, onely accompanied with fiue ſeruitours, as though hee had gone ſecretly to viſite a familiar friend of his, in a ſmall village adioyning. No man ſuſpec|ted that he would depart, conſidering that a great multitude of Engliſhe men were left and conti|nued in the Citie, but after that he had paſſed di|rectly fiue miles forwarde, he ſodainly turned in|to a ſolitarie woodde next adioyning, where clo|thing himſelfe in the ſimple coate of his poore ſer|uant, made and appoynted his ſayd miniſter, lea|der and maiſter of his ſmall companie, and he as humble page diligently followeth and ſerueth his counterfeyte gouernour, neyther reſting nor themſelues refreſhing, except the bayting of their horſes, tyll they by wayes vnknowne, now thys way, now turning that way, came to their com|panie, abiding them in Angiers.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The fourth day after the Erle of Richmonde was thus departed, that craftie marchant Peter Landoyſe, thruſting ſtill after his pray, promiſed by king Richarde, was readie to ſet forward hys crew of ſouldiors, which he priuily had conſigned with certaine truſtie captaines for that only pur|poſe appoynted and elected, to performe and at|chieue his pretenſed enterpriſe, diſſembling and feyning them to be conducted and hyred by hym to ſerue the Earle of Richmonde, and hym to conduct in hys returne towarde his natiue coun|trey, meaning none other thing but to ap|prehende him, and the other noble men in hys con|tinue, which no ſuche fraude ſuſpected, nor [...] any treaſon ymagined, vnware and vnproui|ded, and deſtitute of al ayde, and them to caſt and commit ſodainly into continuall captiuitie and bondage, to the intent that by this his wretched & naughtie acte, he myght ſatiſfie the charitable re|queſt, and louing deſire of good king Richarde, more for his owne profite than king Richardes gaine.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But when this craftie diſſembler Peter Lan|doyſe, which was no wilier than an olde Foxe, perceyued that the Earle was departed, (thin|king that to bee true that he ymagined) Lorde howe currours ranne into euery coaſt, how light horſemen galloped in euery ſtreete, to follow and deteyne him, if by any poſſibilitie he could be met with and ouertaken, and him to apprehende and bring captiue into the Citie of Vannes. The horſemen made ſuche diligence, and with ſuche celeritie ſet forwarde theyr iourney, that nothing was more likely than they to haue obteyned, yea and ſeaſed theyr pray. For the Earle of Rich|monde was not entered into the Realme of Fraunce, ſcarce one houre, but the folowers came to the limits and confines of Brytaine, and durſt aduenture no further, but vainly without their deſire ſorrowfully returned.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 At which ſeaſon were left at Vannes aboute the number of three C. Engliſh men, which not being called to counſaile, & vnware of this enter|priſe, but knowing of the Earles ſodaine depar|ture, were ſo incontinently aſtonied, that in ma|ner they were al in diſpayre both of him and their owne ſuretie and ſauegarde. But fortune tur|ned hir ſaile, and otherwiſe it happened than their feare them encombred. For the Duke of Bry|tayne nowe being ſomewhat recouered, was ſore diſpleaſed, and nothing contented that the Earle of Richmond was in his dominion ſo vncourte|ouſly tracted and entreated, that he ſhoulde be by fraud and vntruth compelled to leaue and flie out of his Duchie and Countrey, contrary to his ho|nour. Wherefore he tooke great diſpleaſure with Peter Landoyſe his Treaſorer, to whome (al|though he knew not and was ignoraunt that all the drift was driuen and deuiſed by him) he layde the fault and imputed the crime. Wherefore he ſent for Edward Wooduile, and Edwarde Po|nings valiaunt Eſquiers of Englande, and dely|uered vnto them money ſufficient for theyr con|duct, willing them to cõuey the reſt of the Eng|liſh men being in Brytaine, to the Erle of Rich|monds preſence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Erle was thus furnished, and appoynted with his trustie companie, & was escaped all EEBO page image 1409 all the daungers, Labirinthes, and snares that were set for him, no maruayle though hee were iocund and glad of the prosperous successe that happened in his affayres. Wherefore, least hee should seeme to be blotted with the note of ingratitude, hee sent diuers of his Gentlemen to the Duke of Britayne, the which should publish and declare to him on the behalfe of the Earle, that he and his, were onelye by his benefite and fauour conserued and deliuered from the imminent dau(n)ger that they were lyke to be trapped in. Wherefore at that time he rendred to him his most hartie thankes in wordes, trusting and not doubting but in time to come liberally to recompence him with actes and deedes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After this the Earle tooke his iourney to Charles the French king, lying then at Langes vpon the ryuer of Leyre, to whom after greate thankes giuen for manifolde pleasures by him to the Earle shewed, he disclosed and manifested the cause and occasion of his accesse and repayre to his person.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that, he required of him helpe and ſucces, to the intent that by his immortall benefit to him at that time ſhewed, hee might ſafely returne in the nobilitie of his realm, of whõ he was general|ly called to take vpon him the crowne and ſ [...]p|ter of the Realme, they much hated and abho [...] the tyrannie of king Richarde. King Charles promiſed him ayde and comfort and haue him [...] of good courage, and make good cheere, for he aſ|ſured him that he would gladly ſhew to [...]are hys beneuolent minde & bountifull liberalitie. Which king from thence remoued to Mounta [...]gis, lea|ding with him the Erle of Richmond, and all the noble perſonages of his retinne and faction.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While the Earle was thus attendant in the French court, Iohn Vere Erle of Oxforde which as you haue heard before was by king Edward kept in priſon within the Caſtell of Hammes) ſo perſwaded Iames Blunte Captaine of the ſame Fortreſſe, and ſir Iohn Forteſcew Porter of the towne of Calays, that he himſelfe was not one|ly diſmiſſed and ſet at libertie, but they alſo aban|doning and leauing theyr fruitful offices, condiſ|cended to go with him into Fraunce to the Earle of Richmonde, and to take his part. But Iames Blunt, like a wiſe captain bicauſe he left his wife remayning in the Caſtell before his departure, he fortified the ſame both with new munitions and newe Souldiours.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Erle of Richmonde ſaw the Earle of Oxforde, hee was rauiſhed with an incredible gladneſſe, that he being a man of ſo high nobility, at ſuch knowledge & practiſes in feates of warre, and ſo conſtant, truſtie and aſſured (which alway had ſtudied for the maintenance and preferment of the houſe of Lancaſter) was nowe by Gods prouiſion deliuered out of captiuitie and impri|ſonment, and in time ſo neceſſarie and conueni|ent [...]ome to his ayde, ſuccour and aduancement, in whom more ſince than any other he might put his truſt and confidence, and take leſſe paine and trauaile in his owne perſon. For it was not hyd from him, that ſuche as euer had taken parte with King Edwarde before thys tyme, came to [...] ſeruice, eyther for malice that they bare to King Richarde, or elſe for feare to liue vn|der hys [...]ell rull and [...]rannous gouernance.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Not long after the French King returned a|gaine to Paris, whom the Earle of Richmond followed, [...]ding there to ſolicite his matter to the concluſion. Wherevpon hee beſought King Charles to take vpon him the whole tuition and de [...] [...] him and his cauſe, ſo that hee and hys comp [...] [...] by his meanes ayded and com|forted, ſhoulde confeſſe and ſaye, theyr wealth, victorie and aduancement to haue flowed & bud|ded forth of his bountifulneſſe & liberalitie, which they would God willing ſhortly re [...]ite.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon diuerſe Engliſh men which eith [...] fled out of Englãd for feare, or were at Paris to learne and ſtudie good literature and betweene doctrine, [...] voluntarily and ſubmit|ted themſelues to the erle of Richmonde, & vowed and ſware to take his [...]. Amongſt whom was Richard For a prieſt [...] of great wit and no leſſe learning, whom the Earle [...] recei|ued into ſecret familiaritie, and in bri [...] time e|rected and aduaunced him to high dignities and promotions, and in concluſion he made hide Bi|ſhop of Wincheſter.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon, king Richarde was cre|dibly aduertiſed, what promiſes and othes the Erle and his confederates had made and ſworne togither at Reunes, & how by the Erles meanes all the Engliſh men were paſſed out of Brytain into France. Wherefore being ſore diſmayd, and in a maner diſperate, bicauſe his craftie chieuance tooke none effect in Brytayne, ymagined and de|uiſed how to infringe and diſturbe the Erles pur|poſe by another meane, ſo that by the mariage of Ladie Elizabeth his Neece, he ſhould pretend no clayme nor tytle to the crowne. For he thought if that mariage fayled, the Erles chiefe combe had bene clearly cut. And bycauſe that he being blin|ded with the ambitious deſire of rule before thys tyme in obteyning the kingdome, had commyt|ted and done manye cu [...]fed actes, and deteſtable ty [...]ies, yet according to the o [...]. Prouerbe, let him take the Bull that ſtale a way the Calfe, he thought all factes by him committed in times paſſed to be but of ſmall moment and not to bee regarded in compariſon of that miſchieuous ima|gination, which he now newly began & attẽpted.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 There came into his vngracious mind a thing EEBO page image 1410 not onely beteſtable to be ſpoken of in the remem|brance of man but much more cruell and abho|minable to be put in execution. For when he re|uolued in his wauering mind, how greate foun|taine of miſchiefe towarde him ſhoulde ſpring, if the Earle of Richmonde ſhoulde bee aduaunced to the mariage of his nere, which thing he heard ſay by the rumour of the people, that no ſmall number of wiſe and wit [...] perſonages [...] [...]ry|ſed to compaſſe and bringed to concluſi [...], he there|ly determined to reconcile to his fauour his bro|thers wife Queene Elizabeth, eyther by fayre wordes, or liberall promiſes, firmely beleeuing hir fauour once obteynes, that ſhee woulde not ſticke ſo commit (and louingly credite) to hym the rule and gouernance both of hir & hir daugh|ter,A ſubtil and lewde practiſe of king Ri|chard. and ſo by that mennes the Erle of Richmõd of the affinitie of his Nece, ſhoulde be vtterly de|frauded and beguiled.