1.18. King Richard the third.
King Richard the third.
EEBO page image 1386
[figure appears here on page 1386]
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1
Rich. the .iij.
1483
An. reg. 1. This that is [...]ere betweene his mark and his marke * was not writ|en by maiſter
Moore in this hiſtorie writ|en by him in Englishe, but [...]s tranſlated [...]ut of this hi| [...]tory which he wrote in latin.
_THE next day, the Potector wt a great trayne, wente to Weſtminſter
hall, and there where hee had placed
himſelfe in the Co [...]e of the Kinges [...] de| [...] to the audi|ence, that he woulde take vpon him the Crowne in that
place there, where the King himſelfe ſit|teth and miniſtreth the lawe,
bycauſe hee conſi|dered that it was the chiefeſt duetie of a King to
miniſter the lawes.
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1
2 Then with as plesant Oration as he could, he went about to win vnto hym, the nobles, the merchantes,
the artificers, and in conclusion all kynde of men, but especially the
Lawyers of this realme. And finally to the intent that no ma(n) should hate
him for feare, and that his deceytfull clemencie myghte get hym the good
will of the people, when he had declared the discommoditie of discorde, and
the commodities of concorde and vnitie, he made an open proclamation, that
he did put oute of his mynde all enimities, and that he thre did openly
pardon all offences co(m)mitted against him. And to the intente that hee
myghte shewe a proofe thereof, he commaunded that one Fogge, whome he had
long deadly hated, should be brought before hym, who being brought out of
the Sanctuarie (for thyther had he fledde for feare of him) in the ſlight of
the people, hee tooke hym by the hande. Whiche thyng the Common people
reioyced at, and prayſed, but wyſe menne tooke it for a vani| [...]. I [...] his retourne homewarde, whome ſo [...]er [...], he ſaluted. For a mynde that kno|weth it ſelfe guiltie, is in a
manner deiected to a ſeruile d [...]cle.
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1 When he had begonne his
reigne the daye of Iune, after this mockiſhe election, then was hee Crowned
the daye of the ſame moneth. And that ſolemnitie was furniſhed for the moſt
parte, with the ſelfe ſame prouiſion that was appoynted for the coronatiõ
of his nephue.*
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1
[...]om thys [...]ark to this* [...] not founde [...] Sir Thomas Moore, but in maiſter Hall [...]nd Grafton.But heere to ſhewe the manner of his Coro|nation,
as the ſame is inſerted in this Pamphlet of Sir Thomas More, by maſter Hall
and Ri|chard Grafton, although not found in the ſame Pamphlet, thus we find
it by them reported.
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1 Firſt to be ſure of all
enimies (as he thoughte) he ſent for fyne thouſande men of the Northe
a|gainſt his Coronation, which came vp euill ap|parelled, and worſe
harneiſed, in ruſtie harneis, neither defenſable, nor ſcoured to the ſale,
which muſtered in Finſeburie field, to the great diſdeine of all the lookers
on.
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1
2 The fourth day of Iuly,
he came to the To|wer by water with his wife, and the fifth day he created
Thomas Lord Haward Duke of Norf|folke, and Sir Thomas Haward his ſonne, hee
created Earle of Surrey, and William Lorde Barkeley was then created Earle
of Notting|ham, EEBO page image 1387 and Fraunces Lord Louel, was then made
Vicount Louell, and the King his Chamber|layne: and the Lord Stanley was
deliuered out of warde, for feare of his ſonne the L. Strange, which was
then in Lancaſhire gathering men (as men ſayde) and the ſayde Lord was made
Stewarde of the King his houſholde: lykewiſe the Archbyſhoppe of Yorke was
deliuered: but Morton Byſhoppe of Elie, was cõmitted to the Duke of
Buckingham to keepe in warde, which ſent
him to his manor of Brecknock in Wales, from whence hee eſcaped to King
Richarde hys confuſion. The ſame nyght, the King made ſe|uenteene Knyghtes
of the Bathe, whoſe names enſue.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 - Sir Edmond the Duke of Suffolkes ſonne.
- Sir George Grey, the Erle of Kents ſonne.
- Sir William, the Lord Souches ſonne.
- Sir Henry Burganie.
- Sir Chriſtopher Willoughbie.
- Sir William Barkeley.
- Sir Henrie Babington.
- Sir Thomas Arondell.
- Sir Thomas Boleyne.
- Sir Gerueys of Clifton.
- Sir William Saye.
- Sir Edmond Bedingfield.
- Sir William Enderbie.
- Sir Thomas Lekenor.
- Sir Thomas of Vrmon.
- Sir Iohn Browne.
- Sir William Barkeley.
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1 The next day, being the
fifth day of Iulie, the King rode through the Citie of London to|ward
Weſtminſter with great pomp, being ac|companied with theſe Dukes, Earles,
Lordes, and Knightes, whoſe names followe.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Edward Prince of Wales,
the Kings onely ſonne.
Dukes.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 - The Duke of Norffolke.
- The Duke of Buckingham.
- The Duke of Suffolke.
Earles.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 - The Earle of Northumberlande.
- The Earle of Arondell.
- The Earle of Kent.
- The Earle of Surrey.
- The Earle of Wilſhire.
- The Earle of Huntingdon.
- The Earle of Nottingham.
- The Earle of Warwike.
- The Earle of Lincolne.
Lordes.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 - The Lord Liſle Vicount.
- The Lord Louell Vicount.
- The Lord Stanley.
