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2.1. A declaration conteyuing the iuſt cauſes and conſiderations of this preſent warre with the Scots, wherein alſo appeareth the true and right title that the kings moſt royal Maieſtie hath to his ſoueraintie of Scotlãd, and thus it beginneth.

A declaration conteyuing the iuſt cauſes and conſiderations of this preſent warre with the Scots, wherein alſo appeareth the true and right title that the kings moſt royal Maieſtie hath to his ſoueraintie of Scotlãd, and thus it beginneth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 A declaration [...] iuſt cau|ſed the war [...] the [...] of Scots.BEing now enforced to the warre which wee haue alwayes hitherto ſo much abhorred and fled, by our neighbor & nephew the king of Scots, one who aboue al other for our manifold benefits towarde him, hath moſt iuſt cauſe to loue vs, to honor vs, and to reioice in our quietneſſe: we haue thought good to notifie vnto the worlde his do|ings and behauior in the prouocatiõ of this war, and likewiſe the meanes and wayes by vs to eſ|chew and auoyd it, and the iuſt and true occaſi|ons whereby we be now prouoked to proſecute the ſame, and by vtterãce and demulging of that matter, to diſburden ſome part of our inwarde diſpleaſure and griefe: and the circumſtaunces knowne, to lament openly with the worlde the infidelitie of this time, in which things of ſuche enormitie do bruſt out and appeare. The king of Scottes our nephew and neighbour, whom wee in his youth and tender age preſerued and main|teyned from the great daunger of other, and by our authoritie and power, conducted him ſafely to the royall poſſeſſion of his eſtate, he now compel|leth and [...]th vs for preſeruation of [...] ho|nour and [...] to vſe our puiſſaunce and power agaynſt him. The lyke [...]ſſe hath [...] [...] by other in [...]able caſes a|gaynſt Gods lawe, mans lawe, and all huma|nitie: but the [...] it chaunceth the more it i [...] to be abhoured, and yet in the perſons of Prin|ces, for the raritie of them can ſo happen but ſel|dome, as it hath now come to paſſe. It hath bene verie rarely and ſeldome ſeene before, that a king of Scottes both had in maryage a daughter of Englande. We cannot, [...]e will not reprehende the king our fathers acte therein, but lament and hee ſorie it tooke no better effect. The king our father in that matter mynded loue, amitie and perpetual friendſhip betweene the poſteritie of hath which how ſoone it fayled, the death of the King of Scottes as a due puniſhment of God, for his vniuſt inuaſion into this our Realme is and ſhal be a perpetuall teſtimonie of theyr reproch for e|uer, and yet in that preſent time coulde not the vnkindneſſe of the father extinguiſh in vs the na|turall loue of our nephew his ſonne being then in the miſerable age of tender youth: but we thẽ for|getting the diſpleaſure that ſhould haue worthily prouoked vs to inuade that realm, nouriſhed and brought vp our nephew, to atchieue his fathers poſſeſſiõ & gouernmẽt, wherin he now ſo vnkind|ly vſeth and behaueth himſelfe towards vs, as he cõpelleth vs to take armor & warre agaynſt him. It is ſpecially to be noted, vpon what groundes and by what meanes we be cõpelled to this war, wherein among other is our chiefe griefe and diſ|pleaſure, that vnder a colour of faire ſpeech & flat|tering words, we be in deed ſo iniuried, cõtemned and deſpiſed, as we ought not with ſufferance to permit, and paſſe ouer: wordes, writings, letters, meſſages, ambaſſades, excuſes, allegations, could not more pleaſantly, more gently, ne more reue|rently be deuiſed & ſent, than hath bin made on the king of Scots behalfe vnto vs, & euer we truſted the tree would bring forth good fruit, that was of the one part of ſo good a ſtocke, and cõtinually in apparance put forth ſo fayre buddes: and therfore would hardly belieue or giue care to other, that euer alledged the deedes of the contrarie, being ne|uertheleſſe the ſame deeds ſo manifeſt as we muſt needes haue regarded them, had not we beene ſo loth to thinke euill of our nephew, whom we had ſo many ways boũd to be of the beſt ſort toward vs, and therefore hauing a meſſage ſent vnto vs the yeare paſt from our ſayde nephew, and a pro|miſe made for the repayring of the ſayde King of Scottes vnto vs to Yorke, and after greate preparation on our part made therefore, the ſame meeting was not onely diſappoynted, but alſo at our being at Yorke in the lieu therof, an inua|ſion made by our ſayd nephew his ſubiectes into EEBO page image 448 our lande, declaring an euident [...]pt and diſpite of vs: we were yet gladde to impute the default of the meeting to the aduiſe of his coun|ſaile, and the inuaſion of the lew [...]neſſe of his ſub|iectes, and according therevnto gaue as benigne and gentle audience to ſuch ambaſſadours as re|payred hi [...] hee at Chriſtmaſſe afterwarde, as if no ſuch cauſe of diſpleaſure had occured, ſpecial|ly conſidering the good wordes, ſweete wordes, pleaſant wordes, eftſoones propo [...]ed by the ſayde Ambaſſadors, not onely to excuſe that was paſt, but alſo to perſwade kindneſſe and perfite amitie to enſue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And albeit the king of Scottes hauing con|trarie to the article of the league of amitie recey|ued and interteyned ſuche rebels as were of the chief and principal, in ſhering the inſurrection in the North agaynſt vs, with refuſall before time, vpon requeſt made to reſtore the ſame, yet neuer|theleſſe, vpon after made, the ſayde Ambaſſadors to ſende commiſſion to the borderers, to determin the debates of the confines in the ſame with ſo great a preſente of amitie, and ſo fayre words as coulde be in ſpeech deſired, we were content for the time to forbeare to preſſe them ouer extreme|ly in the matter of rebels. Albeit we neuer remit|ted the ſame, but deſirous to make triall of oure fayde nephew in ſome correſpondence of deedes, condiſcended to the ſending of Commiſſioners to the borders, which to our great charge wee did, and the king of Scottes our fayde nephew the ſemblable: where after great trauaile made by our Commiſſioners, this fruite enſued, that be|ing for our part chalenged, a peece of our grounde plainly vſurped by the Scottes, and of no greate value, being alſo for the ſame ſhewed ſuche eui|dence, as more ſubſtanciall, more autentique, plaine and euident, cannot bee brought forth for any part of grounde within our Realme: the ſame was neuertheleſſe by them denied, refuſed, and the euidence onely for this cauſe reiected, that it was made (as they alledged) by Engliſhmen. and yet it was ſo auncient, as it coulde not bee counterfeyt now, and the value of the ground ſo little, and of ſo ſmall weight as no man woulde haue attempted to falſifie for ſuch a matter. And yet this deniall being in this wiſe made vnto our Commiſſioners, they neuertheleſſe by our com|maundement departed as friends from the com|miſſioners of Scotlande, taking order as hath beene accuſtomed, for good rule vpon the borders in the meane time.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After which their receſſe, the Lorde Maxwell warden of the weſt Marches of Scotland, made Proclamation for good rule, but yet added there|with, that the borderers of Scotlãd ſhould with|drawe their goodes from the borderers of Eng|lande, and incontinent the Scottiſh men borde|r [...]s, the fourth of Iuly entred into out Realme ſodainly, and ſpoyled our ſubiectes contrarie to out leagues, euen of [...] ſuch extremitie [...]s it [...] beene in the time of open warre whereat [...] [...]u [...] [...]rueyled, and were compelled therefore to furniſh out borders with a garniſon for defence of the ſame. Wherevpon the king of Scots [...] vnto vs Iames Leyrmouth maiſter of his houſ|holde, with letters deuiſed in the moſt pleaſaunt maner, offring redreſſe and reformation of all at|tempts. And yet neuertheleſſe, at the entrie of the ſayd Leyrmouth into England, a great number of the Scottes then not looked for, made a forrey into our borders, to the great annoyaunce of our ſubiects, and to their extreme detriment, where|with, and with that vnſeemly diſſimulation, we were not a little moued, as reaſon woulde wee ſhould: and yet did we not finally ſo extremely proſecute and continue our ſayde diſpleaſure, but that we gaue benigne audience to the ſayd Leyr|mouth, and ſuffred our ſelfe to bee ſomewhat al|tered by his wordes and fayre promiſes, tending to the perſwaſion that we euer deſired to find the king of Scottes ſuch a nephew vnto vs, as our proximitie of bloud, with our gratuitie vnto him did require.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane time of theſe fayre wordes, the deedes of the borderers were as extreme as might be, and our ſubiects ſpoyled: and in a road made by ſir Robert Bowes for a reuenge thereof, the ſame ſir Robert Bowes, wt many other were ta|ken priſoners, & yet deteyned in Scotlãd without putting them to fine or raunſome, as hath beene euer accuſtomed. And being at the ſame time a ſurſeyance made on both ſides, at the fayte of the ſayde Leyrmouth for a ſeaſon: the Scottes cea|ſed not to make ſundry inuaſions into our realm, in ſuch wiſe, as we were compelled to forget faire woordes, and onely to conſider the king of Scots deedes, which appeared vnto vs of that ſort, as they ought not for our duetie in defence of oure ſubiects, ne could not in reſpect of our honour, be paſſed ouer vnreformed: and therefore put in a readineſſe our armie as a due meane whereby we might attaine ſuch a peace, as for the ſafegarde of our ſubiects we be bound to procure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 After which preparation made, and know|ledge had thereof, the king of Scottes ceaſed not to vſe his accuſtomed meane of fayre wordes, which in our naturall inclination wrought eft|ſoones theyr accuſtomed effect, euermore deſirous to finde in the King of Scottes ſuch regarde and reſpect to be declared in deedes, as the correſpon|dence of naturall loue in the nephew to ſuche an vncle as we haue ſhewed our ſelfe towarde him, doth require. Wherefore vpon new requeſt and ſuyte made vnto vs, we determined to ſtay oure armie at Yorke, appoynting the Duke of Norf|folke EEBO page image 449 our Lieutenant, the Lorde priuy ſeale, the Biſhop of Durham, & the Maſter of our horſes, there to commen, treate, and conclude with the Ambaſſadours of Scotland, for an amity and peace, vpon ſuche condition, as by reaſon and e|quitie were indifferent, wherby the warre might be eſchewed, being by ſundry inuaſions of the Scottes then opened and manifeſte. In this communication betweene our and their com|miſſioners, after diuers degrees of commiſſion ſhewed by the Scots, and finally one that was by our Commiſſioners allowed, matters were proponed for concluſion of amitie, nothing dif|ficile or harde of our parte, but ſo agreeable to reaſon, as the commiſſioners of Scotland ſayde they doubted not but if it might be brought to paſſe that the King of Scottes our Nephewe might haue a meeting with vs, al matters ſhuld eaſily be componed and determined: wherevpon they left ſpeaking of any articles of amity, and the Ambaſſadours of Scotlande made muche outwarde ioy in cõmunicatiõ of meeting. They ſhewed themſelues in woordes, faſhion and be|hauiour much to delight in it, to reioyce in it, and therewith; thought it eaſie and facile to bee concluded and accompliſhed, and for their parte they tooke it then for a thing paſſed, a thing con|cluded, and moſt certayne to take effect, and on|ly deſired ſixe dayes to obtayne anſweare from