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And if no ingenerous remedie could bee other|wiſe inuented, to ſaue the innumerable miſchiefs which were euen at hande, and like to fall, if it ſhoulde happen Queene Anne his wife to depart out of this preſent life, then hee himſelfe woulde rather take to wife his couſin and Nece the La|die Elizabeth, than for lacke of that aff [...]e the whole Realme ſhoulde runne to ruine, a [...] who ſayde, that if he once fell from his eſtate and dig|nitie, the ruine of the Realme muſt needes ſhort|ly enſue and follow. Wherefore hee ſent to the Queene being in Sanctuarie, dyuerſe and often meſſengers, which firſt ſhoulde excuſe and purge him of all things before agaynſt hir attempted or procured, and after ſhoulde ſo largely promiſe promotions innumerable, and benefites, not onelye to hir, but alſo to hir ſonne Lorde Tho|mas Marques Dorcet, that they ſhoulde bring hir, if it were poſſible into ſome wanhope, or as men ſay, into a fooles Paradiſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Meſſengers being men both of wit and grauitie, ſo perſwaded the Queene with greate and pregnant reaſons, what with fayre & large promiſes, that ſhe began ſomewhat to relent, and to giue to them no deafe eare, inſomuch that ſhee faythfully promiſed to ſubmitte and yeelde hir|ſelfe fullye and frankely to the Kings will and pleaſure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And ſo ſhe putting in obliuion the murther of hir innocent children, the infamie and diſhonor ſpoken by the king hir huſband, the lyuing in ad|nontrie layde to hir charge, the baſtarding of hir daughters, forgetting alſo the faythfull promiſe and open othe made to the Counteſſe of Rich|monde mother to the Earle Henrie, blynded by auaricious affection, and ſeduced by flattering words,The [...] con|ſtauncie of Queene Eliza|beth. firſt deliuered into King Richards hands hir fiue daughters, as Lambes once againe com|mitted to the cuſtodie of the rauenous Woolfe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After she sent letters to the Marques hir sonne being then at Paris with the Erle of Richmond, willing him in any wyse to leaue the Earle, and without delay to repayre into Englande, where for him were prouided great honours, and honourable promotions, ascerteyning him further, that all offences on both parties were forgotten and forgyuen, and both he and shee highly incorporated in the Kings heart. Surely the inconstancie of this woman were muche to bee marueyled at, if all women had beene founde constant, but let men speak, yet women of the very bond of nature will follow their owne kinde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that king Richarde had thus with glorious promises and flattering wordes, pleased and appeased the mutable mynde of Queene Elizabeth, which knewe nothing lesse than that hee most intended, he caused all his brothers daughters to be conueyed into hys Palayce wyth solemne receyuing, as though with his nowe familiar and louing interteynment they shoulde forget, and in theyr myndes blotte oute the olde committed iniurie, and late executed tyrannie. Nowe nothing was contrariant and obstacle to his deuilishe purpose, but that his mancion was not voyde of his wife, whiche thing hee in anye wise adiudged necessarie to be done. But there was one thing that so muche feared and stayed him from committing thys abominable murther, bycause (as you haue heard before) hee beganne to counterfeyte the Image of a good and well disposed person, and therefore hee was afearde least the sodaine death of his wyfe once openly knowne, he shoulde lease the good and credible opinion which the people had of him, without desert, conceyued and reported.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But in concluſion, euill Counſayle preuay|led in a wytte lately mynded to myſchiefe, and turned from all goodneſſe. So that hys bu [...]ea|cious deſire ouercame hys honeſt feare, And fyrſt to enter into the gates of hys imagined en|terprice, he abſteyned doth from the be [...] and com|panie of his wife.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After he complayned to diuerſe noblemen of the realme, of the infortunate ſterilitie and harmo|neſſe of his wife, bycauſe ſhee brought forth no fruite and generation of hir bodie. And in eſpeci|all he recounted to Thomas Rotheram Archbi|ſhop of Yorke (whome lately hee had delyuered out of warde and captiuitie) theſe impe [...]mentes of his Queene and diuerſe other, thinking that he woulde reueale to hir all theſe things, truſhing the ſequele hereof to take hys effect, that ſhee hearing this grudge of hir huſband, and taking therefore an inward thought, would not long liue in this world.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Of this the Biſhop gathered (whiche well knewe the complexion and vſage of the King) EEBO page image 1411 that the Queenes dayes where ſhort, and that he declared to certaine of his ſecret friendes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 [...] ſpred [...]e a the [...]es deathAfter this be procured a common rumor, but he would not haue the authour knowne, to bee publiſhed and ſpred abroade a [...]ng the common people, that the Queene was deade, to the [...]ent that ſhee taking ſome conceyte of this ſtraunge fame, ſhoulde fall into ſome ſodaine ſickneſſe or grieuous maladie, and to proue if afterward ſhee ſhoulde fortune by that or anye other wayes to leaſe hir life, whether the people would impute hir death to the thought or ſickneſſe, or thereof would lay the blame to him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 When the Queene heard tell that ſo horrible a rumor of hir death was ſprung amongeſt the comunaltie, ſhe ſore ſuſpected & iudged the wor [...] to be almoſt at an ende with hir, and in that ſo|rowful agonie, ſhe with lamentable countenance and ſorrowfull cheare, repayred to the preſence of the king hir huſband, demaunding of him, what it ſhoulde meane that hee had iudged hir worthes to die. The king anſwered hir with fayre words, and with ſmiling and flattering leaſings com|forted hir, and bidde hir bee of good cheare, for to his knowledge ſhe ſhould haue none other cauſe: But howſoeuer that it fortuned, either by inward though and penſiueneſſe of heart, or by infection of poyſon (which is affyrmed to bee moſt likely) within few dayes after the Queene departed and of this tranſitorie life, [...]e Queene [...]e [...] King [...] the [...] ſodainely [...] and was with due ſolem|nitie buried in the Church of S. Peter at Weſt|minſter.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This is the ſame Anne, one of the daughters of the Earle of Warwicke, which (as you ha [...] heard before) at the requeſt of Lewes the French king, was maried to Prince Edwarde, ſonne to king Henrie the ſixth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The king thus (according to his long deſire) loſed out of the bandes of matrimonie, began to caſt a fooliſh fantaſie to Ladie Elizabeth his nece, making much ſuyte to to haue hir ioyned wyth him in lawfull matrimonie. But bycauſe al men and the mayden hirſelfe moſt of all, deteſted and abhorred, this vnlawfull, and in maner vnnatu|rall copulation, hee determined to prolong and deferre y^e matter, till he were in a more quietnes. For all that verie ſeaſon he was oppreſſed wyth great, we [...]ightie, and vbrgene cauſes, and buſineſ|ſes on euerie ſide, conſidering that dayly par [...] of the Nobilitie myled into Fraunce to the Earle of Richmond: Other priuily fauoured and arden certaine of the coniuration, ſo that of hys ſhorte ende, fewe or none were in doubt. And the com|mon people for the moſte part were brought to ſuch deſperation, that many of them had rather be reputed and taken of him in the number of hys enimies, than to abyde the chaunce and hazarde to haue theyr goodes taken as a ſpoyle of victo|rie by his enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Amongſt the noble men whom he moſt miſ|truſted thoſe were the principall, Thomas lord Stanley, ſir William Stanley his brother, Gil|bert Talbot, was [...] hundred other, of whoſe pur|poſes although king Richard wer not ignorant, yet he gaue neyther conference nor credence to a|nye one of them, and leaſt of all to the Lorde Stanley, bycauſe hee was ioyned in matrimonie with the Ladie Margaret, mother to the Earle of Richmonde, as afterwarde apparantly yee may perceyue. For when the ſayde Lord Stan|ley woulde haue departed into his Countrey to viſite his familie, and to recreate and refreſh his ſpirites (as he openly ſayde) but the truth was, to the intent to be in a perfite readineſſe to receyue the Earle of Richmond at his firſt arriuall in Englande: the king in no wiſe woulde ſuffer him to depart, before he had left as an hoſtage in the Court, George Stanley Lorde Straunge, his firſt begotten ſonne and heyre.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While king Richard was thus troubled and vexed with imaginations of the troublous tyme that was like to come: Lo euen ſodenly he heard newes that ſite was ſpring oute, of the ſmoke, and the warre freſhly begonne, and that the Ca|ſtell of Hermines was deliuered into the handes of the Earle of Richmonde, by the meanes of the Earle of Oxford, and that not onely he, but alſo Iames Blunt Captaine of the Caſtell, were [...] into Fraunce to ayde the Earle Henrie. Where|fore he thinking it great policie to withſtande the fleſhbrunt, ſent the moſt part of the garniſon of Calais, to recouer againe by force the Caſtell of Hammes. They which were in the Caſtel per|ceyuing theyr aduerſaries to approche, prepares munitions and Engines for theyr defence, and ſent alſo to the Earle of Richmonde, to aduertiſe him of their ſodaine inuaſion, requiring him of haſtie ayde and ſpeedie factor.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Eaſt ſleeping not this firſt begonne aſ|ſault, ſent the Earle of Oxforde, wyth an elec|ted companie of Souldiours to rayſe the ſiege, and reſh [...] the Caſtell: whiche at theyr fyrſts arriuing, [...]hed their campe not farre from there enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And while king Rychardes men gaue [...]g [...]|lant eye, wayting leaſt the Earle of Oxford ſhoulde take any aduauntage of them that laye on that ſyde of the Caſtell, Thomas Brandon with thirtie approued men of warre by a mariſh whiche laye on the other ſide, entered into the Caſtell.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Souldiours within greatly encoura|ged, and muche comforted by thys newe ſuc|cour and ayde, grieued the enimyes, by ſhooting from the walles more than they were accuſto|med to doe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 EEBO page image 1412And they of the Caſtell vexed theyr enimies on the fore part: the Earle of Oxforde no leſſe moleſted and vnquieted them on the other part, whiche was the occaſion that King Richardes men offered of theyr owne mere motion, licence to all being within the Caſtel to depart in ſafety, with bagge and baggage, nothing excepted: whiche condition the Earle of Oxforde com|ming onelye for that purpoſe to delyuer his lo|uing friendes out of all perill and daunger, and chiefely of all, his olde Hoſteſſe Iane Blunte, wife to Iames Blunte the Captaine, woulde in no wiſe forſake or refuſe: and ſo leauing the ca|ſtell bare and vngarniſhed, both of vitaile and Artelerie, came ſafely to the Earle of Richmond ſoiourning in Paris.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 During this time, King Richarde was cre|dibly infourmed of his inquiſitours and eſpialles, that the Earle of Richmond was with long ſute in the Court of Fraunce ſore wearied, and deſy|ring great ayde, coulde obteyne ſmall reliefe: In ſomuch that all things went ſo farre backwards, that ſuche things as were with great diligence, and no leſſe deliberation purpoſed, and determi|ned to be ſet forwarde, were nowe daſhed and o|uerthrowne to the grounde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 King Richarde either being to light of cree|dence, or ſeduced and deluded by his craftie tale|tellers, greatly reioyced as though he had obtey|ned the ouer hande of his enimies with trium|phant victorie, and thought himſelfe neuer ſo fearely deliuered of all feare and dreadfull imagi|nations, ſo that hee needed nowe no more once for that cauſe eyther to wake, or to breake his golden ſleepe. Wherefore hee called home againe his Shippes of warre, whiche hee had appoynted to keepe the narrowe Seas, and diſ|patched all ſuche ſouldiours as he had deputed to keepe certaine garniſons, and to ſtoppe certaine paſſages (as you haue hearde before.) Yet leaſte he might for lacke of prouiſion be ſodainly trap|ped, he ſtraightly charged and gaue in commaũ|dement to all noblemen, and eſpecially ſuche as inhabited neare to the ſea coaſt, and on the fron|tiers of Wales, that according to the vſage of the Countrey, they ſhoulde keepe diligent watche and ſtrong warde, to the intent that his aduer|ſaries in no wiſe ſhould haue any place oportune, eaſily to take lande, without defence or rebutting backe. For the cuſtome of y^e Countrey adioining neare to the Sea is, (eſpeciallye in the tyme of warre) on euery hill or high place to erect a Bea|ken with a great Lanterne in the toppe, whiche may bee ſeene and diſcerned a great ſpace of. And when the noyſe is once bruyted that the enimies approche neare the lande, they ſodainelye putte fyre in the Lanternes, and make ſhoutes and outcryes from Towne to Towne, and from Village to Village. Some [...] in [...] place to place, admoniſhing the people to be rea|die to reſiſt the [...]eop [...]rdie, and defend [...] the perill. And by this policie the ſame is ſome [...] to merie Citie and Towne, inſomuch that [...] the Citizens as the rurall people bee in more [...] aſſembled and armed to repulſe and put backe the newe arriued enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Nowe to returne to our purpoſe, King Ry|chard thus ſomewhat eaſed of hys accuſt [...] penſiueneſſe, beganne to be ſomewhat more me|ryer, and tooke leſſe thought and care for outward enimies than he was woont to doe, as who ſay, that hee with politique prouiſion ſhoulde with|ſtande the deſtinie whiche b [...]ng ouer his heade, and was ordeyned in briefe tyme ſodainly to fall. Such is the force and puiſſance ordaine iuſtice, that euery man ſhall leſſe regarde, leſſe prouide, leſſe be in doubt of all things, when he [...] neareſt puniſhment, and next to his in [...]nce for his offences and crymes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 About this ſeaſon, while the Earle of Rich|monde was deſiring ayde of the Frenche kinge, certeyne noble men were there appoynted to [...] the realme of Fraunce during the minoritie of King Charles, which amongſt themſelues were not of one opinion. Of which diſſ [...], Le|wis Duke of Orleans was the chiefe [...]er, which bycauſe hee had maryed Ladie Ioane [...]