- The Lord Audeley.
- The Lord Dakers.
- The Lord Ferrers of Chertley.
- The Lord Powes.
- The Lord Scrope of Vpſale.
- The Lord Scrope of Bolton.
- The Lord Gray Codner.
- The Lord Gray of Wilton.
- The Lord Sturton.
- The Lord Cobham.
- The Lord Morley.
- The Lord Burganie.
- The Lord Souche.
- The Lord Ferrers of Groby.
- The Lord Welles.
- The Lord Lomney.
- The Lord Matreuers.
- The Lord Harbert.
- The Lord Becham.
Knightes.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 - Sir Iames Titell.
- Sir William Kniuet.
- Sir Thomas Aborow.
- Sir William Standley.
- Sir William Aparre.
- Sir George Browne.
- Sir Robert Middleton.
- Sir Iohn Henningham.
- Sir Nicholas Latimer.
- Sir Thomas Mongomery.
- Sir Thomas Delamer.
- Sir Gilbert Debnam.
- Sir Terrie Robſart.
- Sir William Brandon.
- Sir Iohn Sauell.
- Sir Henry Wentfoord.
- Sir Edward Standley.
- Sir Henry Seyntmont.
- Sir William yong.
- Sir Thomas Bowſer.
- Sir Henry Winkefielde.
- Sir Thomas Wortley.
- Sir Iohn Seyntlow
- Sir Charles of Pilkinton.
- Sir Iames Harington.
- Sir Iohn Aſheley.
- Sir Thomas Barkley.
- Sir Richard Becham.
- Sir William Hopton.
- Sir Thomas Percy.
- Sir Robert Dymocke.
- Sir Iohn Cheyny.
- Sir Richard Ludlowe.
- Sir Iohn Eldrington.
- Sir William Sands.
- Sir Richard Dudley.
-
EEBO page image 1388Sir William Seintlowe.
- Sir Thomas Twaightes.
- Sir Edmond of Dudley.
- Sir Raufe Aſhton.
- Sir Richard Charlington.
- Sir Thomas Gray.
- Sir Phillip Barkeley.
- Sir Robert Harington.
- Sir Thomas Greſley.
- Sir Richard Harecourt.
- Sir Wiliam Noris.
- Sir Thomas Selenger.
- Sir Richard Hodleſten.
- Sir Iohn Conias.
- Sir William Stoner.
- Sir Phillip Courtney.
- Sir William Gaſcoigne.
- Sir Richard Amedilton.
- Sir Roger Fynes.
- Sir George Vere.
- Sir Henry Percie. Sir Iohn Wood.
- Sir Iohn Aparre.
- Sir Iohn Gray. Sir Iohn Danby.
- Sir Richard Tailebuſhe.
- Sir Iohn Rider.
- Sir Iohn Herring.
- Sir Richard Enderby.
- Sir Iohn Barkeley.
- Sir Iames Strangwiſhe.
- Sir Raufe Carnbrecke.
- Sir Iohn Conſtable.
- Sir Robert Eliarde.
- Sir Richard Darell.
- Sir Iohn Gilforde. Sir Iohn Lekenor.
- Sir Iohn Morley.
- Sir Iohn Hewes.
- Sir Iohn Boleyne.
- Sir Edmond Shaa Alderman.
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1
2
3
4 On the morrowe beeing the
ſixte daye of Iu|lye, the King with Quene Anne hys wife, came down out of the White Hall into the great Hall at
Weſtminſter, and went directly to the kings bench. And from thence, the king
and the Quene going vpon raye clothe barefooted, wente vnto Sainct Edwardes
Shrine, and all his nobilitie goyng wyth hym, euery Lorde in his degree. And
firſte went the trumpets, and then the Her|raultes of armes in their riche
coates, and nexte followed the Croſſe with a ſolemne proceſſion, the
Prieſtes hauyng fine ſurpleſſes and graye a|miſſes vpon them. The Abbottes and Byſhops mitred and in riche
Copes and euery of them ca|ried theyr Croſiers in their handes. The By|ſhop
of Rocheſter bare the Croſſe before the Car|dinall. Then followed the Earle
of Huntyng|ton bearyng a paire of guilt ſpurres ſignifiyng Knyghtehoode.