their Maſter, and our army from that time to ſtay and goe no further: wherevnto our Com|miſſioners then agreed. After theſe ſixe dayes was ſent a commiſſion out of Scotland, with power to conclude a meeting preciſely at ſuch a place, as they knew wel we ſhould not, ne could not in Winter obſerue and keepe, wherewith when our Commiſſioners were miſcõtent, the Ambaſſadours of Scotlande to releue that diſ|pleaſure, and to temper the matter whereby to winne more tyme, ſhewed foorth their inſtru|ctions, wherein liberty was giuen to the Am|baſſadours to exceede their commiſſion in the appointment of the place, and to conſent to any other yt by our commiſſioners ſhould be thought conuenient: which manner of proceeding when our Cõmiſſioners refuſed, alleaging that they would not conclude a meeting with men ha|uing no commiſſion therevnto, the Ambaſſa|dours of Scotland vpon pretence to ſende for a more ample and large commiſſion, agreeable to their inſtructions for appoyntment of the place, obtayned a delay of other ſixe dayes to ſende for the ſayde ample commiſſion without reſtraint of place: And after theſe ſixe dayes they brought forth a newe commiſſion, made in a good forme and without exception: but therewith alſo they ſhewed newe inſtructions, contayning ſuche a reſtraynt as the former commiſſion did cõtaine, ſo as the liberty giuen to the Commiſſioners in the commiſſion was now at the laſte remoued and taken away by the inſtructions, with addi|tion of a ſpeciall charge to the Ambaſſadours, not to exceede the ſame. And thus firſt the Am|baſſadours of Scotland ſeemed to haue a will and deſire to conclude a place ſeemely and con|uenient, whiche for want of commiſſion they might not do, and at the laſt might haue con|cluded a meeting by vertue of their commiſſiõ, and then for feare of the commaundement in their ſecond inſtructions they durſt not. And ſo they ſhewed their firſt inſtructions partly to ex|cuſe their King, who ſhould ſeeme ſecretely to will more, than in the commiſſion he did open|ly profeſſe. And then with an ample commiſſiõ from the King they ſhewed their ſecrete inſtru|ctions for defence of themſelues, why they pro|ceeded not according to their commiſſion, not caring how much they charged therin the king, whoſe faulte they diſcloſed, to diſcharge them|ſelues, truſtyng that by benefite of the Winter approching, and the time loſt in their commu|nicatiõ, their Maſter ſhould be defended againſt our power for this yeere, without doing for their parte that by honour, right lawe, and leagues they be obliged and bounde to do. And in this meane time our ſubiectes being taken pryſoners in Scotlande, coulde not be deliuered vpon any raunſome, contrary to all cuſtome and vſage of the borderers in the time of peace and warre. And in this meane tyme ſtayed a great part of our army already preſted, and in our wages to go forwarde. In this time Ambaſſadours (as ye haue heard) aſſembled to talke of an amitie, but cõcluded none. The treating of amity was put ouer by communication of a meeting. The communication of meeting was ſo handled by alteration of commiſſion and inſtructions on their behalf, as it appeareth a playne deuice on|ly inuented for a delay, whiche hath giuen vs light, wherevpon more certaynely to iudge the King of Scottes inward affection towarde vs, whoſe deedes and wordes well wayed and con|ſidered, doth vs plainely to vnderſtande how he hath cõtinually labored to abuſe vs with ſweete and pleaſant wordes, & to falſifie the appetites of other at home and abrode with his vnkinde & diſpleaſant deedes. In his words he profeſſeth an indiſſoluble amity, he alledgeth kinred, he knowledgeth benefites, onely the faulte is, that hee ſpeaketh an other language to all the worlde in deedes, and thereby ſo toucheth vs in honour and denegation of Iuſtice, as we be in|forced and compelled to vſe the ſwoorde whiche God hath put in our handes as an extreeme re|medy, whereby to obtayne bothe quietneſſe for our ſubiectes, and alſo that is due vnto vs by EEBO page image 450 eight, pactes and leagues. Wee haue paciently ſuffered many deluſions, and notably the laſte yeere, when we made preparation at Yorke for his repaire to vs. But ſhould we ſuffer our peo|ple and ſubiectes to be ſo oft ſpoyled without re|medy? this is done by the Scottes what ſo|euer their wordes be. Should wee ſuffer our re|bels to be detayned cõtrary to the leagues with|out remedy? this is alſo done by them what ſoeuer their woordes be. Should wee ſuffer our lande to be vſurped contrary to our moſt plaine euidence, onely vpon a will, pryde, & arrogancie of the other party? this is done by them whatſo|euer their woordes be. And all theſe be ouer pre|ſumptuouſly done agaynſt vs, and giue ſuche ſignification of their arrogancy, as it is neceſſa|ry for vs to oppreſſe it in the beginning, leaſt they ſhould gather further courage, to the grea|ter diſpleaſure of vs and our poſterity hereafter. And yet in the intreating of this matter, if wee had not euidently perceiued the lacke of ſuch af|fection as proximity of bloud ſhould require, we would much rather haue remitted theſe iniuries in reſpect of proximity of bloud to our Nephew, than we did heretofore the inuaſiõ of his father. But conſidering we be ſo ſurely aſcertayned of the lacke thereof, and that our bloud is there frozen with the colde ayre of Scotlande, there was neuer Prince more violently compelled to warre, than we be by the vnkind dealing, vniuſt behauiour, vnprincely demeanor of him that yet in nature is our Nephew, and in his actes and deedes, declareth himſelfe not to be moued ther|with, ne to haue ſuch earneſt regarde to the ob|ſeruation of his pactes and leagues, ne ſuch re|ſpect to the intertaynement of the adminiſtra|tion of Iuſtice, as naturall equitie bindeth, and conſeruation of equity doth require: whiche wee much lament and be ſory for, and vſe nowe our force and puiſſance againſt him, not for reuẽge|ment of our priuate diſpleaſure (beyng ſo often deliuered as wee haue bene) but for recouery of our right, the preſeruation of our ſubiectes from iniuries, and the obſeruation of ſuche leagues as haue paſſed betweene vs, firmely truſting, that almighty God vnder whome we raygne, will aſſiſt and ayde our iuſt proceedings herein to the furtheraunce and aduancement of the right, whiche wee doubte not ſhall euer preuayle a|gainſt wrong, falſhood, deceyte, and diſſimula|tion. Hitherto it appeareth howe this preſent warre hath not proceeded of any demaũd of our right of ſuperiority, whiche the Kings of Scots haue alwayes knowledged by homage & fealty to our progenitors euẽ from the beginning: but this warre hath bene prouoked & occaſioned vpõ preſent matter of diſpleaſure preſent iniury, pre|ſent wrong miniſtred by the Nephewe to the Vncle moſt vnnaturally, & ſupported contrary to the deſertes of our benefits moſt vnkindly, if we had minded the poſſeſſion of Scotland, and by the motion of warre to attayne the ſame, there was neuer King of this realme had more opportunitie in the minority of our Nephew, ne in any other realme a Prince that hath more iuſt title, more euident title, more certaine title, to any realme that he can clayme, than we haue to Scotland, not deuiſed by pretẽce of mariage, nor imagined by couenant, nor contriued by in|uention of argument, but lineally deſcended from the beginnyng of that eſtate eſtabliſhed by our progenitors, and recogniſed ſucceſſiuely of the Kings of Scotlãd, by deedes, wordes, actes and writings continually almoſt without in|terruption, or at the leaſt intermiſſion, till the raigne of our progenitor King Henry the ſixte, in whoſe time the Scots abuſed the ciuil warre of this realme, to their licence and boldneſſe, in omitting of their duetie: whiche for the proxi|mity of bloud betweene vs, we haue bene ſlacke to require of them, beyng alſo of our ſelfe incli|ned to peace, as we haue euer ben alwayes glad, rather without preiudice to omitte to demaund our right if it might conſerue peare, than by de|maunding thereof to be ſeene to mooue warre, ſpecially agaynſt our neyghbour, agaynſt our Nephew, againſt him whom we haue preſerued from daunger, and in ſuch a time as it were ex|pedient for al Chriſtendome to be in vnitie and peace, wherby to be more able to reſiſt the com|mon enimy the Turke.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 But for what conſiderations we haue omit|ted to ſpeake hitherto of the matter, it is neuer|theleſſe true, that the kings of Scottes haue al|wayes knowledged the Kings of England ſu|perior Lordes of the realme of Scotlande, and haue done homage & fealty for the ſame. This appeareth firſt by Hiſtory written by ſuche as for confirmation of the truthe in memory haue truly noted and ſignified the ſame. Secondly it appeereth by inſtruments of homage made by the Kings of Scottes and diuers notable per|ſonages of Scotlande, at diuers ſundry tymes ſealed with their ſeales, and remayning in our Treaſory. Thirdly it appeereth by Regiſters and Recordes iudicially & autentiquely made, yet preſerued for confirmation of the ſame. So as the mater of title being moſte playne, is fur|niſhed alſo with all manner of euidences for de|claration thereof. Firſt as concernyng Hiſto|ries which be called witneſſes of times, the light of truth, and the lyfe of memory, and finally the conuenient way and meane, whereby the thinges of antiquity may be brought to mens knowledge, they ſhewe as playnly this matter as could bee wyſhed or requyred, with ſuche a EEBO page image 451 conſent of wryters as coulde not ſo agree vpon an vntruth, contayning a declaration of ſuche matter as hath moſte euident probability and apparance. For as it is probable and likely, that for the better adminiſtration of Iuſtice a|mongſt rude people, twoo or moe of one eſtate might be rulers in one countrey, vnited as this Iſle is: ſo it is probable and likely, that in the beginnyng it was ſo ordered for auoyding diſ|ſention, that there ſhoulde be one Superiour, in right of whome the ſayd eſtates ſhould depend.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 According wherevnto we reade, how Brute of whome the Realme then called Brytayne tooke firſt that name, (beyng before that tyme inhabited with Gyaunts, people without order or ciuility) had three Sonnes, Locrine, Alba|nact, and Camber, and determining to haue the whole Iſle within the Ocean ſea to bee after gouerned by them three, appoynted Albanact to rule that now is called Scotlande, Camber the parties of Wales, and Locrine that now is called England: vnto whome as beyng the el|deſt Sonne, the other twoo bretherne ſhould do homage, recognyſing, and knowledging him as their ſuperior.