|ſter to the French king, tooke vpon him aboue o|ther the rule and adminiſtration of the [...] Realme. By reaſon of which controuerſie, [...] one man was ſuffered to rule all [...] the Earle of Richmonde was compelled to [...] ſuyte to euery one of the Counſaile ſeuerally one after another, requyring and deſiring them of [...] and reliefe in his weightie buſineſſe, and ſo by|cauſe was prolonged and deferred.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 During which time, Thomas Marques Dor|cet, which was (as you haue heard) [...] by his mother to returne againe into Englande partly diſpayring in the good ſucceſſe of the Earle of Richmond, and partly ouercome and vanquiſhed with the fayre gloſing promiſes of king Richarde ſecretely in the night ſeaſon ſt [...]le co [...] of Paris, and with all diligent expedition, tooke his iour|ney towarde Flaunders.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When relation of his departure was [...] to the erle of Richmond, and the other noble [...] no marualle though they were affo [...] & great|ly amaſed. Yet that notwithſtanding, they re|quired of the French king, that it myght bee [...]|full to them in his name, and by his commaun|dement, to take and ſtay their companion, confe|derate, and partaker of all their counſaile, in what place within his realm and territorie ſo euer they coulde finde him. Which petition once obtey|ned, they ſent out Currours into euerye parte, EEBO page image 1413 amongſt whom Humfrey Eh [...]ary playing the part of a good Bloudhound, followed the tra [...] of the flier ſo euen by the ſent, that he ouertooke and apprehended him not farre from Co [...]pligue, and ſo what with reaſon, and what with fayre promiſes, being perſwaded, he returned againe to his companions.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Richmonde vnburdened of this miſaduenture leaſt by lyngering of dayes, and prolonging of tyme, he might leaſe the great oportunitie of things to him offered and mini|ſtred: alſo leaſt hee ſhoulde further wounde and moleſt the myndes of hys faythfull and aſſured friendes, whiche dayly dyd [...] and [...]ie for his comming, determyned no longer to pro [...]ra [...] and deferre the tyme, but wyth all diligence and celeritie to attempt hys begonne enterprice: and ſo obteyning of King Charles a ſmall [...] of men, and borrowing certaine ſummes of mo|ney of him, and of dyuerſe other hys pryuate friendes, (for the whiche hee left as debter, or more likelyer as a pledge or hoſtage) Lord Tho|mas Marques Dorſet (whome he halfe [...]a [...] ru|ſted) and ſir Iohn Bourchier, hee departed from the Frenche Courte, and came to the Citie of Roan.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 While he taried there making prouiſion at Harflete in the mouth of the riuer of Seyne for all thinges neceſſary for his nauye, tidinges were brought to him that king Richarde being with|out children, and now Widower, entended ſhort|ly to marye the Ladie Elizabeth his brothers daughter, and to preferre the Ladie Cicile hir ſiſter to a manne founde in a Clowde, and of an vnknowne lynage and familie. Hee tooke theſe newes as a matter of no ſmall moment (and ſo all things conſidered) it was of no leſſe impor|taunce than he tooke it for. For this thing one|ly tooke away from him and al his Companions theyr hope and courage, that they had to ob|teyne an happie enterpriſe. And therefore no marueyle though it nipped him at the verie ſto|macke: when he thought that by no poſſibilie hee might attaine the maryage of any of King Ed|wardes daughters, whiche was the ſtrongeſt foundation of his buylding, by reaſon whereof he iudged that al his friendes in England would abandon and ſhrinke from hym. Wherefore ma|king not many of his counſaile, after diuerſe con|ſultations he determined not yet to ſet forwarde, but to tary and attempt howe to get more ayde, more friends, and more ſtronger ſuccors.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And amongſt all other, it was thought moſt expedient to allure by affinitie in his ayde as a companion in armes, ſir Walter Herbert, a man of an auncient ſtocke, and great power amongſt the Welchmen, whiche had with hym a fayre Lady to hys ſyſter, of age ripe to be coupled with him [...]m [...]imonie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And for the atchieuing of this purpoſe, meſ|ſengers were ſecretly ſent to Henrie erle of Nor|thumberlande (which had before maried another ſiſter of ſir Walter Herbertes) to the intent that he ſhould ſet forward all this deuice and purpoſe, but the wayes were ſo narowly watched and ſo many ſpyes [...]ayed, that the Meſſenger procee|ded not in his iourney and buſineſſe. But in the meane ſeaſon, there came to the Earle a more ioyfull meſſage from Morgan Kidwelly, lear|ned in the temporall law, whiche declared that Rice an Thomas, a man of no leſſe valiaunt|neſſe than affinitie, and Iohn Sauage an ap|proued Captaine, woulde with all theyr power be partaker of his quarell. And that Reigno [...]de Bre [...] collected and gotten togither no ſmall ſumme of money for the payment of the wages to the Souldiours and men of warre admoni|ſhing him alſo to make quicke expedition, and to take his courſe directly into Wales.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Richmonde bycauſe he would no longer lynger and wearie his friendes, liuing continually betweene hope and feare, determined in all conuenient haſt to ſet forwarde, and cauſed to his ſhips armor, weapons, vitaile, and al other ordinances expedient for warre.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that all, thing was in a readineſſe, the Earle being accompanied onely with two thou|ſande men, and a ſmall number of ſhippes, weyed vp his Ancors, and halfed vppe his ſayles in the Moneth of Auguſt, and ſayled from Harfleete with ſo proſperous a winde, that the ſeuenth day after his departure, hee arriued in Wales in the Euening, at a place called Mylforde Hauen,Mylford Hauen and incontinent tooke lande, and came to a place called Dalle, where he heard ſay that a cer|taine companie of his aduerſaries were layde in garriſon to defend his arriuall all the laſt winter. And the Earle at the Sunne riſing remoued to Herford weſt, being diſtant from Dalle not fully ten myles, where he was ioyfully receyued of the people, & he arriued there ſo ſodainly, that he was come and entred the Towne at the ſame time when the Citizens had but knowledge of hys comming.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Here he herd newes which were as vntrue as they truely were reported to him in Normandy, that Rice ap Thomas, and Iohn Sauage with bodie and goodes, were determined to ayde king Richard.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While he and his companie were ſomewhat aſtonied of theſe newe tydyngs, there came ſuch meſſage from the Inhabitauntes of the towne of Pembrooke, that refreſhed and reuiued theyr frozen heartes and daunted courages. For Ar|nolde Butler a valiaunt Captaine, whiche fyrſt aſking pardon for hys offences before tyme EEBO page image 1414 committed agaynſt the Earle of Richmonde, and that obteyned, declared to hym that the Pembrochians were readie to ſerue and gyue theyr attendaunce on theyr naturall and imme|diate Lorde, Iaſper Earle of Pembrooke. The Earle of Richmonde hauing his armie thus en|creaſed, departed from Herford well to the [...] of Cardigan beeing fiue miles diſtance from thence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While the ſouldiours were refreſhing and trim|ming themſelues in their campe, ſtraunge things ſprong among them without any certain autho|ur, [figure appears here on page 1414] that ſir Walter Herbert whiche lay wyth a great crewe of men at Carmarden, was nowe with a greate armie readie to approche and byd them battaile. With whiche newes the armie was ſore troubled, and euerie man aſſayed hys armure and prooued his weapon, and were preſt to defende theyr enimies. And as they were in this fearefull doubt, certaine horſemen which the Earle had ſent to make inquirie and ſearche, re|turned and reported all the Countrey to be quiet, and no let nor impediment to be layde or caſt in their iourney.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And euen at the ſame time, the whole armie was greatlye recomforted, by reaſon that the comming of Richarde Griffyth, a man of great nobilitie, the which notwithſtãding that he was confederate with ſir Walter Herbert, and Ri|charde ap Thomas, yet at that verie inſtant he came to the Erle of Richmond with all his com|panie whiche were of no great number. After him the ſame day came Iohn Morgan with hys men.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Then the Earle aduaunced forward in good haſt, making no repoſe or abode in any one place. And to the entent to paſſe forward with ſure and ſhorte expedition, he aſſaulted euerie place where his enimies had ſet any men of warre, whiche with ſmal force, and leſſe difficultie he briefly did ouercome and vanquiſhe. And ſodainly he was by his eſpials aſcertayned, that ſir Walter Her|bert, and Rice ap Thomas were in harneſſe be|fore him, readie to encounter with his armie, and to ſtoppe theyr paſſage. Wherfore like a va|liant Captain, he firſt determined to ſet on them, and eyther to deſtroy or to take them into his fa|uour, and after with all his power and paiſſance to giue battaile to his mortal enimie K. Richard. But to the intent his friendes ſhoulde knowe in what readineſſe he was, & how he proceeded for|ward, he ſent of his moſt ſecret & faithfull ſeruãts with letters and inſtructions to the Ladie Mar|garet his mother, to the lord Stanley & his bro|ther, to ſir Gilbert Talbot, and to other his truſty friends, declaring to them that he being ſuccored and bolpen with the ayd and reliefe of his friends, intended to paſſe ouer the Riuer of Seuerne at Shreweſburie, and ſo to paſſe directly to the Ci|tie of London, requiring them, as his ſpecial truſt and confidence was fixed in the hope of their fi|delitie, that they woulde meete him by the way with all diligent preparation, to the entent that he and they at time and place conuenient, myght communicate togither the deepeneſſe of all hys doubtfull and weyghtie buſineſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Meſſengers were diſpatched with theſe commaundements and admonitions, hee marched forward towarde Shrewſburie, and in his paſſing, there met and ſaluted him Rice ap Thomas with a goodly bande of Welchmen, which making an oth and promiſe to the Earle, ſubmitted himſelfe wholy to his order and com|maundement. For the Earle of Richmond two days before made to him promiſe, that if he wold ſweare to take his part and be obedient to him, he wold make him chief gouernor of Wales, which part as hee faythfully promiſed and graunted, EEBO page image 1415 ſo after that hee had obteyned and poſſeſ [...]d the realme and Diademe, hee liberally perfourmed and accompliſhed the ſame.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane time, the Meſſengers that were ſent diligently executed theyr charge, and hiden with rewardes of them ſo whom they were ſent, returned to him the ſame day that hee entred into Shrewſburie, and made relatiõs to him that his friends were readie in all poynts to do all things for him, which eyther they ought or might [...].