Then followed the Earle of Bedforde bearing Sainct Edwardes ſtaffe for a
relique. After them came the Earle of Nor|thumberlande bareheaded, wyth the
Pointeleſſe ſworde naked in his hande which ſignifyed mer|cye. The Lorde
Stanley bare the mace of the Coneſtableſhippe. The Earle of Kent bare the
ſeconde ſworde on the right hande of the Kyng naked, wyth a pointe, whyche
ſignifyed Iuſtice to the Temporalitie. The Lord Louell bare the thirde
ſworde on the lefte hande wyth a pointe, whyche ſignifyed Iuſtice to the
Clergye. The Duke of Suffolke followed wyth the Scepter in his hande, whiche
ſignifyed peace. The earle of Lincolne bare the Ball and Croſſe, whyche
ſignifyed a Monarchie. The Earle of Surrey bare the fourth ſword before the
King in a riche ſcabberd, and that is called the ſworde of eſtate. Then went
three togither, in the middeſt wente Garter King at armes in his rich cote:
and on his left hande wente the Maior of London, bea|ring a mace: and on his
righte hande wente the Gentleman Vſſher of the priuie chamber. Then followed
the Duke of Norffolke, bearing the Kings Crowne betweene his hands. Then
fol|lowed King Richard in his robes of purple vel|uet, and ouer his head a
canapie, borne by foure Barons of the fiue portes. And on euery ſide of the
King there went one Byſhop, that is to ſay, the Byſhop of Bath, and the
Biſhoppe of Dur|ham. Then followed the Duke of Buckingham bearing the Kings
trayne, with a white ſtaffe in his hande, ſignifying the office of the high
Ste|ward of England. Then there followed a great number of Earles &
Barons before ye Queene. And then came ye Erle of Huntington, who bare ye
Queenes Scepter, & the Vicount Liſle bea|ryng the rodde with the
Doue. And the earle of Wilſhire bare the Queenes Crowne. Then fol|lowed
Queene Anne daughter to Richard Erle of Warwicke in robes like to ye King,
betweene two Byſhoppes, and a Canapie ouer hir heade borne by the Barons of
the Ports. On hir head a riche Coronall ſet wyth ſtones and pearle. Af|ter
hir followed the Counteſſe of Richemonde heire to the Duke of Somerſette,
whiche bare vp the Queenes traine. After followed the Dut|cheſſe of Suffolke
and Norffolke, wyth Coun|teſſes, Baroneſſes, Ladies and many faire
Gen|tlewomen. In this order they paſſed through the Pallaice, and entred the
Abbey at the Weſt end, and ſo came to their ſeates of eſtate. And after
diuers ſongs ſolempnly ſong, they bothe diſcen|ded to the hyghe Aulter and
were ſhifted from their robes, and had diuers places open from the middle
vpwarde, in whiche places they were an|nointed. Then bothe the King and the
Queene chaunged them into clothe of golde and aſcen|ded to their ſeates,
where the Cardinall of Caunterburye, and other Byſhoppes them EEBO page image 1389 Crowned according to the cuſtome of ye realme, giuing
him the Scepter in the left hande, and the ball with the croſſe in the
righte hande, and the Queene had the Scepter in hir right hande, and the
rodde with the done in the left hande.
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1 On euery ſide of the King
ſtoode a Duke, and before hym ſtoode the Earle of Surrey with the ſword in
his handes. And on euery ſide of the Queene ſtanding a Biſhoppe and a Lady
knee|ling.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 The Cardinall ſong Maſſe,
and after paxe, the King and the Queene deſcended, and before the high
Aulter they wer both houſeled, with one hoſt deuided betweene them.
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1 After Maſſe finiſhed,
they both offered at S. Edward his Shrine, and there the King left the
Crowne of Sainte Edward, and putte on hys owne Crowne. And ſo in order as
they came, they departed to Weſtminſter Hall, and ſo to their chambers for a
ſeaſon, during which time, the Duke of
Norffolke came into the hall, hys horſe trapped to the ground in cloth of
golde, as high Marſhall, and voided the hall.
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1
2 About foure of the
clocke, the King & Queene entred the hall, and the King ſate in the
middle, and the Queene on the left hand of the table, and on euery ſide of
hir ſtoode a Counteſſe, holdyng a cloth of pleaſaunce, when ſhe lift to
drinke. And on the right hand of the King ſate the Byſhoppe of Caunterburie,
the Ladyes ſate all on one ſide, in the
middle of the hall. And at the Table a|gainſte them, ſate the Chancellor and
all the Lordes.
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1 At the table next the
euphorde, ſate the Mai|or of London, and at the table behind the Lords, ſate
the Barons of the portes.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 And at the other tables
ſate noble and wor|ſhipfull perſonages.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 When all perſons were
ſet, the D. of Nor|folke Earle Marſhal, the Earle of Surrey, Con|neſtable
for that day, the Lorde Stanley Lorde
Stewarde, Sir William Hopton Treaſourer, and Sir Thomas Percy comptroller,
came in, and ſerued the King ſolemnelie, with one diſhe of golde, and
another of ſiluer, and the Queene all in gilte veſſell, and the Biſhop all
in ſiluer.
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1 At the ſeconde courſe
came into the hall, Sir Robert Dimmocke the Kings Champion, ma|king
proclamation, that whoſoeuer woulde ſay, that King Richarde was not lawfull
King, hee would fight with him at the
vtterance, & threwe downe his gantlet, and then all the hall cryed
King Richarde. And ſo he did in three partes of the Hall, and then one
broughte him a cuppe of wine couered, and when he hadde dronke, he caſt out
the drinke, and departed with the cuppe.
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1 After that the Heraulds
cryed alargeſſe thrice in the hall, and ſo went vp to their ſtage.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 At the ende of dynner,
the Maior of London ſerued the King and Queene with ſweete wine, and had of
each of them a cuppe of golde, with a couer of golde. And by that time that
all was done, it was darke nighte. And ſo the King re|turned to his chamber,
and euerye man to hys lodging.
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1 When this feaſt was thus
finiſhed, the kyng ſente home all the Lordes into their Countreys that
woulde departe, excepte the Lord Stanley, whome he reteyned, till he heard
what his ſonne the Lorde Strange went about. And to ſuche as went home, hee
gaue ſtraighte charge and com|maundement, to ſee their Countreys well
or|dered, and that no wrong nor extorcion ſhoulde be done to his ſubiectes.