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Nowe conſider if Brutus conquered all this Iland, as the Hiſtory ſayth he did, and then in his owne tyme made this order of ſuperiority as afore: howe can there be a title deuiſed of a more plaine beginning, a more iuſt beginning, a more conuenient beginnyng, for the order of this Iland, at that time ſpecially when the peo|ple were rude, whiche cannot without conti|nuall ſtryfe and variaunce contayne twoo or three rulers in all poyntes equall without any manner of ſuperiority, the inwarde conſcience and remorſe of whiche ſuperiority ſhoulde in ſome parte dull and diminiſhe the peruerſe cou|rage of reſiſtence and rebellion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The firſt diuiſiõ of this Ile, wee finde writ|ten after this ſorte, without cauſe of ſuſpition why they ſhoulde write amiſſe. And according herevnto wee finde alſo in Hiſtory ſet foorth by diuers, how for tranſgreſſion againſt this ſupe|riority, our predeceſſours haue chaſtiſed the kings of Scottes, and ſome depoſed & put other in their places: we will here omitte to ſpeake of the rudeneſſe of the antiquity in particularity, whiche they cared not diſtinctly to committe to writing, but ſome authors, as Anthonius Sa|bellicus amongs other diligently enſearchyng what he might truly wryte of all Europe and the Ilandes adioyning, ouer and beſides that whiche he wryteth of the natures, maners, and condicions of the Scottes, whiche who ſo liſte to reade, ſhall finde to haue bene the very ſame in times paſte, that wee finde them nowe at this preſent, he calleth Scotland, parte of England, whiche is agreeable to the diuiſion aforeſayde being in deede as in the lande continuall with|out ſeparation of the Sea, ſo alſo by homage and fealty, vnited vnto the ſame, as by particu|lar declarations ſhall moſt manifeſtly appeere, by the teſtimony of ſuche as haue lefte wryting for proofe and confirmation thereof.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In whiche matter paſſing the death of king Humber, the actes of Dunwald King of this realme, the diuiſion of Belyn and Brenne, the victories of king Arthur, we ſhall beginne at the yeare of our Lorde D.CCCC. whiche is a D.Cxlij. yeares paſte, a time of ſufficient aun|cienty, from which we ſhal make ſpeciall decla|ration & euident proofe of the execution of our right and title of ſuperiority euermore conti|nued and preſerued hitherto.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Edwarde the firſte before the conqueſt, Sonne to Alured King of England, had vnder his dominion and obedience the king of Scots. And here is to be noted, that this matter was ſo notorious and manifeſt, as Maryon a Scot writyng that ſtory in thoſe dayes, graunteth, confeſſeth, and teſtifieth the ſame: and this do|minion continued in that ſtate xxiij. yeares.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At whiche tyme Athelſtane ſucceeded in the crowne of Englande, and hauing by bat|tayle conquered Scotlande, he made one Con|ſtantine king of that party, to rule and gouerne the country of Scotlande vnder him, addyng this Princely woorde, that it was more hono|rable to him to make a King, than to be a King. Xxiiij. yeares after that, whiche was the yeare of our Lorde, 947, Eldred King our pro|genitour Athelſtanes brother, tooke homage of Iriſe then King of Scottes. Xxx. yeares after that, which was in the yeare of our Lord 977, King Edgar our predeceſſour tooke homage of Kynald kyng of Scots. Here was a little trou|ble in England by the death of Saint Edward kyng and Martyr, deſtroyed by the deceyte of his Mother in lawe: but yet within memory, xl. yeares after the homage done by Kynald to kyng Edgare, that is to ſay, in the yeare of our Lorde 1018, Malcolme king of Scottes did homage to Knute our predeceſſour.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After this homage done, the Scottes vtte|red ſome peece of their naturall diſpoſition, wherevpon by warre made by our progenitour Sainct Edwarde the Confeſſor, xxxix. yeare after homage done, that is to ſay, the yeare of our Lorde 1056, Malcolme king of Scottes was vanquiſhed, and the realme giuen to Mal|colme his Sonne, by our ſayde progenitour S. Edwarde: vnto whome the ſayde Malcolme made homage and fealty, within eleuen yeares after that William Conquerour entred this realme, whereof hee accompted no perfect con|queſt, EEBO page image 452 vntill hee had likewyſe ſubdued the Scottes, and therefore in the ſayde yeare which was in the yeare of our Lorde, 1068, the ſayde Malcolme King of Scottes did homage to the ſayde William Conquerour, as his ſuperiour by conqueſt King of England .Xxv. yeares af|ter that, whiche was in the yeare of our Lord, 1093, the ſayde Malcolme did homage and fe|alty to William Rufus, ſonne to the ſayde William Conquerour, and yet after that was for his offences and demerites depoſed, and his ſonne ſubſtitute in his place, who lykewiſe fayled of his duetie: and therefore was ordeyned in that eſtate by the ſayde William Rufus, Edgar brother to the laſt Malcolme, & ſonne to the firſt, who did homage & fealty accordingly.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Seuen yeares after, that was in the yeare of our Lorde, 1100, the ſayde Edgar King of Scottes did homage to Henry the firſt our progenitour .xxxvij. yeare after that Dauid King of Scottes did homage to Mathild the Empreſſe, as daughter and heyre to Henry the firſte. Wherefore beyng after required by Ste|phen, then obtayning poſſeſſion of the realme, to make his homage, he refuſed ſo to do, bicauſe he had before made it to the ſayde Mathild and therevpon forbare. After which Dauids death, whiche enſued ſhortely after, the Sonne of the ſayde Dauid made homage to the ſayde King Stephen .Xiiij. yeares after that, which was in the yeare of our Lorde .M.Cl. William king of Scottes, and Dauid his brother, with all the nobles of Scotlande, made homage to Henry the ſecondes ſonne, with a reſernation of their duety to Henry the ſecond his father .xxv. yeres after, which was in the yeare of our Lord, [...]175. William king of Scotlande after muche rebel|lion and reſiſtence, accordyng to their naturall inclination, King Henry the ſecond then beyng in Normandy, William then king of Scottes knowledged finally his errour, and made his peace and compoſition, confirmed with his great ſeale, and the ſeales of the nobility of Scotland, makyng therewith his homage and fealty.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Within .xv. yeares after that, which was the yeare of our Lorde, 1190. the ſayde William kyng of Scottes came to our Citie of Cantor|bury, and there did homage to our noble proge|nitour kyng Richarde the firſt .Xiiij. yeares af|ter that the ſayde William did homage to our progenitour king Iohn, vpon a hil beſides Lin|colne, makyng his othe vpon the croſſe of Hu|bert then Archbiſhop of Canterbury, beyng their preſent, a maruelous multitude aſſembled for that purpoſe .Xxvj. yeares after that, whiche was in the yeare of our Lorde, 1216, Alexan|der King of Scottes maried Margarete, the daughter of our progenitour Henry the thirde, at our Citty of Yorke, in the feaſte of Chriſt|maſſe, at whiche tyme the ſayde Alexander dyd his homage to our ſayd progenitour, who raig|ned in this realme lvj. yeares. And therefore betweene the homage made by the ſayde Alex|ander kyng of Scottes, and the homage done by Alexander, ſonne to the ſayde king of Scots, to Edwarde the firſte at his Coronation at Weſtminſter, there was aboute fifty yeares, at whiche tyme the ſayd Alexander king of Scots repayred to the ſayde feaſt of Coronation, and there did his dutie, as is aforeſayd. Within xxviij. yeares after that, whiche was the yeare of our Lorde, 1282, Iohn Baliol Kyng of Scots made his homage and fealty to the ſayd king Edwarde the firſte our progenitour.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After this beganne Robert Bruſe to vſurpe the crowne of Scotlande, and to moue ſedition therefore, againſt them of the houſe of Ballioll, whiche made for a ſeaſon ſome interruption in the ſayde homage, but yet no intermiſſion with|out the termes of memory, for within .xliiij. yeares after, which was the yeere of our Lorde, 1326, Edward Ballioll after a greate victory had in Scotland agaynſt the other faction, and enioying the crowne of Scotlande, made ho|mage to our progenitour Edwarde the thirde. And twenty yeares after that, which was in the yeare of our Lorde .1346, Dauid Bruſe, who was euer in the contrary faction, did neuerthe|leſſe in the Title of the crowne of Scotlande, wherof he was then in poſſeſſion, make homage to our ſayde progenitour Edwarde the thirde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Within, ix. yeres after this, Edward ye third, to chaſtiſe the infidelitie of the Scottes, made warre agaynſt them: when after greate victo|ries, Edward Ballioll hauing the iuſt and right title to the realme of Scotland, ſurrendred clear|ly the ſame to our ſayde progenitour, at the towne of Rokeſborough in Scotlande, where our ſayde progenitour accepted the ſame, and then cauſed himſelfe to be crowned Kyng of Scotlande, and for a tyme entertayned it, and enioyed it, as very proprietary and owner of the realme, as on the one party by confiſcation ac|quited, and on the other part by free will ſurren|dred vnto him. And then after the death of our ſayde progenitour Edwarde the thirde beganne ſedicions and inſurrections in this our realme, in the tyme of our progenitour Richard the ſe|cond, whiche was augmented by the alteration of the ſtate of the ſayde Richarde, and the deuo|lution of the ſame, to Henry the fourth, ſo as the Scottes had ſome leyſure to play their vagues, and follow their accuſtomed manner. And yet Henry the fifth for recouery of his righte in Fraunce, commaunded the kyng of Scottes to attende vpon him in that iourney. And in this EEBO page image 453 time the realme of Scotlande beyng diſcended to the houſe of the Stewardes, of whiche our Nephew directly commeth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Iames Stewarde kyng of Scottes in the yeere of our Lord .1423, made homage to Hen|ry the ſixte at Windſore, whiche homage was diſtaunt frõ the time of the other homage, made by Dauid Bruſe .lx. yeares and more, but farre within the freſhe memory of man.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 All whiche homages and fealties as they ap|peare by ſtory to haue bene made and done at times and ſeaſons as afore, ſo do there remayne inſtruments made therevpõ, and ſealed with the ſeales of the kings of Scotlande teſtifying the ſame. And yet doth it appeare by ſtory, how the Scottes practiſed to ſteale out of our treaſury diuers of theſe inſtrumentes, whiche neuerthe|leſſe were afterwarde recouered againe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And too the intent yee may knowe of what fourme and tenour the ſayd inſtrumẽts be, here is inſented, the effect in woord and ſentence as they be made, whiche we do, to meete with the cauillation and contriued euaſion of the Scots, alleging the homage to haue bene made for the Erledome of Huntington, whiche is as true as the allegation of him that is burnt in the hand, to ſay he was cut with a ſickle. And therefore the tenour of the homage is this.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 I Iohn N. king of Scottes ſhalbe true and faythfull vnto you Lord Edwarde by the grace of God king of Englande, the noble and ſupe|riour Lorde of the kingdome of Scotlande, as vnto you I make my fidelity of the ſame king|dome of Scotlande, the whiche I holde and clayme, to hold of you, and I ſhall beare to you my fayth and fidelity of life and limme, and worldly honour agaynſt all men, and faythful|ly I ſhall knowledge, and ſhall do to you ſer|uice due vnto you of the kingdome of Scotland aforeſayde, as God ſo helpe and theſe holy E|uangelies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Now for the thirde part touching Recordes and Regiſters, we haue them ſo formall, ſo au|tentiquall, ſo ſeriouſly handled and with ſuche circumſtaunces declaryng the matters as they be and ought to be, a great corroboration of that hath bene in Stories written and reported in this matter. For amongs other things we haue the ſolempne acte and iudiciall proceſſe of our progenitour Edwarde the firſt, in diſcuſſion of of the Title of Scotland, when the ſame was chalenged by twelue competitours, that is to ſay,