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Erle Henrie brought in good hope with his pleaſant meſſage, continued forth his inten|ded iourney, and came to a little Towne cal|led Newporte, and pytching hys Campe on a little hyll adioyning, repoſed himſelfe there that night.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In the Euening the ſame day, came to him ſir Gylbert Talbot, with the whole power of the yong Earle of Shrewſbury than being in ward, whiche were accounted to the number of two thouſande men. And thus his power encrea|ſing, he arryued at the Towne of Stafforde, and there pawſed. To whome came ſir William Stanley, accompanied with a fewe perſons: and after that the Earle and hee had communed no long time togither, he reuerted to his Souldiers which he had aſſembled togither to ſerue the erle, which frõ thẽce departed to Lichfield, & lay with|out the walles in his campe all the night. The next morning he entred into the towne, and was with all honor like a prince receyued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 A day or two before, the Lorde Stanley ha|uing in his hande almoſt fiue thouſand men, lod|ged in the ſame towne, but hearing that the erle of Richmonde was marching thitherward, gaue to him place, diſlodging him and his, and repay|red to a towne called Aderſtone, there abiding the comming of the Earle, and this wilye Foxe did this acte to auoyde all ſuſpition, being afrayde leaſt if he ſhould be ſeene openly to bee a fa [...]our or ayder to the Earle his ſonne in lawe before the day of the battayle, that king Richard, which yet did not vtterly putte in him diffidence and nuſtruſt, woulde put to ſome cruell death hys ſon and heyre apparant George Lord Strange, whome King Richarde (as you haue hearde before) kept wyth him as a pledge or hoſtage, to the intent that the Lorde Stanley hys fa|ther, ſhoulde attempt nothing preiudiciall to him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Richarde at this ſeaſon keeping hys houſe in the Caſtell of Notingham, was infor|med that the Earle of Richmonde, with ſuch ba|niſhed men as fled out of Englande to him, were nowe arryued in Wales, and that all things ne|ceſſary to his enterprice were vnprouided, vnpur|ueyed, and verie weake, nothing meete to with|ſtande the power of suche as the King had appoynted to meete him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 This rumor so inflated his minde, that in maner disdayning to heare speake of so small a companie, determined at the firs to take little or no regarde to this so small a sparcle, declaring the Earle to be innocent and vnwise, bycause that he rashly attempted such a great enterprise, with so small and thinne a number of warlike persons, and therefore he gaue a definitiue sentence, that when he came to that poynt that he should bee compelled to fight agaynst this wyll, he eyther should be apprehended aliue, or else by all likelyhoode he shoulde of necessitie come to a shameful confusion: and that he trusted to bee shortly done by sir Walter Herbert, and Rice ap Thomas, which then ruled Wales with egall power and like authoritie. But yet he reuoluing and casting in his minde, that a small warre begonne and winked at and not regarded, may turn to a great broyle and trouble, and that it was prudent policie not to contemne and disdaine the little small power and weaknesse of the enimie, be it neuer so small, thought it necessarie to prouide for afterclaps that myght happen and chaunce. Wherefore hee sent to Iohn Duke of Norffolke, Henry Earle of Northumberlande, Thomas Earle of Surrey, and to other of his especiall and trustie friendes of the Nobilitie, which he iudged more to preferre and esteeme his welth and honor than theyr owne ryches and pryuate commoditie, wyllyng them to muster and view all theyr seruauntes and tenants, and to elect and choose the most couragious and actiue persons of the whole number, and with them to repayre to his presence with all speede and diligence. Alſo hee wrote to Robert Brukenburie Lieutenant of the Tower, commaunding him with his power to come to his armie, and to bring with him as fellowes in armes, Sir Thomas Bourchier, and ſir Walter Hungerford, and diuerſe other knights & eſquiers in whom be caſt no ſmall ſuſpi [...]ion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While he was thus ordering his affayres, [...]y|dings came that the Earle of Richmonde was paſſed Seuerne, and come to Shrewſburie with|out any de [...]nt or encom [...]. At which meſſage he was ſore mooued and broyled wyth Melancholie and [...]olour, and cryed out, aſking vengeance of them, that contrarie to theyr othe and promiſe had ſo deceyued him. For whiche cauſe he began to haue diffidence in other, inſo|much that he determined himſelfe oute of hande the ſame day to meete with and reſiſt hys ad|uerſaries. And in all haſte ſente out eſpialles to view and eſpie what waye his enimies kept and paſſed. They diligentlye doing theyr duetie, ſhortly after returned, declaring to the king that the Earle was encamped at the towne of Lich|fielde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 EEBO page image 1416When hee had perfite knowledge where the Earle with his armie was ſo [...]oiourning, be hauing continuall repayre of his ſubiectes to him, began incontinently without delay to marſhal and put in order his battayles (like a valiaunt Captayne and politike leader) and firſt he made his battails to ſet forward, fiue and fiue in a ranke, marching towarde that way where his enimies (as was to him reported) entended to paſſe. In the middle part, of the [...] [...]ee appoynted the [...]ea [...]e and cariage apperteyning to the enimie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then he (enuironed wyth hys Garde) with a frowning countenaunce and cruell vyſage, mountes on a greate whyte Courſer, and follo|wed with his footesmenne, the wings of Horſe|men coaſting and raunging on euerie ſyde, and keeping this array, hee with great pompe entred the Towne of Leyceſter after the Sunne ſet.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Richmonde rayſed his campe, and departed from Lichfielde to the Towne of Tamworth thereto neare adioyning and in the midde way paſſing, there ſaluted him ſir Wal|ter Hungerforde, and ſir Thomas [...]ouerchier, knightes, and dyuerſe other whiche yeelded and ſubmitted them to his pleaſure. For they beeing aduertiſed that king Richarde had thẽ in ſuſpitiõ and ieaolouſie, & little beyonde ſtonie Stratforde left and forſooke priuily their Captaine Robert Brakenburie, and in wandring by night, and in maner by vnknowne pathes & vncertaine wayes ſearching, at the laſt come to Erle Henrie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 A ſtraunge chaunce that happened to the Earle of Richmonde.Diuerſe other noble perſonages, which in|wardly hated king Richard worſe than a Toad or a Serpent, did likewiſe reſort to him with all their power and ſtrength.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 There happened in this progreſſion to the erle of Richmond a ſtrange [...]ance worthie to be no|ted: for albeit he was a man of valiant courage, and that his armie encreaſed, and dayly more and more be waxed mightier & ſtronger, yet hee was not a little afeard, bicauſe he in no wiſe coulde be aſſured of his father in law Thomas Lord Stã|ley, which for feare of the deſtruction of the Lord Straunge his ſonne (as you haue heed) as yet in|clined to neither partie. For if he had gone to the Earle, and that notified to king Richarde, hys ſonne had beene ſhortly executed. Wherefore he accompanyed wyth twentie lyght horſemen lyngered in hys iourney, as a manne muſing and ymagyning what was beſt to bee done. And the more to aggrauate his penſiueneſſe, it was ſhewed hym, that King Richarde was at hande, with a ſtrong power and a greate armie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While he thus heauily dragged behinde hys hoſt, the whole armie came before the Towne of Tamworth, and when hee for the deepe darke|neſſe could not perceyue the ſteppes of them that paſſe [...] before, and had wandred hither and thither, ſeaking after his companie, and yet not once hearing any noyſe or whiſpe [...]g of th [...] [...] turned to a verie little Village, being about three myles from his armie, taking great [...], and muche fearing leaſt he ſhoulde be aſ [...]ed, [...] trapped by king Richardes aſk oute watch. There hee taryed all nyght, not once aduauncing to aſke or demaunde a queſtion of any [...], hee [...]eing no more amazed with the ieopardie and perill that was paſſed, than with thys pre|ſent chaunce, ſore feared that it ſhoulde be a pr [...]|gnoſtication or ſigne of ſome infortunate plagu [...] afterwarde to ſucceede. As hee was not m [...] being abſent from his armie, likewiſe hys [...] much marueyled, and no leſſe mourned for hys ſodaine abſence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The next morning early in the dawning if the day he returned and by the conduct of g [...] fortune, eſpied and came to his armie, excuſing himſelfe, not to haue gone out of the way by ig|norance, but y^e for a policie deuiſed for the [...]oyce, he went from his campe to receyue ſome glad meſſage from certaine of hys priuie friendes and ſecret alyes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This excuſe made, he priuily departed again from his hoſt to the Towne of A [...]erſtone, where the Lorde Stanley and ſir William his brother with their handes were abyding. There the Earle came firſt to his father in lawe, in a lyttle Cloſe where he ſaluted him, and ſir William his brother, and after dyuerſe and many friendlye embracinges, eche reioyced of the ſtate of other, and is dainly were ſurpriſed with great ioy, com|fort, and hope of fortunate ſucceſſe at all their af|fayres and doings.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Afterwarde, they conſulted togyther howe to giue battayle to king Richarde if he would a|bide, whom they knew not to be farre off with an huge hoſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the Euening of the ſame day, Sir Iohn Sauage, ſir Brian Sanforde, Sir Simon Dig|by, and many other, leauing King Richard, tur|ned and came to the part of the Earle of Riche|monde, with an elect companie of men. Which refuſall of King Richardes parte, by menne of ſuche experience, did augment and increaſe both the good hope, and the puiſſaunce of the Earle of Richmond.