And thus hee taughte o|ther to execute iuſtice and equitie, the contrarie
whereof he dayly exerciſed: he alſo with great re|wardes giuen to the
Northernemen, whiche he ſente for to his Coronation, [...]te them home to their Countrey with great thankes: whereof dy|uers of
them (as they be all of nature very gree|die of authoritie, and ſpecially
when they thinke to haue any comforte or fauoure) tooke on them ſo highly,
and wroughte ſuche maiſteries, that the King was fayne to ride thither in
his fyrſte yeare, and to put ſome in execution, and ſtay the Countrey, or
elſe no ſmall miſchiefe had enſued.
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1
2 Nowe fell there
miſchieues thicke.Sir Thomas More againe. And as
the thing euill gotten is neuer well kepte, thorough all the tyme of his
reigne neuer ceaſſed there cen|ell death and ſlaughter, till his owne
deſtruction ended it. But as hee finiſhed his tyme with the beſt death and
the moſt righteous, that is to wit, his owne, ſo beganne hee with the moſt
piteous and wicked, I meane the lamentable murther of his innocent nephues,
the yong kyng and his tender brother: whoſe death and final infortune hath
natheleſſe comen ſo farre in queſtion, that ſome remayn yet in doubt,
whether they were in his dayes deſtroyed or no. Not for that onely that
Perkyn Werbecke by manye folkes ma|lice, and moe folkes folly,Perkyn Wer|becke. ſo long ſpace abu|ſing the worlde,
was as well with princes as the poorer people, reputed and taken for the
younger of theſe two, but for that alſo that all things were in late dayes
ſo couertly demeaned, one thyng pretended, and another meant, that there was
nothing ſo playne and openly proued,Cloſe dealing is euer
ſuſ|pected. but that yet for the common cuſtom of cloſe and couert
dealyng, men hadde it euer inwardly ſuſ|pect: as many well counterfaited
Iewels make the true myſtruſted. Howbeit concerning the o|pinon, with the
occaſions mouyng eyther par|tie, we ſhall haue place more at large to
intreate, if we hereafter happen to write the tyme of the late noble Prince
of famous memorie King Hẽ|rie the ſeauenth, or percaſe that hiſtory of
Perkin EEBO page image 1390 in any compendious proceſſe by it ſelfe. But in
the meane time for this preſent matter, I ſhal re|hearſe you the dolorous
ende of thoſe babes, not after euery way that I haue heard, but after that
way that I haue ſo hearde by ſuche men and by ſuche meanes as me thinketh it
were hard, but it ſhould be true.
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1
2
3
4
5 King Richard after his
Coronation, takyng his way to Glouceſter to viſit in his new [...] ho|nour, the towne of which he bare the name of his olde, deuiſed as he rode, to fulfill the thing whiche he
before had intended. And for aſmuche as hys minde gaue him, that his
nephewes liuing, men would not recken that he could haue right to the
Realme, he thoughte therefore without delay to ridde them,Iohn Greeue. Robert Bra|kenbery Con|neſtable of the Tower. as
though the killing of his kinſmen could amend his cauſe, and make him a
kindelie King. Wherevpon, he ſent one Iohn Greene, whome hee ſpecially
truſted vnto Sir Roberte Brakenbery, Conneſtable of the Tower, with a
[figure appears here on page 1390]
letter and cred [...]nce and, that the ſame ſir Robert ſhould in any wiſe put the two
children to death. This Iohn Green, did his errand vnto Brakẽ|bery,
kneeling before our Lady in the tower, who
playnely aunſwered, that he would neuer putte them to death to die
therefore: with which aun|ſwere, Iohn Greene returning, recoumpted the ſame
to King Richard at Warwike yet in hys way. Wherewith he tooke ſuch
diſpleaſure and thought, that the ſame night he ſaid vnto a ſecret page of
his: An whome ſhall a man truſt? thoſe that I haue broughte vp my ſelfe,
thoſe that I had went would moſt ſurely ſerue me, euẽ thoſe fayle me, and
at my commaundemente will doe nothing for
me. Sir (quoth his page) there ly|eth one on your pa [...]let without, that I dare well ſay, to do your grace pleaſure, the
thing wer right harde that he would refuſe, meaning this by Sir Iames
Tirrel,Sir Iames Tyrell. which was a man of
right goodly perſonage, and for natures giftes worthy to haue ſerued a much
better Prince, if he had wel ſerued God, and by grace obteyned aſmuche
trothe and good will as he had ſtrength and with.Authoritie loueth to pa [...]. The [...] had an high heart, and ſore longed vpward, not riſing yet ſo faſt as
hee had hoped, being [...] and kepte vnder by the meanes of Sir Richarde Ratcliffe, and Sir
William Cateſhie, whyche longing for no moe partners of the Princes
fa|uoure, and namely not for him, whoſe wide they wiſt woulde beare no
peere, kepte him by [...]e d [...]iftes out of all ſecrete truſt, which thing, thys Page well had marked
and knowen: wherefore this occaſion offered, of very ſpeciall friende|ſhippe
hee tooke hys tyme to put him forwarde, and by ſuche wyſe doe hym good that
all the enimies hee hadde excepte the Deuyll, coulde neuer haue doone hym ſo
muche h [...]. For vp|on thys pages woordes Kyng Richarde [...]oſ [...]. (For thys communication hadde he ſitting at the draught, a
conuenient corpet for ſuche in coun|ſell) and came oute into the pallet
chamber, on which he founde in bed ſir Iames, & ſir Thomas Tyrels,
of perſon like and brethren of bloud, but nothing of kin in conditions. Then
ſaid the king merily to them, what [...]rs he ye in [...] and calling vp ſir Iames, brake to him ſecretely his mynde in this
miſcheuous matters. In whiche he founde him nothyng ſtrange. Wherefore on
the morow he ſent him to Braken burne with a let|ter, by which he was
cõmaunded to deliuer Sir Iames all the keys of the tower for one nighte, to
the end he might there accompliſhe the kinges pleaſure, in ſuch thing as he
had giuen him com|mandement. After whiche letter deliuered & the
keys receyued, ſir Iames appointed the nyghte next enſuyng to deſtroye them,
deuiſing before and preparing the meanes. The prince a [...] ſoone as the protectour left that name, and toke himſelf as king, had
it ſhewed vnto hym, that he ſhoulde not reigne, but his vncle ſhould haue
the crown. At which word, the Prince ſore abaſhed, began to ſigh, and ſayd:
Alas, I wold my vncle wold let me haue my life yet, though I leeſe my
king|dome. Then he that tolde him the tale, vſed him with good wordes, and
put him in the beſt com|fort he could. But forthwith was the prince and his
brother both ſhut vp, and all other remoued from them, only one called black
Will, or Wil|liam ſlaughter excepte, ſet to ſerue them and ſee them ſure.