  • Florentius comes Holandiae.
  • Patricius de Dunbar comes de Merchia.
  • Willielmus de Veſci.
  • Willielmus de Ros.
  • Robertus de Pinkeni.
  • Nichola [...] de Soules.
  • Patricius Galigholy.
  • Rogerus de Mundeuile.
  • Ioannes de Comyn.
  • D. Ioannes de Haſtings.
  • Ioannes de Balliolo.
  • Robertus de Bruſe.
  • Erici [...] [...]orwegiae.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And finally, after a great conſultation and mature deliberation, with diſcuſſion of the alle|gations proponed on all parties, ſentence was giuen for the Title of Balliol, according wher|vnto, he enioyed the realme, but for confirma|tion of the dutie of the homage before that time obſerued by the Kings of Scottes, it appeareth in thoſe Recordes, howe when thoſe competi|tours of the realme of Scotlande repayred to our ſayde progenitour, as to the chiefe Lorde for diſcuſſion of the ſame, in as much as the aucto|ritie of the iudgement to be giuen depended ther|vpon: it was then ordered that the whole Par|liament of Scotlande, ſpirituall, temporall, and of all degrees aſſembled for that purpoſe, and conſideryng vpon what grounde and fundation the Kings of Scotland had in times paſt made the ſayde homages and recognition of ſuperio|rity, the ſaid Parliament findyng the ſame good and true, ſhoulde if they ſo deemed it, yeelde and gyue place, and by expreſſe conſent recogniſe the ſame.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At whiche Parliament was alleged vnto them, as appeareth in the ſame Recordes, not onely theſe Actes of the Princes before thoſe dayes, and before rehearſed: but alſo beſides the teſtimony of ſtories, the wrytings and letters of forrayne Princes at that tyme recityng and rehearſing the ſame: wherevpon the ſayd Par|liament dyd there agree to this our ſuperiority, and enſuyng their determination did particu|larly and ſeuerally make homage and fealty with proclamation, that who ſoeuer withdrew himſelfe from doing his dutie therein, ſhoulde be reputed as a rebell.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And ſo all made homage and fealty to our progenitour Edwarde the firſte. And the realme of Scotlande was in the time of the diſcuſſion of the Title ruled by Gardiãs deputed by him, all Caſtels and holdes were ſurrendred to him as to the ſuperiour Lorde, in the time of vaca|tion, benefices, offices, fees, promotions paſſed in that tyme from the meere gifte of our ſayde progenitour, as in the right of this crowne of Englande, Shyriffes named and appoynted, writtes and precepts made, obeyed and execu|ted: and finally all that we do now in the Du|chie of Lancaſter, the ſame did our progenitour for the tyme of the contention for that Title in the realme of Scotlande, by the conſent of an EEBO page image 454 agreement of all eſtates of the realme aſſem|bled and conſulted with for that purpoſe. At whiche tyme the Biſhops of S. Andrewes and Glaſquo, were not as they now be Archbiſhops, but recogniſed the Archbyſhop of Yorke, whiche extended ouer all that country.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Now if the Scottes will take exception to the homage of their Princes as made in warre, and by force whiche is not true: what will they ſay: or can they for ſhame alledge agaynſt their owne Parliament, not of ſome but of all con|firmed, and teſtified by theyr writings & ſeales: wherevnto nothing enforced them but righte and reaſon, beyng paſſed in peace & quiet with|out armour or compulſion. If they ſay they did it not, they ſpeake lyke thẽſelues: if they ſay they did it, then do they now lyke themſelfe, to withdrawe their duetie, not ſo much to be bla|med, as to be amended.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Thus appeareth vnto you the beginnyng of the right of ſuperiority, with a perpetuall cõ|tinuance, without intermiſſion within memo|ry, certayne omiſſions and forbearyngs vpõ the groundes and occaſions before ſpecified we de|nie not, whereby they haue many tymes ſought and taken their oportunities, to withdrawe the doing of their duety in knowledge of our ſupe|riority ouer them, whiche to auoyde, they haue not cared what they ſayde or alledged, though it were neuer ſo vntrue, lying alwayes in a wayte when they might annoy this realme, not without theyr owne greate daunger and perill, & alſo extreeme detriment. But as they detracted the doing of their duety, ſo God graũ|ted vnto this realme force to compell them ther|vnto within memory, and notwithſtandyng any their interruption by reſiſtaunce, whiche vnto the tyme of our progenitour Henry the ſixte, neuer endured ſo long as it made intermiſ|ſion within tyme of minde, whereby the poſſeſ|ſion might ſeeme to be empayred: from the time of Henry the ſixte vnto the ſeuenth yeare of our raygne, our realme hath bene for a ſeaſon lace|rate, and torne by diuerſitie of Titles, till our tyme, and ſithence by warre outwardly vexed and troubled, the ſtory is ſo lamentable for ſome part thereof, as were too tedious to rehearſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Sithence the death of our progenitour Hen|ry the ſixte, our Graundfather Edwarde the fourth raygned, who after greate trauayles to attayne quietneſſe in his realme, finally in the tyme of preparation of warre agaynſt Scot|land died.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Richarde the thirde, then vſurped for a ſmall tyme in yeares, whom the King our father by ye ſtrength of Gods hande ouerthrew in battayle, and moſte iuſtly attayned the poſſeſſion of this realme, who neuertheleſſe after the great tem|peſtuous ſtormes, findyng all matters not yet brought to perfect quiet and reſte, ceaſſed and forbare to requyre of the Scottes to do their duety, thinkyng it policy rather for that time to aſſay to tame their nature by the pleaſant con|iunction and conuerſation of affinity, than to charge them with their faulte, and requyre due|ty of them, when oportunity ſerued not by force and feare to conſtraint and compell them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And thus paſſed ouer the raygne of our Fa|ther without demaunde of this domage. And beyng our raygne nowe .xxxiiij. yeares, wee were .xxj. yeares letted by our Nephew his mi|noritie, beyng then more carefull [...]ow to bring him out of daunger, to the place of a kyng, than to receyue of him homage, when hee had full poſſeſſion of the ſame. Wherefore beyng nowe paſſed, ſithence the laſte homage made by the King of Scottes, to our progenitour Henry the ſixte 122. yeares, at whiche tyme the homage was done at Windſore by Iames Steward, then King of Scots, as afore fiftie ſixe of theſe yeares the Crowne of this realme was in con|tention, the trouble wherof engendred alſo ſome buſineſſe in the tyme of the King our Father, whiche was .xxxiiij. yeare: and in our tyme, xxj. yeares hath paſſed in the minority of our Nephew. So as finally, the Scottes reſorting to their onely defence of diſcontinuance of poſ|ſeſſion, can onely alledge iuſtly but .xiij. yeare of ſilence in the tyme of our raygne beyng all the other times ſithence the homage done by Iames Stewarde, ſuch, as the ſilence in them (had they bene neuer ſo long) could not haue en|gendred preiudice to the loſſe of any right that may yet be declared and proued one. For what can be imputed to King Edwarde for not de|maundyng homage beyng in ſtryfe for that eſtate, wherevnto the homage was due? What ſhoulde Richarde the thirde ſearche for homage in Scotlande, that had neyther right ne leyſure to haue homage done vnto him in Englande? who can blame our father, knowing the Scots nature neuer to do their dutie but for feare, if he demaunded not that of them, which they would eſchew if they might, beyng his realme not clearly then purged from ill ſeede of ſedition, ſparkled and ſcattered in the cruell ciuile warres before?