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon, King Richard (which was appoynted now to finiſh his laſt labour by the verie diuine iuſtice and prouidence of God, which called him to condigne puniſhment for his miſchieuous deſertes) marched to a place [...]te for two battails to encounter, by a village called Boſworth, not farre from Leyceſter, and there he pitched his field on a hill called Anne Beame, re|freſhed hys Souldiours and tooke his reſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 EEBO page image 1417 The dreame of King Ri|chard the thirde.The fame wente, that he had the ſame night a dreadfull and a terrible dreame, for it ſeemed to him beyng a ſleepe, that he did ſee dyuers y|mages lyke terrible deuyls, whyche pulled and haled hym, not ſuffering him to take any quiet or reſt. The whiche ſtraunge viſion not ſo ſo|daynly ſtrake his hearte wyth a ſodayne feare, but it ſtuffed his heade and troubled his mynde wyth many buſy and dreadfull imaginations. For incontinent after, his heart beyng almoſte damped, he pronoſticated before the doubtefull chaunce of the battayle to come, not vſing the a|lacritie and mirth of mynde and of countenance as he was accuſtomed to doe before he came to|ward the battayle. And leaſt that it myghte bee ſuſpected that he was abaſhed for fear of his eni|mies, and for that cauſe looked ſo piteouſly, hee recited and declared to his familiar friends in the mornyng, his wounderfull viſyon and fearefull dreame. But I thynke thys was no dreame, but a punction and pricke of hys ſinfull conſci|ence, for the conſcience is ſo muche more char|ged and aggrauate as the offence is greater and more heynous in degree, whyche pricke of con|ſcience, although it ſtryke not alway, yet at the laſte daye of extreme lyfe, it is wonte to ſhewe and repreſente to vs oure faultes and offences, and the paynes and puniſhementes whych hang ouer our heads for the committing of the ſame, to the intente that at that inſtant, wee for oure deſertes beyng penitent and repentaunt, maye be compelled lamenting and bewayling our ſins lyke forſakers of this worlde, iocunde to depart out of this miſerable lyfe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Nowe to returne agayne to our purpoſe, the nexte daye after, kyng Richard beyng furniſhed with men and all abiliments of warre, bringing all his men out of their campe into the playn, or|dered his fore warde in a meruaylous lengthe, in whyche he appointed both horſemen and foot|men, to the intent to imprinte in the harts of thẽ that looked a farre off, a ſodaine terror and dead|ly feare, for the greate multitude of the armed ſouldiours: and in the fore fronte hee placed the Archers, lyke a ſtrong fortifyed trenche or bul|warke: Ouer this battayle was captaine, Iohn duke of Norffolke, with whome was Thomas Erle of Surrey his ſonne. After this long vent|garde, folowed king Richarde hymſelfe, with a ſtrong companie of choſen and approued men of warre, hauing horſemen for wings on both the ſides of his battayle.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that the Earle of Richmonde was de|parted from the communication of his friendes, as you haue heard before, he began to be of a bet|ter ſtomacke, and of a more valiante courage, and with all diligence, pitched his field iuſt by the camp of his enimies, and there he lodged y^e night.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In the morning betime, he cauſed his men to put on theyr armoure, and apparrell themſelues ready to fight and giue battayle, and ſent to the Lord Stanley (which was now come with hys hand in a place indifferent betweene both the ar|mies) re [...]uiring him with his men to approche neere to his army, and to helpe to ſet the ſoldiers in array hee anſwered that the Earle ſhoulde ſet his owne men in a good order of battaile, whyle he would array his company, and come to hym in time conuenient. Whiche aunſwere made o|therwiſe than the Earle thought or would haue iudged, conſidering the oportunitie of the tyme, and the weight of the buſineſſe, and although hee was therewithal a little vexed, began ſomewhat to hang the head, yet he without any time delay|ing, compelled of neceſſitie, after this manner in|ſtructed and ordered his men. He made his for|ward ſomewhat ſingle and ſlender, according to the ſmall number of his people.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 In the frount he placed the archers of whome he made Captayne Iohn Earle of Oxford. To the right wing of the battaile, he appoynted Sir Gilberte Talbot to be the leader. To the lefte wing, hee aſſigned Sir Iohn Sauage, who had broughte thither with him a crewe of righte able perſonages, cladde in white coates and hoodes, whiche muſtered in the eyes of their aduerſaries right brimly. The Earle of Richmond himſelfe, with the ayde of the Lorde Stanley, gouerned the battaile, accompanyed with the Earle of Pembroke, hauing a good companie of horſemẽ, and a ſmall number of footemenne: For all hys whole number exceeded not fiue thouſand men beſide the power of the Stanleys, whereof three thouſand were in the fielde, vnder the Standert of Sir William Stanley: The Kings number was double ſo much and more. When bothe theſe armies were thus ordered, and all men rea|dy to ſet forward, king Richard called his chief|taines togither, and to them ſaide:The Oration of K. Richard the third. Moſt faithful and aſſured fellowes, moſt truſtie and wel belo|ued friendes, and elected Captaynes, by whoſe wiſedome and policye, I haue obteyned the Crowne, and type of this famous Realme, and noble region by whoſe puiſſance and valiantnes I haue enioyed and poſſeſſed the ſtate royall and dignitie of the ſame, mangre the ill will, and [...]|dicions attemptes of all my cancred enimies, and inſidious aduerſaries, by whoſe prudent and politike coũſaile, I haue ſo gouerned my realme, people, & ſubiectes, that I haue omitted nothing apperteyning to the office of a iuſt Prince, nor you haue pretermitted nothing belonging to the duetie of wiſe and ſage counſailers. So that I may ſay, and truely affirme, that your approued fidelitie and tried conſtancy, maketh mee to be|leeue firmely, and thinke that I am an vndoub|ted EEBO page image 1418 King, and an indubitate Prince. And al|though in the adeption and obteyning of y^e Gar|land, I beeyng ſeduced, and prouoked by ſiniſter counſaile, and diabolicall temptation, did com|mit a wicked and deteſtable acte. Yet I haue with ſtraite penaunce and ſalt teares (as I truſt) expiated and cleerely purged the ſame offence, which abhominable crime I require you offrẽd|ſhip as cleerely to forget, as I dayly remember to deplore and lament the ſame. If ye will nowe diligently call to remembraunce in what caſe & perplexitie we now ſtand, and in what doubt|full perill we be nowe intricked? I doubt not, but you in heart will thinke, and with mouthe con|feſſe, that if euer amitie and faith preuailed be|tweene Prince and ſubiects, or betweene ſubiect and ſubiect: or if euer bond of alegiãce obliged the vaſſall to loue and ſerue his naturall ſoueraigne Lord, or if any obligation of duetie bounde anye Prince to aide and defend his ſubiects? All theſe loues, bondes, and dueties of neceſſitie are now thys daye to bee tryed, ſhewed and put in expe|rience. For if wiſe men ſaye true, there is ſome policie in getting, but muche more in keeping, the one being but fortunes chaũce, and the other high witte and policie, for whiche cauſe, I with you, and you with me, muſt needs this day take labour and payne, to keepe & defend with force, that preheminence and poſſeſſion, which by your prudente deuiſes I haue gotten and obteyned. I doubt not but you know, how the Deuill conti|nuall enimie to humane nature, diſturber of cõ|cord, and ſower of ſedition, hath entred into the heart of an vnknowen Welchman whoſe fa|ther I neuer knew, nor him perſonally ſaw) ex|citing him to aſpire and couet oure Realme, Crowne, and dignitie, and thereof cleerely to de|priue and ſpoyle vs and our poſteritie: ye ſee far|ther, howe a companie of traytors, theefes, out|lawes, and runnegates of our owne nation, bee aiders and partakers of his feate and enterpriſe, ready at hand to ouercome and oppreſſe vs: You ſee alſo, what a number of beggerly Britaines and faint harted frenchmen be with him arriued to deſtroy vs, our wiues and children. Whyche imminent miſchiefes and apparante inconueni|ences, if we wil withſtand and refell, wee muſte liue togither like breethren, fighte togither lyke Lions, and feare not to die togither like menne. And obſeruing and keeping this rule and pre|cept, beleeue mee, the fearefull hare neuer fled fa|ſter before the greedy greyhounde, nor the ſillie larke before y^e ſparowhanke, nor the ſimple ſheepe before the rauenous wolf, than your proud brag|ging aduerſaries aſtonied and amaſed with the only ſight of your manly viſages, wil flee, runne, and ſkyr out of the field. For if you conſider and wiſely ponder all things in your minde, you ſhal perceyue, that we haue manifeſt cauſes, and ap|parant tokens of triumph and victory.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 And to begyn with the Earle of Richmonde capitayne of this rebellion, he is a Welſh mi [...]