After whiche time the Prince neuer tyed his points, nor aught rought of
himſelf, but with that young babe his brother, lingred with thought and
heauineſſe, till this traitetous death deliuered them of that wretchedneſſe.
For Sir Iames Tyrell deuiſed that they ſhould be mur|thered in their beds.
To the execution whereof, he appoynted Myles Forreſte, one of the foure that
kept them, a fellowe fleſhed in murther be|fore time. To him he ioyned one
Iohn Dighton his own horſkeeper, a bigge, brode, ſquare, ſtrong EEBO page image 1391 knaue.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Then all the other beeing
remoued from them,The yong [...] and hys [...] mur| [...]d. this Myles Forreſt, and Iohn Dighton about midnight (the
ſelie children lying in theyr heddes) came into the chamber, and ſuddaynely
lappe them vp amõg the clothes, ſo to bewray| [...]ed them and intangled them, keeping downe by force the fetherbed and
pillowes hard vnto theyr mouthes, that within a while, ſmothered and
ſtifled, their breath fayling, they gaue vnto God their innocente ſoules into the ioyes of Heauen, leauing
to the tormentors their bodyes dead in the bedde. Which after that the
wretches perce [...]| [...]ed, firſte by the ſtrugling with the paines of death, and after long
lying ſtill to bee throughly dead, they layde theyr bodyes naked out vppon
the bed, and fetched Sir Iames to ſee them, whi|che vpon the ſight of them,
cauſed thoſe murthe|rers to burie them at the ſtaire foote, meetely deepe in
the grounde, vnder a greate heape of
ſtones.
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4 Then rode Sir Iames in
great haſt to Kyng Richarde, and ſhewed him all the maner of the murther,
who gaue him greate thankes, and (as ſome ſay) there made hym Knight. But he
al|lowed not as I haue hearde, the burying in ſo vile a corner, ſaying, that
hee would haue them buryed in a better place, bycauſe they were a Kings
ſonnes. Loe the honorable courage of a King. Wherevpon they ſay, that a
Prieſt of S. Robert Brakenbery tooke vp
the bodyes againe, and ſecretely enterred them in ſuche place, as by the
occaſion of his deathe, whiche onely knew it, could neuer ſince come to
light. Very troth is it, and wel knowen, that at ſuch time as ſir Iames
Tirrell was in the Tower, for treaſon cõmitted againſt the moſt famous
Prince King Henrye the ſeauenth, both Dighton and he were exami|ned, and
confeſſed the murther in manner aboue written, but whether the bodyes were
remoued, they could nothing tell. And thus
as I haue learned of thẽ that much knewe, and little cauſe had to lie were
theſe two noble Princes, theſe in|nocent tender childrẽ, borne of moſt
royal bloud, brought vp in great wealthe, likely long to lyue, raigne, and
rule in the Realm, by trayterous ti|rannie taken, depriued of their eſtate,
ſhortlye ſhut vp in priſon, and priuily ſlayne and mur|thered, their bodies
caſt God wot where, by the cruell ambition of their vnnaturall vncle and
his diſpiteous tormentors. Which things
on e|uery parte well pondered, God neuer gaue thys world a more notable
example, neyther in what vnſuretie ſtandeth this worldly weale, or what
miſchiefe worketh the proude enterpriſe of an high heart, or finally, what
wretched ende enſu|eth ſuch diſpiteous crueltie. For firſt to beginne with
the Miniſters, Myles Forreſt, at Saint Mar [...] pe [...]le [...] away. Dighton in|deede yet walketh [...] alyue in good poſſibilitie to be hanged are hee dye. But Sir Iames
Tyr|rell dyed at the Tower hill beheaded for treaſon. King Richarde
himſelfe, as yee ſhall heereafter heare, ſlayne in the fielde, hacked and
hewed of his enimies handes, haried on Horſebacke dead, his heade in deſpite
torne and tugged like a curre dogge. And the miſchiefe that hee tooke,
within leſſe than three yeares of the miſchiefe that hee did. And yet all
the meane time, ſpente in muche payne and trouble outwarde, muche feare,
an|guiſh and ſorowe within. For I haue hearde by credible reporte of ſuche
as were ſecret with hys Chamberlayne, that after thys abhominable deede
done, hee neuer hadde quiet in hys minde.The out and
inward trou|bles of tiran [...]. Hee neuer thoughte hymſelfe ſure. Where hee wente abroade,
hys eye [...] whitled about, hys body priuily fenced, hys hande euer vppon hys
dagger, hys countenaunce and manner lyke one; alwayes readye to ſtrike
agayne, hee tooke ill reſt anyghtes, [...]y long wakyng and mu|ſing, ſore weeryed with care and watche, ra|ther
ſlumbered than ſlepte, troubled with feare|full dreames, ſuddaynely ſometyme
ſtert vppe lepte out of hys bedde, and ranne aboute the chamber, ſo was hys
reſtleſſe hearte continual|lie toſſed and tumbled with the tedious
impreſ|ſion and ſtormie remembraunce of his abhomi|nable deede. Nowe hadde
he outwarde no long [...]yme in reſt. For heerevpon, ſoone after, be|ganne the conſpiracie, or
rather good confede|ration, betweene the Duke of Buckingham, and many other
Gentlemen agaynſte hym.