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Lawe and reaſon ſerueth, that the paſſing ouer of tyme not commodious, that the purpoſe is not alledgeable in preſcription for the loſſe of any right. And the minority of the King of Scots hath endured .xxj. yeares of our raigne, whiche beyng an impediment on theyr parte, the whole preſcription of the Scots if the mat|ter were preſcriptible, is thus deduced euidently to .xiij. yeare, whiche .xiij. yeare without excuſe EEBO page image 455 we haue ceaſſed and forborne to demaunde our dutie, lyke as the Scottes haue lykewiſe ceaſſed to offer and tẽder the ſame, for which cauſe ne|uertheleſſe wee do not enter this warre ne min|ded to demaunde any ſuche matter now being, rather deſirous to reioyce and take comforte in the frendſhip of our Nephew as our neighbour, than to moue maſter vnto him of diſpleaſure, whereby to alienate ſuche naturall inclination of loue as he ſhoulde haue towarde vs: but ſuche be the workes of God ſuperiour ouer all, to ſuffer occaſions to be miniſtred, whereby due ſuperiority may be knowne, demaũded & requi|red, to ye intent yt according therevnto al things gouerned in due order here, we may to his plea|ſure paſſe ouer this life to his honour and glory whiche he graunt vs to do, in ſuche reſte, peace, & tranquillity as ſhall be meete and conuenient for vs.