|ſoppe, a man of ſmall courage and of leſſe expe|rience in martiall actes and feates of Warre, broughte vp by my brothers meanes and myne lyke a captiue in a cloſe cage in the court of Frã|cis duke of Britayn, and neuer ſawe armie, nor was exerciſed in martiall affayres, by reaſon whereof he neyther can nor is able by his owne will or experience to guyde or rule an hoſte. For in the witte and policie of the capitayn, conſiſteth the chiefe adeption of the victorie & ouerthrow of the enimies. Secondarily feare not, and put a|waye all doubtes, for when the traytoures and runagates of our realme, ſhall ſee vs with ban|ner diſplayed come againſt them, remembryng their othe promyſe and fidelitie made vnto vs, as to their ſoueraigne lorde and anoynted king, they ſhal be ſo pricked & ſtimulate in the bottome of their ſcrupulous conſciences, that they for very remorſe and dread of the diuine plague, wil either ſhamefully flee, or humbly ſubmit themſelues to our grace and mercie. And as for the Frenchmẽ and Britons, their valiantneſſe is ſuch, that our noble progenitors, and your valiant par [...] [...]s haue them oftner vanquiſhed & ouercome in one mo|neth, thã they in the beginnining imagined poſ|ſible to cõpaſſe and finiſh in a whole yere. What wil you make of them, braggers without auda|citie, drunkards without diſcretiõ, ribalds with|out reaſon, cowards without reſiſting, & in cõ|cluſion, the moſt effeminate and laſciuious peo|ple, y^t euer ſhewed themſelues in front of batail, tentymes more couragious to flee & eſcape, than once to aſſault the breaſt of our ſtrõg & populous armie. Wherfore conſidering all theſe auaunta|ges, expell out of your thoughts all doubts, and auoyd out of your mynds all feare, and like vali|ant champions anounce forth your ſtanderdes, and aſſay whether your enimies can decide and try the title of battaile by dint of ſword, auance (I ſay agayne) forward my captains, in whom lacketh neither policie, wiſedome, nor puiſſance. Euery one giue but one ſure ſtripe, and ſurely the iourney is ours What preuayleth a hãdful to a whole realm? deſiring you for the loue that you beare to me, and the affection that you haue to your natiue and naturall countrey, & to the ſafe|gard of your Prince and your ſelf, that you wyl this day take to you your accuſtomed corage & couragious ſpirites, for the defence and ſafegard of vs al. And as for me, I aſſure you, this day I wil triumph by glorious victorie, or ſuffer death for immortal fame. For they be maymed & oute of the palace of fame diſgraded, dying withoute renoune, which do not aſmuche preferre and ex|alte the perpetuall honour of theyr natiue coun|trey, as their owne mortall and tranſitorie lyfe. EEBO page image 1419 Now ſent George to borow, let vs ſet forwarde and remember well, that I am hee whiche ſhall with high aduancementes, rewarde and preferre the valiaunt and hardy champions, and puniſhe and torment the ſhamefull cowards and dread|full daſtardes. This exhortation encouraged all ſuch as fauoured him, but ſuche as were preſence more for dread than loue, kiſſed them openly, whome they inwardlye hated, other ſware out|wardly to take part with ſuch, whoſe death they ſecretely compaſſed, and inwardly imagined, o|ther promiſed to inuade the Kinges enimies, whiche fledde and fought with fierce courage a|gainſt the King: other ſtande ſtill and looked on, intẽding to take part with the victors and ouer|commers. So was his people to him vnſure and vnfaithful at his end, as he was to his nephewes vntrue and vnnaturall in his beginning.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Earle of Richmond knew by hys forriders that the King was ſo neere embattay|led, he rode about his army, from ranke to ranke, from wing to wing, giuing comfortable words to all men, and that finiſhed (being armed at all peeces ſauing his helmette) mounted on a little hill, ſo that all his people mighte ſee and beholde him perfectly, to their greate reioycing: For hee was a mã of no great ſtature, but ſo formed and decorated with all giftes and liniaments of na|ture, that he ſeemed more an Angelicall creature, than a terreſtriall perſonage, his countenaunce and aſpect was cheerefull and couragious, hys heare yellow like the burniſhed golde, hys eyes gray ſhining and quicke, prompte and ready in aunſwering, but of ſuche ſobrietie, that it coulde neuer be iudged whither he were more dull than quicke in ſpeaking (ſuch was his temperaunce.) And when he had ouerlooked his army ouer eue|ry ſide, he pawſed awhile, and after with a lowde voyce and bolde ſpirit, ſpake to his companyons theſe or like words following.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 The Oration [...] King Hen| [...] the ſeuẽth.If euer God gaue victorie to men fighting in a iuſt quarrell, or if he euer aided ſuche as made warre for the wealth and tuition of theyr owne naturall and nutritiue Countrey, or if hee euer ſuccoured them whiche aduentured their lyues for the reliefe of innocentes, ſuppreſſing of male|factors and apparante offendors, no doubte my fellowes and friendes, but hee of his bountifull goodneſſe, will this day ſend vs triumphant vic|torie, and a luckie iourney ouer our proude ene|mies, and arrogant aduerſaries: for if you remẽ|ber and conſider the very cauſe of our iuſt quar|rell, you ſhall apparantly perceyue the ſame to be true, godly, and vertuous. In the whiche I doubt not, but God will rather ayde vs (yea and fight for vs) than ſee vs vanquiſhed and ouer|throwẽ by ſuch as neither fear him nor his laws, nor yet regard iuſtice or honeſtie. Our cauſe is ſo iuſt, that no enterpriſe can be of more vertue, both by the lawes diuine and ciuill, for what can be a more honeſt, goodly, or godly quarrell, than to fight againſt a Captaine, being an homicyde and murtherer of his owne bloud or progenie, an extreame deſtroyer of his nobilitie, and to hys and our Countrey and the poore ſubiectes of the ſame, a deadly malle, a fyrie brand, and a burthen vntollerable the beſyde him conſider, who bee of hys band and company, ſuch as by murther and vn|trueth committed againſt their owne kinne and linage, yea againſt their Prince and ſoueraigne Lord, haue diſherited mee and you, and wrong|fully deteyne and vſurp our lawfull patrimonie and lyneall inheritance. For he that calleth hym ſelfe King, keepeth from me the Crowne and re|gimente of this noble Realme and Countrey, contrarie to all iuſtice and equitie. Likewiſe, hys mates and friendes occupie youre landes, cutte downe your woods, and deſtroy your manours, letting your wiues and children raunge abroade for theyr liuing: which perſons for their penance and puniſhmente I doubt not, but God of hys goodneſſe will eyther deliuer into our hands, as a greate gaine and booty, or cauſe them beeyng greeued and compuncted with the pricke of theyr corrupt conſciences cowardly to flie, and not a|bide the battaile: beſide this I aſſure you, that there be yonder in the great battaile, men brou|ght thither for feare, and not for loue, ſouldyers by force compelled, and not with good will aſ|ſembled, perſons which deſire rather the deſtruc|tion than ſaluation of theyr maiſter and Cap|tayne: And finally a multitude, whereof y^e moſt part will be our friends, and the leaſt part our e|nimies. For truely I doubt which is greater, the malice of the Soldyers toward theyr Captaine, or the feare of him conceyued of his people: for ſurely this rule is infallible, that as ill men day|lye couet to deſtroy the good, ſo God appoin|teth the good men to confound the ill, and of all worldly goodes the greateſt is, to ſuppreſſe Ty|rants, and relieue innocents, whereof the one is as much hated, as the other is beloued. If thys be true (as Clearkes Preache) who will ſpare yonder Tyrant Richarde Duke of Glouceſter, vntruely calling himſelfe King, conſidering that hee hath violated, and broken both the lawe of God and man? what vertue is in him whyche was the confuſion of his brother, and murtherer of his nephewes? what mercy is in him that [...]e [...]|eth his truſtie friends as well as his extreame e|nimies? Who can haue confidence in hym wh [...]|che putteth diffidence in all menne? If you [...]e not red, I haue heard of Clearkes ſay, y^t Tar|quine the proude for the vice of the body loſt the Kingdome of Rome, and the name of Tarquine baniſhed the Citie for euer: yet was not hys EEBO page image 1420 faulte ſo deteſtable as the facte of cruell Nero, whiche ſlewe his owne mother, and opened hyr entrayles, to beholde the place of his conception. Behold yõder Richard, which is both Tarquine and Nero: Yea a Tyrant more than Nero, for he hath not only murthered his nephewe beeyng his King and ſoueraigne Lorde, baſtarded hys noble breethren, and defamed the wombe of hys vertuous and womanly mother, but alſo com|paſſed all the meanes and wayes that he coulde inuent, howe to defile and carnally knowe hys owne neece, vnder the pretence of a cloked ma|trimonie, whiche Lady I haue ſworne and pro|miſed to take to my make and wife, as you all knowe and beleeue. If this cauſe be not iuſt, and this quarrell godly, let God the giuer of victory, iudge and determine. We haue (thankes bee gy|uen to Chriſt) eſcaped the ſecret treaſons in Bri|taine, and auoyded the ſubtill ſnares of our frau|dulent enimies there, paſſed the troublous Seas in good and quiet ſafegard, and without reſiſtãce haue penetrate the ample region and large coũ|trey of Wales, and are now come to the place, whiche wee ſo muche deſired, for long wee haue ſoughte the furious Bore, and nowe wee haue found him. Wherefore let vs not feare to enter into the toyle where we may ſurely ſley him, for God knoweth that we haue liued in the vales of miſerie, toſſing oure Shippes in daungerous ſtormes: lette vs not nowe dread to ſet vp oure ſailes in faire weather, hauing with vs both him and good fortune. If wee hadde come to conquer Wales and had atchieued it, our prayſe had bin great, and our gayne more: but if wee win thys battayle, the whole riche Realme of Englande, with the Lords and rulers of the ſame, ſhall bee ours, the profit ſhall be ours, and the honour ſhall be ours. Therefore laboure for youre gaine, and ſweate for youre right: while wee were in Bry|tayne, we had ſmall liuings, and little plentie of wealth or welfare, nowe is the time come to get abundance of riches, and copy of profit, whyche is the reward of your ſeruice, and merit of youre payne. And this remember with your ſelues, that before vs be our enimies, and on eyther ſyde of vs be ſuche, as I neyther ſurely truſte, nor greatly beleeue, backwarde we cannot flie: So that heere wee ſtand lyke Sheepe in a folde, cir|cumcepted and compaſſed betweene our enimies and our doubtfull friends. Therefore let all feare bee ſet aſide, and like ſworne breethren, lette vs ioyne in one, for this day ſhall bee the end of oure trauayle, and the gaine of our laboure, eyther by honorable deathe or famous victorie: And as I truſt, the battayle ſhall not bee ſo ſowre, as the profit ſhall bee ſweete. Remember that victorie is not gotten with the multitude of menne, but with the courages of heartes and valiantneſſe of mindes. The ſmaller that our number [...] y^e mo [...] glory is to vs if we vanquiſh, if we be ouercome, yet no lande is to bee attributed, to the victors, conſidering that ten men foughte againſte one: and if wee ſo die ſo glorious a death in ſo g [...] a quarrell, neyther freting tinne, nor ran [...]dyng obliuion, ſhall bee able to darken or thee o [...]e of the booke of fame either oure names, or oure godly attempt. And this one thing I aſſure you, that in ſo iuſt and good a cauſe, and ſo notable a quarrell, you ſhall finde mee this daye, rather a dead carrion vpon the colde grounde, than a free priſoner on a carpet in a Ladyes chamber. Let vs therefore fight like inuincible Giants, and ſet on our enimies like vntimorous Tygers, and baniſhe all feare like ramping Lyons. And now aduance forwarde true men againſt [...]ra [...]ors, pitifull perſons againſt murtherers, true inhe|ritors againſte vſurpers, the ſcourges of God a|gainſte tyraunts, diſplay my baner with a good courage, march forth like ſtrong and robuſtious champions, and begin the battaile like hardye conquerors: the battaile is at bande, and the vic|torie approcheth, and if we ſhamefully recule, or cowardly flee, we and all our ſequele be deſtroy|ed, and diſhonored for euer. This is the daye of gayne, and this is the time of loſſe, get this daye victorie, and bee conquerers, and leſe this dayes battayle and bee villaynes, and therefore in the name of God and Saint George, let euery man couragiouſly aduance forth his ſtandeth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe cheerefull words he ſet forth with ſuch geſture of his body, and ſmiling countenaunce, as though already he hadde vanquiſhed his eni|mies, and gotten the ſpoyle.