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1 The occaſion wherevpon
the Kyng and the Duke fell out, is of dyuers folke dyuers wyſe
pretended.
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6 Thys Duke (as I haue for
certayne beene enformed) as ſoone as the Duke of Glouceſter, vppon the
deathe of Kyng Edwarde, came to Yorke, and there hadde ſolemne funerall
ſer|uice for Kyng Edwarde, ſente thither in the moſt ſecrete wiſe he coulde,
one Perſall his tru|ſtie ſeruaunte, who came to Iohn Warde a Chamberer of
lyke ſecrete truſt with the Duke of Glouceſter, deſiring, that in the moſt
cloſe and couerte manner, hee myghte be admitted to the preſence and ſpeeche
of hys maiſter. And the Duke of Glouceſter aduertiſed of hys de|ſire, cauſed
hym in the dead of the nyghte, after all other folke auoyded, to bee
broughte vnto hym in hys ſecrete Chamber, where Perſall after hys maſters
recommendation, ſhe|wed hym that hee hadde ſecretely ſente hym to ſhewe hym,
that in thys newe worlde, hee woulde take ſuche parte as hee woulde, and
wayte vppon hym with a thouſande good fellowes, if neede were. The Meſſenger
EEBO page image 1392 ſent backe with thankes, and ſome ſecrete
inſtru|ction of the Protectors minde: yet mette him a|gayne with farther
meſſage from the Duke hys maſter, within few days after at Nottingham:
whither the Protector from Yorke with manye Gentlemen of the North Countrey
to ye num|ber of ſixe hundred horſes, was come on his way to Londonwarde,
and after ſecret meeting and communication had, eftſoone departed.
Where|vpon at Northampton, the Duke met with the Protector hymſelfe with three hundred Horſes, and from
thence ſtill continued with hym part|ner of all hys deuiſes, till that after
his Corona|tion, they departed as it ſeemed very great friẽds at
Glouceſter. From whence aſſoone as the duke came home, he ſo lightly turned
from him, and ſo highly conſpired againſte him, that a manne woulde maruell
whereof the change grew. And ſurely, the occaſion of their varriance is of
diuers men diuerſlie reported. Some haue (I heard ſay) that the Duke alittle before the Coronation, a|mong other
things, required of the Protector the Duke of Herefordes lands, to the which
hee pre|tended himſelfe iuſt inheritor. And foraſmuch as the title whiche he
claymed by inheritance, was ſomewhat interlaced with ye title to the
Crowne, by the line of King Henrye before depriued, the Protector conceyued
ſuch indignation, that hee reiected the Dukes requeſt with manye ſpitefull
and minatorie wordes, whiche ſo wounded hys heart with hatred and miſtruſt, that he neuer af|ter coulde endure to
looke a righte on King Ri|chard, but euer feared his own life, ſo farre
forth, that when the Protector rode through London towarde his Coronation,
hee fayned hymſelfe ſicke, bycauſe he would not ride with hym. And the other
taking it in euill part, ſent hym worde to riſe, and come ride, or he would
make hym bee carried. Wherevpon, he rode on with euill wyll, and that
notwithſtanding on the morrowe, roſe from
the feaſt, fayning hymſelfe ſicke, and King Richard ſayde, it was done in
hatred and deſpite of hym. And they ſayde that euer after continu|ally,
eache of them liued in ſuche hatred and di|ſtruſt of other, that the Duke
verily looked to haue bin murthered at Glouceſter. From whych naytheleſſe,
hee in faire manner departed. But ſurely ſome right ſecrete at that days
denie this: and manye righte wiſe men thinke it vnlikely, (the deepe
diſſembling nature of thoſe both men
conſidered, and what neede in that greene world the Protector had of the
Duke, and in what pe|ril the Duke ſtoode, if hee fell once in ſuſpicion of
the Tyrant) yt eyther the Protector would giue the Duke occaſion of
diſpleaſure, or the Duke the Protector occaſion of miſtruſt. And verily, men
thinke, that if King Richard had anye ſuch opinion conceyued, he would neuer
haue ſuffered him to eſcape his hands. Very truth it is, [...] was an high minded man, and euill co [...] beare the glorie of an other, ſo that I haue [...] of ſome that ſay they ſaw it, that the Duke at [...] time as the Crowne was firſt ſet vpon the Pro|tectors head, his eye
coulde not abyde the [...] thereof, but wried his head another way. But men ſaye, that he was of
troth not well at eaſe, and that both to King Richarde well kno [...], and not ill taken, nor any demaund of the dukes vncurteouſly
reiected, but hee both was greate giftes and high beheſtes, in moſt louing
a [...]