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1.8. A declaration conteining the iust causes and considerations of this present warre with the Scots, wherein also appeareth the true and right title that the kings most roiall maiestie hath to his souereigntie of Scotland, and thus it beginneth.

A declaration conteining the iust causes and considerations of this present warre with the Scots, wherein also appeareth the true and right title that the kings most roiall maiestie hath to his souereigntie of Scotland, and thus it beginneth.

Compare 1577 edition: 1

_BEing now inforced to the war which we A declaration of the iust cau|ses of the war against the king of Scots. haue alwaies hitherto so much abhorred & fled, by our neighbour & nephew the K. of Scots, one who aboue all other for our manifold benefits toward him, hath most iust cause to loue vs, and to reioise in our quietnesse; we haue thought good to notifie vnto the world his doings and behauiour in the prouocation of this war, & likewise the meanes & waies by vs to eschew & auoid it, & the iust & true occasions wherby we be now prouoked to prosecute the same, and by vtterance and divul|ging of that matter, to disburden some part of our inward displeasure and griefe: and the circumstan|ces knowen, to lament openlie with the world the infidelitie of this time, in which things of such enor|mitie doo burst out and appeare.

Compare 1577 edition: 1

the king of Scots our nephue & neighbor, whome we in his youth and tender age preserued and main|teined from the great danger of others, and by our authoritie and power conducted him safelie to the roiall possession of his estate, he now compelleth & inforceth vs (for preseruation of our honor & right) to vse our puissance & power against him. The like vnkindnesse hath beene heretofore shewed by other in semblable cases against Gods law, mans law, & all humanitie; but the oftener it chanceth, the more it is to be abhorred, and yet in the persons of prin|ces, for the raritie of them, can so happen but seldome as it hath now come to passe. It hath béene verie rarelie & seldome séene tofore, that a king of Scots hath had in mariage a daughter of England. We cannot nor will not reprehend the king our fathers act therein, but lament and be sorie that it tooke no better effect.

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The king our father in that matter minded loue, EEBO page image 323 amitie, and perpetull friendship betwéene the poste|ritie of both: which how soone it failed, the death of the king of Scots, as a due punishment of God, for his vnjust inuasion into this our realme, is and shall be a perpetuall testimonie of their reproch for euer. And yet in that present time could not the vn|kindnesse of the father extinguish in vs the naturall loue of our nephue his sonne, being then in the mi|serable age of tender youth. But we then forgetting the displeasure that should haue woorthilie prouoked vs to inuade that realme, nourished and brought vp our nephue, to atchiue his fathers possession and gouernement, wherein he now so vnkindlie vseth and behaueth himselfe towards vs, as he compel|leth vs to take armor and warre against him.

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It is speciallie to be noted, vpon what grounds, and by what means we be compelled to this warre, wherin among other is our chiefe greefe and displea|sure, that vnder a colour of faire speach and flatte|ring words, we be indéed so iniuried, contemned and despised, as we ought not with sufferance to permit and passe ouer. Words, writings, letters, messages, ambassages, excuses, allegations, could not more pleasantlie, more gentlie, nor more reuerentlie be deuised and sent, than hath béene made on the king of Scots behalfe vnto vs: and euer we trusted the trée would bring foorth good fruit, that was of the one part of so good a stocke, and continuallie in appea|rance put foorth so faire buds: and therefore would hardlie beléeue or giue eare to other, that euer al|ledged the deeds of the contrarie, being neuerthe|lesse the same déeds so manifest, as we must néeds haue regarded them, had not we bin so loth to thinke euill of our nephue, whome we had so manie waies bound to be of the best sort toward vs.

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And therefore hauing a message sent vnto vs the yéere past, from our said nephue, and a promise made for the repairing of the said king of Scots vnto vs to Yorke, and after great preparation on our part made therefore, the same méeting was not onelie disappointed, but also at our being at Yorke in the lieu thereof, an inuasion made by our said nephue his subiects into our land, declaring an euident con|tempt and despite of vs. We were yet glad to im|pute the default of the méeting to the aduise of his councell, and the inuasion to the lewdnesse of his subiects, and according therevnto gaue as benigne and gentle audience to such ambassadors as repaired hither at Christmas afterward, as if no such cause of displeasure had occurred, speciallie considering the good words, sweet words, pleasant words, eftsoones proponed by the said ambassadors, not onelie to ex|cuse that was past, but also to persuade kindnesse and perfect amitie to insue.

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And albeit the king of Scots hauing (contrarie to the article of the league of amitie) receiued and in|terteined such rebels as were of the chéefe and prin|cipall, in stirring the insurrection in the north a|gainst vs, with refusall before time, vpon request made to restore the same; yet neuerthelesse, vpon of|fer made, the said ambassadors to send commission to the borderers, to determine debates of the con|fines in the same, with so great a pretense of amitie, and so faire words as could be in spéech desired, we were content for the time to forbeare to presse them ouer extreamlie in the matter of rebels. Alleit we neuer remitted the same, but desiring to make triall of our said nephue in some correspondence of déeds, condescended to the sending of commissioners to the borders, which to our great charge we did, and the king of Scots our said nephue the semblable.

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Where after great trauell made by our commis|sioners, this fruit insued, that being for our part cha|lenged, a péece of our ground plainlie vsurped by the Scots, and of no great value, being also for the samé shewed such euidence, as more substantiall, more au|tentike, plaine and euident, cannot be brought forth for anie part of ground within our realme: the same was neuerthelesse by them denied, refused, and the euidence onelie for this cause reiected, that it was made (as they alledged) by Englishmen: and yet it was so ancient, as it could not be counterfeit now, and the value of the ground so little, and of so small weight, as no man would haue attempted to falsifie for such a matter. And yet this deniall being in this wise made vnto our commissioners, they neuerthe|lesse by our commandement departed as friends from the commissioners of Scotland, taking order as hath béene accustomed, for good rule vpon the bor|ders in the meane time.

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After which their recesse, the lord Maxwell war|den of the west marches of Scotland, made procla|mation for good rule; but yet added therwith, that the borderers of Scotland should withdraw their goods from the borderers of England; and incontinent the Scotishmen borderers, the fourth of Iulie entered into our realme suddenlie, and spoiled our subiects contrarie to our leagues, euen after such extremitie as it had béene in the time of open warre, whereat we much maruelled, and were compelled therefore to furnish our borders with a garrison for defense of the same. Wherevpon the king of Scots sent vn|to vs Iames Leirmouth maister of his houshold, with letters deuised in the most pleasant maner, of fering redresse & reformation of all attempts. And yet neuerthelesse, at the entrie of the said Leirmouth into England, a great number of the Scots then not looked for, made a forraie into our borders, to the great annoiance of our subiects, & to their extreame detriment. Wherewith, and with that vnseemelie dis|simulation, we were not a little mooued, as reason would we should; and yet did we not finallie so ex|treamelie prosecute and continue our said displea|sure, but that we gaue benigne audience to the said Leirmouth, and suffered our selfe to be somewhat al|tered by his words and faire promises, tending to the persuasion that we euer desired, to find the king of Scots such a nephue vnto vs, as our proximitie of bloud (with our gratuitie vnto him) did require.

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In the meane time of these faire words, the déeds of the borderers were as extreame as might be, and our subiects spoiled: and in a rode made by sir Ro|bert Bowes for a reuenge thereof, the same sir Ro|bert Bowes, with manie other were taken priso|ners, and yet deteined in Scotland without putting them to fine or ransome, as hath béene euer accusto|med. And being at the same time a sursesance made on both sides, at the sute of the said Leirmouth for a season; the Scots ceassed not to make sundre inua|sions into our realme, in such wise as we were com|pelled to forget faire words, and onelie to consider the king of Scots déeds, which appeared vnto vs of that sort, as they ought not for our dutie in defense of our subiects, ne could not in respect of our honor, be passed ouer vnreformed: and therefore put in a readi|nesse our armie, as a due meane whereby we might atteine such a peace, as for the safegard of our sub|iects we be bound to procure.

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After which preparation made, and knowledge had thereof, the king of Scots ceassed not to vse his accustomed meane of faire words, which in our na|turall inclination wrought eftsoones their accusto|med effect, euermore desirous to find in the king of Scots such regard & respect to be declared in déeds, as the correspondence of naturall loue in the nephue to such an vncle, as we haue shewed our selfe toward him, dooth require. Wherefore vpon new request and sute made vnto vs, we determined to staie our ar|mie EEBO page image 324 at Yorke, appointing the duke of Norffolke our lieutenant, the Lord priuie seale, the bishop of Dur|ham, and the maister of our horsses, there to com|men, treat, and conclude with the ambassadors of Scotland, for an amitie and peace, vpon such condi|tions, as by reason and equitie were indifferent, whereby the warre might be eschewed, being by sun|drie inuasions of the Scots then opened & manifest.

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In this communication betwéene our and their commissioners, after diuerse degrées of commission shewed by the Scots, and finallie one that was by our commissioners allowed, matters were propo|ned for conclusion of amitie, nothing difficill or hard of our part, but so agréeable to reason, as the com|missioners of Scotland said they doubted not, but if it might be brought to passe that the king of Scots our nephue might haue a méeting with vs, all mat|ters should easilie be compounded and determined: wherevpon they left speaking of anie articles of a|mitie, and the ambassadors of Scotland made much outward ioy in communication of meeting. They shewed themselues in words, fashion, and behauior much to delight in it, to reioise in it, and therewith thought it easie and facile to be concluded and ac|complished, and for their part they tooke it then for a thing passed, a thing concluded, and most certeine to take effect, and onelie desired six daies to obteine an|swer from their maister, and our armie, from that time to staie and go no further: wherevnto our com|missioners then agréed.

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After these six daies was sent a commission out of Scotland, with power to conclude a méeting pre|ciselie at such a place, as they knew well we should not, nor could not in winter obserue & kéepe. Where|with when our commissioners were miscontent, the ambassadors of Scotland to relieue that displea|sure, and to temper the matter whereby to win more time, shewed foorth their instructions, wherein liber|tie was giuen to the ambassadours to exceed their commission in the appointment of the place, and to consent to anie other that by our commissioners should be thought conuenient. Which maner of pro|céeding when our commissioners refused, alledging that they would not conclude a méeting with men hauing no commission therevnto: the ambassadors of Scotland vpon pretense to send for a more am|ple and large commission, agréeable to their instruc|tions for appointment of the place, obteined a de|laie of other six daies, to send for the ample commis|sion without restraint of place.