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 He hadde ſcantly finiſhed his ſaying,The battayle betweene [...] Richard, a [...] King Hen|rie the ſen [...]. but the one army eſpyed the other, lord howe haſtely the ſoldiers buckled their healmes, howe quickly the archers bente their bowes and fruſhed their fea|thers, how readily the bilmen ſhoke their billes, and proued their ſlaues, ready to approche and ioyne, when the terrible trumpet ſhoulde ſounde the bloudy blaſt to victorie or death. Betweene both armies, ther was a great marreſſe then (but at this preſent, by reaſon of diches caſt, it is gro|wen to be firme ground) which y^e Earle of Rich|mond left on his right hand, for this intent, that it ſhould be on that ſide a defence for hys parte, and in ſo doing, he hadde the ſunne at his backe, and in the faces of his enimies. When Kyng Richard ſawe the Earles companie was paſſed the marreſſe, he commaunded with all haſt to ſet vppon them: then the trumpettes blewe, and the ſoldiers ſhowed, and the Kings archers coura|giouſly let flie their arrowes, the Earles bownẽ ſtoode not ſtill, but payed them home agayne. The terrible ſhot once paſſed, the armies ioyned, and came to handſtrokes, where neyther ſword EEBO page image 1421 nor bill was ſpared: at whiche encounter, the L. Stanley ioyned with the Earle. The Earle of Oxford in the meane ſeaſon, fearing leaſt whyle his company was fighting, they ſhould be com|paſſed and circumuented with the multitude of the enimies, gaue commaundemente in euerye ranke, that no man ſhould be ſo hardy, as g [...] a|bout tenne foote from the ſtandard, which com|maundemente once knowen, they knitte them|ſelues togither, and ceaſſed a little from figh|ting: the aduerſaries ſuddaynely abuſhed at the matter, and miſtruſting ſome fraude or deceyte, began alſo to pauſe, and lefte ſtriking, and not a|gainſt the willes of many, whiche had leuer haue had the King deſtroyed, than ſaued, and the [...]re they foughte very fayntly, or ſtoode ſtill. The Earle of Oxforde bringing all his band togy|ther on the one parte, ſet on his enimies freſhely againe: the aduerſaries perceyuing that, placed their men ſlender and thinne before, and thycke and broad behinde beginning againe hardely the battayle. While y^e two forwardes thus mortal|ly fought, eache intending to vanquiſh and co [...]| [...]ince the other, King Richard was admoniſhed by his explorators and eſpials, that the Earle of Richmond accompanyed with a ſmall mem|ber of men of armes, was not farre off, and as he approched and marched toward him, he per|fectly knewe his perſonage, by certayne demon|ſtrations and tokens, which hee had learned and knowen of other. And beeing inflamed with [...]re, and ve [...]d with [...] [...]ice he putte hys ſpurres to his Horſe, and too [...] and of the ſyde of the range of his battayle, leauing the au [...]|garde fighting, and like a hungrye Lion, ranne with ſpeare in reſt toward him. The Earle of Richmond perceyued well the King furiouſlye comming towarde him, and bycauſe the whole hope of his wealth and purpoſe was to be deter|mined by battayle, he gladly profered to encoũ|ter with him body to body, and man to man. K. Richard ſet on ſo ſharply at the firſte br [...]uie, that hee ouerthrowe the E [...]iles Standerd, and [...] Sir William Brandon this Standard bea [...] (which was father to Sir Charles Brandon by King Henry the eyghte, created Duke of Suf|folke) and [...]ched haue to hand with [...] Iohn Cheyui [...], a man of greate force and ſtrength [...], which would haue reſiſted him, and y^t ſaid Iohn was by him [...]lly [...]rth own, and to hee making open paſſage by di [...] of ſworde as hee went forward, the Erle of Richmond withſtood his violence, and kept him at the ſwords poynt, without aduantage, longer than his companiõs either thought or iudged which being almoſt [...] deſpaire of victory, were ſud [...]ly recomfor|ted by ſir Williã Stanley, whyche came to his ſuccou [...]s with three thouſand tall men, at which very inſtant, King Richards men wi [...] [...]en backe and [...]de, and he himſelfe manfully figh|ting in the middle of his [...]li [...]s, who [...]e and brog [...] to his [...] as he worthly had de [...]

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Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon, the Earle of Oxforde, with the ayde of the Lorde Stanley, [...]e [...] long fight, diſcomfited the forward at King Ri|chard, whereof a get a to [...]er were ſtayne in the chaſe and fight, by y^e greateſt number which compelled by feare of the King and not of theyr meete voluntarie motion came to the field, gaue neuer a ſtroke, & hauing no harme nor damage, ſa [...]ly departed, whiche [...] h [...]her in hope to ſee the king proſpect and pro [...] [...] that hee ſhoulde be ſhamefully con [...]u [...] and brought to [...]yne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In this battayle dyed [...] about the num|ber of a thouſande perſons: And of the nob [...] were, ſlayne Iohn Duke of Norfolke, whyche was [...]ed by diuers to refraine ſtou [...] y^e fiel [...] EEBO page image 1422 in ſo muche that the night before he ſhoulde ſette forwarde towarde the King, one wrote on hys gate.

Compare 1587 edition: 1

Iacke of Norffolke be not to bolde

For Dikon thy maſter is boughte and ſolde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Yet al this notwithſtãding, he regarded more his othe, his honor and promiſe made to Kyng Richard, lyke a Gentleman & as a faithfull ſub|iect to his Prince, abſented not himſelfe from his maiſter, but as he faithfully liued vnder him, ſo he manfully dyed with him, to his greate fame and lande.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 There were ſlayne beſyde hym, Water Lord Ferrers of Chartley, Sir Richarde Rad|cliffe, and Roberte Brakenburie, Lieutenante of the Tower, and not many Gentlemen moe. Sir William Cateſbey, learned in the lawes of the Realme, and one of the chiefe counſaylers to the late King, with diuers other, were two days af|ter beheaded at Leyceſter. Amongſt them that ran away, were Sir Francis Vicount Louell, and Humfrey Stafford, and Thomas Stafford his brother, whiche tooke Sanctuary in Saincte Iohns at Glouceſter. Of captiues and priſoners there was a great number, for after the death of King Richard was knowen and publiſhed, eue|ry man in manner vna [...]ning himſelfe, and ca|ſting away his abilimentes of warre, meekely ſubmitted themſelues to the obeyſance and rule of the Earle of Richmond of the which, y^e more part had gladly ſo done in the beginning, if they mighte haue conueniently eſcaped from Kyng Richards eſpials, which hauing as cleeres eyes as Linx, and open eares as Mydas, [...]aunged and ſearched in euery quarter. Amongſt theſe was Henrye the fourth Earle of Northumberlande, which whether it was by the commaundemente of King Richarde, putting diffidence in him, or he did it for the loue and fauour that he bare vn|to the Earle, ſtoode ſtill with a great company, and intermitted not in the battaile, whyche was incontinently receiued into fauoure, and made of the counſayle. But Thomas Howard Earle of Sufrey which ſubmitted himſelfe there, was not taken to grace, bycauſe his father was chiefe counſayler, and hee greatly familiar with Kyng Richard, but committed to the Tower of Lon|don, where he long remayned in concluſion deliuered, and for his trueth and fidelitie after promoted to high honors, offices and dignities. On the Earle of Richmondes part, were ſlayne ſcarce one hundred perſons, amongſt whom the principal was Sir William Brãdon his ſtan|derd bearer.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This battaile was foughte at Boſworth in Leyceſterſhire, the two and twentith daye of Auguſt, in the yeare of our redemption .1489. the whole conflicte endured litle aboue two houres.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Richard as the fame went, mighte haue eſcaped and gotten ſafegard by fleeing. For whẽ they which were next about his perſon ſaw and perceyued at the firſte ioyning of the battayle the ſouldiers fayntly and nothing [...] to ſet on their enimies, and not only that, but al|ſo that ſome withdrewe themſelues priuily one of the preaſe and departed, they began to [...]+pect fraude and to ſmell treaſon, and not only ex|horted, but determinately aduiſed him to [...] himſelfe by flight: and when the loſſe of the bat|taile was imminent and apparãt, they brought to him a ſwift and a light horſe, to conuey hym away.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 He whiche was not ignorant of the grudge and ill will that the commõ people bate toward him, caſting away all hope of fortunate ſucceſſe and happie chance to come, aunſwered (as men ſay) that on that day he would make an ende of all battailes, or elſe there finiſhe his life. Suche a great audacitie and ſuch a ſtout ſtomacke [...]g|ned in his body, for ſurely he knew that to be the day in the which it ſhould be decided and deter|mined whither he ſhould peaceably obteyne and enioy his kingdome during his life, or elſe vtter|ly forgoe and be depriued of the ſame, with whi|che to much hardineſſe, he being ouercome, haſti|ly cloſed his helmet, and entred fiercely into the hard battaile, to the intent to obteyne that daye a quiet raigne and regimente, or elſe to finiſhe there his vnquiet life, and vnfortunate [...]er|naunce. And ſo this miſe [...] at y^e ſame very [...]te, hadde like chaunce and fortune, as happeneth to ſuch which in place of right iuſtice and [...]ie, folowing their ſẽſual appetite, loue, & vſe to [...]m|brace miſchiefe, tyrannie, and vnthriftn [...]