[...]|ſtie manner, departed at Glouceſter. But [...] after his comming home to Brecknocke, ha|uing there in his cuſtodie
by the commaunde|ment of King Richarde Doctor Morton, By|ſhop of Elie, who
(as ye before heard) was taken in the Counſell at the Tower, waxed with
h [...] familiar: whoſe wiſedome abuſed hys pride ſo his owne deliuerance and
the Dukes deſtracti|on. The Byſhop was a man of great naturall witte, very
well learned, and honorable in beha|uiour, lacking no wiſe wayes to winne
fauour. He had bin faſt vpon the parte of King Henrye, while that part was
in wealth, and naytheleſſe, lefte it not, nor forſooke it in woe, but fledde
the Realme with the Queene and the Prince, while King Edwarde hadde the King
in priſon, neuer came home, but to the fielde. After whiche loſte, and that
part vtterly ſubdued, the tother for hys faſt fayth and wiſedome, not only
was contente to receyue hym, but alſo woed him to come, and had him from
thenceforth both in ſecrete truſt, and very ſpeciall fauour, whiche hee
nothing de|ceyued. For he being as ye haue heard after king Edwards death
firſte taken by the Titante for his troth to the King, founde the meane to
ſette this Duke in hys toppe, ioyned Gentlemen to|gither in aide of King
Henry, deuiſing firſte the marriage betweene him and King Edwardes daughter,
by whiche his faith declared the good ſeruice to both his maſters at once,
with infinite benefite to the Realme by the coniunction of thoſe two blouds
in one, whoſe ſeueral titles had long enquieted the lande, he fledde the
Realme, went to Rome, neuer mynding more to meddle with the world, till the
noble Prince King Hen|ry the ſeauenth gate him home againe, made him
Archbyſhoppe of Caunterburie, and Chancellor of England, wherevnto the Pope
ioyned the ho|nor of Cardinall. Thus lyuing many dayes in as much honor as
one man mighte well wiſhe, ended them ſo godly, that his deathe with Gods
mercie well changed his life.
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5 This man therefore as I
was about to tell you, by the long and often alternate proofe,
1484
An. reg. 2.
as well of proſperitie, as aduers fortune, hadde got|ten by great
experience the very mother and mi|ſtreſſe EEBO page image 1393 of wiſedome, a
deepe inſighte in politike worldly driftes. Whereby perceyuing now this Duke
glad to comune with him, fedde him with faire words, and many pleaſaunt
prayſes. And perceyuing by the proceſſe of their communica|cions, the Dukes
pride, nowe and then balke out a little bredde of enuie, towarde the glory
of the King, and thereby feeling him ethe to fall out if the matter were
well handled: he craftely ſought the wayes to pricke him forwarde, taking
al|wayes the occaſion of his commyng, and
ſo kee|ping himſelfe ſo cloſe within his boundes, that hee rather ſeemed to
followe hym, than to leade him. For when the Duke firſte beganne to prayſe
and boaſt the King, and ſhew how much profite the Realme ſhoulde take by his
raigne: my Lorde Morton aunſwered: Surely my Lord, follie were it for me to
lie, for if I woulde ſweare the contrarie, your Lordſhip woulde not I weene
beleeue, but that if the worlde woulde
haue gone as I woulde haue wiſhed, Kyng Henries ſonne had hadde the Crowne,
and not King Edward. But after that God had ordered him to leeſe it, and
King Edwarde to raigne, I was neuer ſo madde that I woulde with a dead man
ſtriue againſte the quicke. So was I to King Edward a faithfull Chaplayne,
and glad would haue bin that hys chylde hadde ſucceeded him. Howbeit, if the
ſecrete iudgemente of God haue otherwiſe prouided, I purpoſe not to ſpurre
againſt a pricke, nor labour to ſette
vp that God pulleth downe. And as for the late Protector and now King. And
euen there he left, ſaying that he had already meddled to muche with the
worlde, and woulde from that day meddle with his Booke and hys heades, and
no farther. Then longed the Duke ſore to heare what hee woulde haue ſayd,
bycauſe he ended with the King, and there ſo ſuddaynely ſtopped, and
exhorted hym ſo familiarly betweene them twayne, to be bolde to ſay whatſoeuer he thought, whereof he
faith|fully promiſed, there ſhoulde neuer come hurte, and peraduenture more
good than hee woulde wene, and that himſelfe intended to vſe his faith|full
ſecrete aduiſe and counſell, whiche hee ſayde was the onely cauſe for which
he procured of the King to haue him in his cuſtody, where hee might recken
himſelfe at home, and elſe had hee bin putte in the handes of them with
whome hee ſhould not haue founden the like fauoure. The Byſhop right humbly thanked him, and ſayde, in good faith
my Lord, I loue not to talke much of Princes, as thing not all out of
perill, though the word be without fault, for aſmuch as it ſhall not bee
taken as the partie meante it, but as it pleaſeth the Prince to conſtrue it.
And euer I thinke on Eſops tale, that when the Lion hadde proclaymed, that
on payne of death, there ſhould none horned beaſt abyde in that wood: one
that had in his forhead a bunche of fleſhe, fled awaye a great pace. The
Foxe that ſaw hym runne ſo faſt, aſked hym whyther he made all that haſte?