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Now after these six daies they brought foorth a new commission, made in a good forme, and without exception: but therewith also they shewed new in|structions, conteining such a restraint as the former commission did conteine, so as the libertie giuen to the commissioners in the commission was now at the last remooued and taken awaie by the instructi|ons, with addition of a speciall charge to the ambas|sadors, not to excéed the same. And thus, first the am|bassadors of Scotland seemed to haue a will and de|sire to conclude on a place seemelie and conuenient, which for want of commission they might not doo, and at the last might haue concluded a méeting by vertue of their commission; and then for feare of the commandement in their second instructions they durst not. And so they shewed their first instructions partlie to excuse their king, who should séeme secret|lie to will more than in the commission he did open|lie professe.

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Then with an ample commission from the king, they shewed their secret instructions for defense of themselues, why they procéeded not according to their commission, not caring how much they char|ged therein the king, whose fault they disclosed to dis|charge themselues, trusting that by the benefit of the winter approching, and the time lost in their com|munication, their maister should be defended a|gainst our power for this yéere, without dooing for their part that by honor, right, law, and leagues they be obliged and bound to doo. And in this meane time our subiects being taken prisoners in Scotland, could not be deliuered vpon any ransome, contrarie to all custome and vsage of the borderers in the time of peace and warre: and in this meane time staied a great part of our armie alreadie prested, and in our wages to go forward.

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In this time ambassadors (as ye haue heard) as|sembled to talke of an amitie, but concluded none. The treating of amitie was put ouer by communi|cation of a méeting. The communication of méeting was so handled by alteration of commission and in|structions on their behalfe, as it appeareth a plaine deuise onelie inuented for a delaie, which hath giuen vs light, whervpon more certeinly to iudge the king of Scots inward affection toward vs: whose deeds and words well weied and considered, doo vs plain|lie to vnderstand, how he hath continuallie labored to abuse vs with sweet and pleasant words, and to sa|tisfie the appetites of other at home and abroad with his vnkind and displeasant déeds. In his words he professeth an indissoluble amitie, he allegeth kinred, he acknowledgeth benefits, onlie the fault is, that he speaketh another language to all the world in deeds, and thereby so toucheth vs in honor and denegation of iustice, as we be inforced and compelled to vse the sword, which God hath put in our hands as an ex|treme remedie, whereby to obteine both quietnesse for our subiects, and also that is due to vs by right, pacts, and leagues.

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We haue patientlie suffered manie delusions, and notablie the last yéere, when we made prepara|tion at Yorke for his repaire to vs. But should we suffer our people and subiects to be so oft spoiled without remedie? This is doone by the Scots, what|soeuer their words be. Should we suffer our rebels to be deteined contrarie to the leagues without re|medie? This is also doone by them, whatsoeuer their words be. Should we suffer our land to be vsurped contrarie to our most plaine euidence, onelie vpon a will, pride and arrogancie of the other partie? This is doone by them whatsoeuer their words be. All these be ouer presumptuouslie doone against vs, and giue such signification of their arrogancie, as it is neces|sarie for vs to oppresse it in the beginning, least they should gather further courage, to the greater displea|sure of vs and our posteritie hereafter. And yet in the intreating of this matter, if we had not euidentlie perceiued the lacke of such affection as proximitie of bloud should require; we would rather haue remit|ted these iniuries in respect of proximitie of bloud, to our nephue, than we did tofore his fathers inuasion.

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But weieng that we be so suerlie ascerteined of the lacke thereof, and that our bloud is there frozen with the cold aire of Scotland, there was neuer prince more violentlie compelled to war, than we be by the vnkind dealing, vniust behauior, & vnprince|lie demeanor of him, that yet in nature is our ne|phue, & in his acts and déeds declareth himselfe not to be mooued therwith, nor to haue such earnest regard to the obseruation of his pacts & leagues, nor such re|spect to the interteinment of the administration of iustice, as naturall equitie bindeth, & conseruation of equitie requireth. Which we much lament & be sorie for, & vse now our force and puissance against him, not for reuengement of our priuate displeasure (be|ing so often deliuered as we haue béene) but for re|couerie of our right, the preseruation of our subiects from iniuries, and the obseruation of such leagues EEBO page image 325 as haue passed betweene vs, firmelie trusting, that almightie God, vnder whome we reigne, will assist & aid our iust proceedings herein, to the furtherance and aduancement of the right, which we doubt not shall euer preuaile against wrong, falshood, deceipt, and dissimulation.

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Hitherto appeareth how this present warre hath not proceeded of anie demand of our right of our su|perioritie, which the kings of Scots haue alwaies knowledged by homage and fealtie to our progeni|tors euen from the beginning: but this warre hath béene prouoked and occasioned vpon present mat|ter of displeasure, present iniurie, present wrong mi|nistred by the nephue to the vncle most vnnatural|lie, and supported contrarie to the deserts of our be|nefits most vnkindlie, if we had minded the possessi|on of Scotland, and by the motion of warre to at|teine the same, there was neuer king of this realme had more opportunitie in the minoritie of our ne|phue, nor in anie other realme a prince that hath more iust title, more euident title, more certeine title, to any realme that he can claime, than we haue to Scotland.

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This title is not deuised by pretense of mariage, nor imagined by couenant, nor contriued by inuen|tion of argument, but lineallie descended from the beginning of that estate established by our progeni|tors, and recognised successiuelie of the kings of Scotland, by deeds, words, acts, and writings conti|nuallie almost without interruption, or at the least intermission, till the reigne of our progenitor king Henrie the sixt, in whose time the Scots abused the ciuill warre of this realme, to their licence and bold|nesse, in omitting of their dutie: which for the proxi|mitie of bloud betwene vs, we haue béene slacke to require of them, being also of our selfe inclined to peace, as we haue euer beene alwaies glad, rather without preiudice to omit to demand our right if it might conserue peace, than by demanding thereof to be séene to mooue warre, speciallie against our neighbour, against our nephue, against him whome we haue preserued from danger, and in such a time as it were expedient for all christendome to be in v|nitie and peace, whereby to be more able to resist the common enimie the Turke.

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But for what considerations we haue omitted to speake hitherto of the matter, it is neuerthelesse true, that the kings of Scots haue alwaies acknow|ledged the kings of England superior lords of the realme of Scotland, & haue doone homage and feal|tie for the same. This appereth first in histories writ|ten by such, as for confirmation of the truth in me|morie haue trulie noted and signified the same. Se|condlie, it appeareth by instruments of homage made by the kings of Scots, and diuerse notable personages of Scotland, at diuerse & sundrie times sealed with their seales, and remaining in our trea|surie. Thirdlie, it appeareth by registers and re|cords iudiciallie and autenticallie made, yet preser|ued for confirmation of the same. So as the mat|ter of title béeing most plaine, is furnished also with all maner of euidences for declaration there|of.

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First, as concerning histories, which be called witnesses of times, the light of truth, and the life of memorie, and finallie the conuenient way & meane whereby the things of antiquitie may be brought to mens knowledge, they shew as plainlie this matter as could be wished or required, with such a consent of writers as could not so agree vpon an vntruth, conteining a declaration of such matter as hath most euident probabilitie and apparance. For as it is probable and likelie, that for the better administra|tion of iustice amongest rude people, two or more of one estate might be rulers in one countrie, vnited as this Ile is: so it is probable and likelie, that in the beginning it was so ordered for auoiding dissen|tion, that there should be one superiour, in right of whom the said estates should depend.

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According wherevnto we read, how Brute, of whome the realme then called Britaine tooke first that name (being before that time inhabited with gi|ants, a people without order or ciuilitie) had thrée sonnes, Locrine, Albanact, and Camber, who deter|mining to haue the whole Ile within the ocean sea to be after gouerned by them thrée, appointed Alba|nact to rule that now is called Scotland, Camber the parties of Wales, and Locrine that now is cal|led England: vnto whom (as being the eldest sonne) the other two brethren should doo homage, recogni|sing and knowledging him as their superior. Now consider, if Brute conquered all this Iland, as the historie saith he did, and then in his owne time made this order of superioritie as afore; how can there be a title deuised of a more plaine beginning, a more iust beginning, a more conuenient beginning, for the or|der of this Iland, at that time speciallie, when the people were rude? Which cannot without continuall strife and variance conteine twoo or thrée rulers in all points equall without any maner of superioritie, the inward conscience and remorse of which superio|ritie should in some part dull and diminish the per|uerse couragè of resistance and rebellion.