ſſe. Surely theſe be examples of more [...], tho [...] mãs tong can expreſſe, to feare an [...]ne ſuche euill perſons, as will not lyue one [...]ce [...] from doing and exerciſing [...] [...]ſ|chiefe for outragious liuing.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Earle had thus obteyned [...], and ſlayne his mortall enimie, he [...] downe and rendred to almightie God his harty [...]s, with depute and godly oriſons, be [...] hys [...] to ſende him grace to aduarice and de|fende the Catholike faith, and to mainteyne iu|ſtice and concord amongſt his ſubiects and peo|ple, by God now to his gouernaunce committed and aſſigned.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Which prayer finished, hee replenished with incomperable gladnesse, ascended vppe to the toppe of a little Mountaine, where hee not onely praysed and lawded his valiane soldiers, but also gaue vnto them his harty thankes, with promise EEBO page image 1423 promise of condigne recompence for their fidelitie and valiante factes, willing and commannding all the hurt and wounded persons, to be cured, and the dead carcases to bee delivered to the sepulture. Then the people reioyced, and clapped theyr hands crying vp to heauen, King Henry King Henry.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Lord Stanley sawe the good will and gladnesse of the people, he toke the crown of King Richard whiche was founde amongst the spoyle in the field, and set it on the Earles head, as though he had ben elected king by the voice of the people, in auncient tymes past in dyuers realmes it hath bene accustomed: and this was the firste signe and token of his good lucke and felicitie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 I must put you heere in remembrance, howe that king Richard putting some diffidence in the Lord Stanley, whiche had with him as an hostage the Lord Strange, his eldest sonne, which lorde Stanley (as ye haue heard before) ioyned not at the fyrst with his sonne in lawes armye, for feare that king Richard wold haue slayn the Lord Straunge his heyre. When king Richard was come to Bosworth, he sente a pursiuant to the lorde Stanley, commaundyng him to aduaunce forward with his companie, and to come to his presence, which thing if he refused to do, he sware by Christes passion, that he woulde stryke off his sonnes head before he dyned. The Lorde Stanley anſwered the purſuant that the king did ſo, he had more ſonnes lyue, and as to come to hym, he was not then ſo determined. When king Richarde hearde this an ſwete, he commaun|ded the lorde Straunge incontinent to be [...]|ded, which was at that very ſame ſeaſon, when both the armies had ſight eche of other. The coũ|ſaylors of king Richard poudering the time and cauſe, knowing alſo the Lorde Straunge to be innocẽt of his fathers offence, perſuading the K. that it was now tyme to fyght, and not [...] for execution, aduiſing him to kepe the lord Strange as a priſoner till the battayle were ended, & then at leyſure his pleaſure myght be accompliſhed. So (as God wold) king Richard brake his holy othe, and the Lorde was deliuered to the kepers of the kinges Tentes, to be kepte as a priſoner: which when the fielde was done, and theyr mai|ſter ſlaine, and proclamation made to knowe where the chyld was, they ſubmitted themſelues as priſoners to the Lorde Strange, and he gent|ly receiued them, and brought them to the newe proclaymed King, where of him and of his fa|ther, hee was receued with great ioy and glad|neſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 After this whole campe remoued wyth bagge and baggage, and the same night in the Euening King Henry with great pompe came to the Towne of Lycester. Where as well for the refreshyng of hys people and souldiours, as for preparing all thyngs necessarie for his iourney towarde London, hee rested and reposed himself twoo dayes. In the meane season, the deade corps of king Rycharde was as shamefully caryed to the Towne of Leycester, as he gorgeously the day before wyth pompe & pryde departed out of the same Towne. For his body was naked and dyspoiled to the skin, and nothing left about him, not so much as a clowte to couer hys priuie members, and was trussed behinde a Pursyuant of armes called Blaunche Senglier, or White Bore, like a Hog or Calfe, the head and armes hanging on the one side of the horse, and the legs on the other side, and all besprinckled with mire & bloude was broughte to the gray Friers Churche within the Towne, & there lay like a miserable spectacle: but surely considering hys mischieuous actes and vngracious dooyngs, men may worthely wonder at suche a caytiue: and in the sayde Churche he was wyth no lesse funerall pompe and solemnitie enterred, than he woulde to be done at the buriyng of his innocent Nephewes, whom he caused cruelly to be murthered, & unnaturally to be quelled.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When hys deathe was knowne, fewe lamented, and manye reioysed: the proude bragging white Bore (whiche was his badge) was violently rased and plucked downe from euery sight and place where it might be espied, so ill was his life, that men wished the memorie of hym to be buried wyth hys carren corpse. Hee reigned twoo yeares, twoo moneths, and one day.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 As he was ſmall [...] of ſtature, ſo was he of bodie greatly de [...]ed, the one ſhuld [...] higher than the other, his [...] ſmall, but his countenãnce was cruell, and ſuche, that at the firſte aſpect a ma [...] [...] iudge it to ſauour and ſmell of ma|lice, fraude and deceit: when he ſtode muſing, he woulde byte and chawe buſily his nether lippe, as who ſayde, that his fierce nature in his cruell bo|die, alwais chafed, ſtirred, and was euer vnquiet: beſyde that, the dagger whiche he ware, he wold when he ſtudyed, with his hande plucke vp and downe in the ſheath to the mids, neuer drawing it fully out: he was of a ready, pregnant & quicke witte, wyly to fayne, and apt to diſſemble: he had a proude mynde and an arrogant ſtomacke, the whiche accompanied him euen to his death, ra|ther chuſing to ſuffer the ſame by dint of ſword, than being forſaken and left helpleſſe of hys vn|faithfull companyons, to preſerue by cowardly flight, ſuche a frayle and vncertayn lyfe, whiche by malice, ſicknes, or condigne puniſhment was lyke ſhortly to come to confuſion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 EEBO page image 1424Thus ended this Prince his mortall life, with infarny & diſhonor, whiche neuer preferred fame or honeſtie before ambition, tyrannie and miſ|chiefe. And if hee had continued ſtill Protector, and ſuffered his Nephewes to haue liued and raigned, no doubt but the Realm had proſpered, and he much prayſed and beloued, as he is nowe abhorred, and had in hatted but to God whyche knew his inwarde thoughtes at the houre of hys death, I remitte the puniſhment of his offences committed in his life.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Henry the ſeauenth cauſed a Tombe to bee made and ſet vp ouer the place where hee was buried in the Churche of the grey Frier [...] at Leyceſter, with a picture of alablaſter, repreſen|ting his perſon, doing that honor to his enemie, vpon a princely regard and pitifull zeale whyche King Richard (moued of an ypocriticall ſhewe of counterfaite pitie) did to King Henry y^e ſixte, whome he had firſt cruelly murthered, and after in the ſecond yeare of his vſurped raigne, cau|ſed his corpes to bee remoued from Chertſey vnto Windeſore, and there ſolemnely enter|red.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 And nowe to conclude wyth this c [...]ell Ty|rant king Richarde, wee maye conſider in what ſorte the ambitious deſire to rule and gouerne in the houſe of Yorke, was puniſhed by Goc [...]tu [...] prouidence: for although that the right myghte ſeeme to remayne in the perſon of Richard duke of Yorke, flayne at Wakefielde, yet may there bee a faulte worthyly reputed in hym ſo to ſeeke to preuent the tyme appoynted hym by autho|ritie of Parliamente to attayne to the Crowne, entayled to hym and hys iſſue, in whome alſo, and not onely in hymſelfe that offence (as may bee thoughte) was duely puniſhed: for although his eldeſt fonne Edwarde the fourthe, beeyng a Prince right prouidente and circumſpect for the suretie of hys owne estate and his children, in so muche, that not contented to cut off all his armed and apparant enimyes, he also of a iealous feare, made away his brother the Duke of Clarence, and so thoughte to make it all sure. But Gods vengeaunce myght not bee disappoynted, for as ye haue partely hearde, he didde but further therby the destruction of his issue in takyng awaye hym that onely myghte haue stayed the Turkishe crueltie of his brother of Gloucester, who enraged for desire of the kingdome, berefte his innocent nephues of their lyues and estates. And as it thus well appeared, that the house of Yorke shewed it selfe more bloudye in seeking to obteyne the kyngdom, than that of Lancaster in vsurping it: So it came to passe, that the Lords vengeaunce appeared more heauie towardes the same than towardes the other, not ceassyng to tyll the whole issue male of the sayd Richarde duke of Yorke was extinguished. For suche is Gods Iustice, to leaue no vnrepentant wickednes vnpunished, as especially in thys caytife Richarde the thirde, not deseruing so muche as the name of a man, muche lesse of a kyng, moste manifestly appeared.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But nowe of learned menne that lyued, and wrote in the dayes of this vsurper and hys nephew king Edward the fyfth, these we fynde recorded by Iohn Bale: firste Iohn Penketh an Augustine Frier of Warington in Lancashire, a right suttle fellow in disputation, folowing the footesteppes of his Maister Iohn Duns, whom he chiefly studied. He wrote diuers treatises, and made that infamous sermon at Poules crosse, in fauour of the Duke of Gloucester then protector, to the disinheriting of Edward the fifth, his laufull king and gouernour: Iohn Kent or Cayley borne in South wales: George Riplay first a Chanon of Bridlington, and after a Carmelite Frier in Boston, a greate Mathematician, Rhetorician and Poet: Iohn Spyne a Carmelite Frier of Bristowe, that proceeded Doctour of diuinitie in Cambridge, and suche lyke.