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The first diuision of this Ile, we find written after this sort, without cause of suspicion why they should write amisse. And according heerevnto we find also in historie set foorth by diuerse, how for transgression against this superioritie, our predecessors haue cha|stised the kings of Scots, and some deposed, and put other in their places. We will heere omit to speake of the rudenesse of the antiquitie in particularitie, which they cared not distinctlie to commit to writing. But some authors, as Antonius Sabellicus, amongst other, diligentlie searching what he might trulie write of all Europe and the Ilands adioining, ouer and besides that which he writeth of the natures, ma|ners, and conditions of the Scots, which who so list to read, shall find to haue béene the verie same in times past, that we find them now at this present: he cal|leth Scotland, part of England, which is agréeable to the diuision aforesaid, being in déed as in the land continuall without separation of the sea, so also by homage and fealtie vnited vnto the same; as by par|ticular declarations shall most manifestlie appéere, by the testimonie of such as haue left writing for proofe and confirmation thereof.

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In which matter, passing the death of king Hum|ber, the acts of Dunwald king of this realme of England, the diuision of Beline and Bren two bre|thren, the victories of king Arthur; we shall begin at the yéere of our Lord, nine hundred, which is six hun|dred fortie two yeeres past, a time of sufficient anci|encie, from which we shall make speciall declaration and euident proofe of the execution of our right and title of superioritie euermore continued and preser|ued hitherto. Edward the first, before the conquest, sonne to Alured king of England, had vnder his do|minion and obedience the king of Scots. And héere is to be noted, that this matter was so notorious and manifest, as Marian a Scot, writing that storie in those daies, granteth, confesseth, & testifieth the same: and this dominion continued in that state thrée and twentie yéeres.

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At which time Athelstane succéeded in the crowne of England, and hauing by battell conquered Scot|land, he made one Constantine king of that partie, to rule and gouerne the countrie of Scotland vnder him, adding this princelie woord, that it was more EEBO page image 326 honorable to him to make a king, than to be a king. Twentie foure yéeres after that, which was the yéere of our Lord 947, king Eldred our progenitor Athel|stanes brother, tooke homage of Irise then king of Scots. Thirtie yéeres after that, which was in the yeere of our Lord 977, king Edgar our predecessor tooke homage of Kinald king of Scots. Heere was a litle trouble in England by the death of saint Ed|ward king and martyr, destroied by the deceit of his mother in law. But yet within memorie, fortie yeers after the homage doone by Kinald to king Edgar, that is to say, in the yeere of our Lord 1018, Mal|colme king of Scots did homage to Knute our pre|decessor.

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After this homage doone, the Scots vttered some péece of their naturall disposition: wherevpon, by warre made by our progenitor saint Edward the confessor, twentie nine yéeres after homage dooue, that is to say, the yéere of our Lord 1056, Malcolme king of Scots was vanquished, and the realme gi|uen to Malcolme his sonne, by our said progenitor saint Edward: to whome the said Malcolme made homage and fealtie, within eleuen yeeres after that William Conqueror entered this realme, whereof he accounted no perfect conquest, vntill he had like|wise subdued the Scots. And therefore in the said yéere, which was in the yéere of our Lord 1068, the said Malcolme king of Scots did homage to the said William Conqueror, as his superior by conquest king of England. Twentie fiue yéeres after that, which was in the yéere of our Lord 1092, the said Malcolme did homage and fealtie to William Ru|fus, sonne to the said William Conqueror: and yet after that was for his offenses and demerits depo|sed, and his sonne substitute in his place, who like|wise failed of his dutie: and therefore was ordeined in that estate (by the said William Rufus) Edgar, brother to the last Malcolme, and sonne to the first, who did homage and fealtie accordinglie.

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Seuen yéeres after, that was in the yéere of our Lord 1100, the said Edgar K. of Scots did homage vnto Henrie the first our progenitor. Thirtie seauen yéeres after that, Dauid king of Scots did homage to Mathild the empresse, as daughter and heire to Henrie the first. Wherefore, being after required by Stephan, then obteining possession of the realme, to make his homage; he refused so to doo, because be had before made it to the said Mathild, and therevpon for|bare. After which Dauids death, which insued shortlie after, the sonne of the said Dauid made homage to the said king Stephan. Fouretéene yéeres after that, which was in the yéere of our Lord, a thousand one hundred and fiftie, William king of Scots, and Da|uid his brother, with all the nobles of Scotland, made homage to Henrie the seconds sonne, with a reseruation of their dutie to Henrie the second his father. Twentie fiue yéeres after, which was in the yeere of our Lord 1175, William king of Scotland, after much rebellion & resistance, according to their naturall inclination, king Henrie the second then being in Normandie, William then king of Scots knowledged finallie his error, and made his peace and composition, confirmed with his great seale, and the seales of the nobilitie of Scotland, making therewith his homage and fealtie.

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Within fifteene yeeres after that, which was the yeere of our Lord 1190, the said William king of Scots came to our citie of Canturburie, and there did homage to our noble progenitor king Richard the first. Fouretéene yeeres after that, the said Wil|liam did homage to our progenitor king Iohn, vpon a hill besides Lincolne, making his oth vpon the crosse of Hubert then archbishop of Canturburie, be|ing there present, a maruellous multitude assembled for that purpose. Twentie six yéeres after that, which was in the yéere of our Lord 1216, Alexander king of Scots maried Margaret, the daughter of our pro|genitor Henrie the third, at our citie of Yorke, in the feast of Christmasse, at which time the said Alexander did his homage to our said progenitor, who reigned in this realme fiftie six yeers. And therfore betwéene the homage made by the said Alexander king of Scots, and the homage doone by Alexander, sonne to the said king of Scots, to Edward the first at his co|ronation at Westminster, there was about fiftie yéeres: at which time the said Alexander king of Scots repaired to the said feast of coronation, and there did his dutie, as is aforesaid. Within twentie eight yéeres after that, which was in the yéere of our Lord 1282, Iohn Balioll king of Scots made his homage and fealtie to the said king Edward the first our progenitor.

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After this began Robert Bruse to vsurpe the crowne of Scotland, and to mooue sedition therefore against them of the house of Balioll, which made for a season some interruption in the said homage; but yet no intermission without the termes of memorie: for within fortie foure yéeres after, which was the yéere of our Lord 1326, Edward Balioll after a great victorie had in Scotland against the other fac|tion, and inioieng the crowne of Scotland, made ho|mage to our progenitor Edward the third. And twentie yéeres after that, which was in the yeere of our Lord 1346, Dauid Bruse, who was euer in the contrarie faction, did neuerthelesse in the title of the crowne of Scotland, wherof he was then in possessi|on, make homage to our said progenitor Edward the third.

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Within nine yeeres after this, Edward the third, to chastise the infidelitie of the Scots, made warre against them: when after great victories, Edward Balioll, hauing the iust and right title to the realme of Scotland, surrendred clearlie the same to our said progenitor, at the towne of Roxburgh in Scotland, where our said progenitor accepted the same, and then caused himselfe to be crowned king of Scot|land, and for a time interteined it, and inioied it, as verie proprietarie and owner of the realme: as on the one part by confiscation acquited, and on the o|ther part by frée will surrendred vnto him. And then after the death of our said progenitor Edward the third, began seditions and insurrections in this our realme, in the time of our progenitor Richard the se|cond, which was augmented by the alteration of the state of the said Richard, and the deuolution of the same to Henrie the fourth: so as the Scots had some leasure to plaie their vagues, and follow their accu|stomed manner. And yet Henrie the fift, for recoue|rie of his right in France, commanded the king of Scots to attend vpon him in that iorneie.

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In this time, the realme of Scotland being des|cended to the house of the Stewards, of which our ne|phue directlie commeth: Iames Steward king of Scots, in the yéere of our Lord 1423, made homage to Henrie the sixt at Windsore, which homage was distant from the time of the other homage made by Dauid Bruse, three score yéeres and more, but farre within the fresh memorie of man. All which homages and fealties as they appéere by storie to haue béene made and doone at times and seasons as afore, so doo there remaine instruments made therevpon, and sealed with the seales of the kings of Scotland, testi|fieng the same. And yet dooth it appéere by storie, how the Scots practised to steale out of our treasurie di|uerse of these instruments, which neuerthelesse were afterward recouered againe.

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And to the intent ye may know of what forme and tenure the said instruments he, héere is inserted EEBO page image 327 the effect in woord and sentence as they be made, which we doo, to méet with the cauillation and contri|ued euasion of the Scots, alleging the homage to haue beene made for the earledome of Huntington, which is as true as the allegation of him that is burnt in the hand, to say he was cut with a sickle. And therefore the tenure of the homage is this.