And he anſwered, In fayth I neyther wote, nor recke, ſo I were once hence,
bicauſe of this pro|clamation made of horned beaſtes. What foole quoth the
Foxe, thou mayſt abyde well ynough, the Lion meant not by thee, for it is
none horne that is in thine head. No mary (quoth hee) that wote I well
ynough. But what and hee call it an horne, where am I then? The Duke laughed
merily at the tale, and ſayd, My Lorde, I war|rant you, neyther the Lion nor
the Bore ſhall pyke any matter at any thing heere ſpoken, for it ſhall neuer
come neere their eare. In good faith Sir ſayde the Byſhop if it did, the
thing that I was about to ſay, taken as well (as afore God, I meant) it
could deſerue but thanke. And yet taken as I wene it woulde, mighte happen
to turne mee to little good, and you to leſſer. Then longed the Duke yet
much more to witte what it was, wherevppon the Byſhoppe ſaide, in good fayth
my Lorde, as for the late Protector, ſith he is nowe King in poſſeſſion, I
purpoſe not to diſpute his title, but for the weale of this Realm, whereof
hys grace hath nowe the gouernaunce, and whereof I am my ſelfe one poore
member. I was about to wiſhe, that to thoſe good habi|lities whereof he hath
already right many, little needing my prayſe: it mighte yet haue pleaſed
God, for the better ſtore, to haue giuen hym ſome of ſuche other excellente
vertues, meete for the rule of a Realme, as our Lord hathe planted in the
perſon of youre grace: and there lefte a|gayne.
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4 The Duke ſomewhat
maruelling at his ſud|dayne pauſes,Here endeth Sir Thomas
More, and this that followeth is taken out M. of Hall. as though
they were but parenthe|ſes, with a high countenaunce ſayd: My Lorde, I
euidently perceyue, and no leſſe note your of|ten breathing, and ſuddayne
ſtopping in youre communication, ſo that to my intelligence, your words
neyther come to any direct or perfect ſen|tence in concluſion, whereby
either I might per|ceyue, and haue knowledge what your inwarde intent is now
toward the King, or what affec|tion you beare towarde me. For the compariſon
of good qualities aſcribed to vs both (for the whi|che I may ſelfe knowledge
and recogniſe to haue none, nor looke for no prayſe of any creature for the
ſame) maketh me not a little to muſe, thyn|kyng that you haue ſome other
priuie imagina|tiõ, by loue or by grudge, engraued and emprin|ted in your
hart, which for feare you dare not, or for childiſh ſhamefaſtneſſe, you be
abaſhed to diſ|cloſe and reueale, and ſpecially to me being your friend,
which on my honour do aſſure you, to hee as ſecrete in this caſe, as the
deaffe and dumme EEBO page image 1394 perſon is to the ſinger, or the tree to
the hunter. The Byſhop beeing ſomewhat bolder, conſide|ring the Dukes
promiſe, but moſt of all anima|ted and encouraged, bycauſe he knew the Duke
deſirous to be exalted and magnified, and alſo he perceyued the inwarde
hatred and priuie rancor which he bare toward King Richard, was now boldened
to open his ſtomacke euen to the very bottome, intending thereby to compaſſe
howe to deſtroy, and vtterly confound King Richard, and to depriue him of his dignitie royall, or elſe to ſet
the Duke ſo a fyer with the deſire of ambi|tion, that hee himſelfe mighte be
ſafe, and eſcape out of all daunger and perill, whiche thing hee brought
ſhortly to concluſion, both to the kings deſtruction and the Dukes
confuſion, and to his owne ſafegard, and finally, to hys high promo|tion.
And ſo (as I ſayde before) vpon truſt and confidence of the Dukes promiſe,
the Byſhoppe ſayd: my ſinguler good Lord, ſith the time of my captiuitie, which being in your graces cuſtodie, I
may rather call it a liberall libertie, more than a ſtraighte empriſonmente,
in auoyding idle|neſſe, mother and nouriſher of all vices, in rea|ding
Bookes and auntient Pamphlets, I haue founde this ſentence written, that no
manne is borne free, and in libertie of himſelfe onely, for one part of
duetie he oweth or ſhould owe to his parents for his procreation by a very
natural in|ſtincte and filiall curteſie: another parte, to hys friendes and kinſfolke, for proximitie of bloud,
and natural amitie, doth of very duetie chalenge and demaunde: But the
natiue Countrey in the whiche hee taſted firſte the ſweete ayres of thys
pleaſant and flattering world after his natiuitie, demaundeth as a debt by a
naturall bond, ney|ther to bee forgotten, nor yet to be put in obliui|on,
which ſaying cauſeth me to conſider in what caſe this Realme my natiue
Countrey nowe ſtandeth, and in what eſtate and aſſurance be|fore this time it hath continued: what gouernour we now
haue, and what ruler wee mighte haue, for I playnely perceyue the Realme
beeing in this caſe, muſt needes decay, and bee broughte to vtter confuſion,
and finall exterminion: But one hope I haue encorporate in my breſt, that
is, when I conſider, and in my mynd do diligently remember, & dayly
behold your noble perſonage, your iuſtice, and indifferencie, your feruent
zeale, and ardente loue towarde youre naturall Coun|trey, and in like
manner, the loue of your Coun|trey toward
you, the great learning, pregnaunt witte, and goodly eloquence, which ſo
much doth abounde in the perſon of your grace, I muſte needes thinke this
Realme fortunate, yea twice more than fortunate, whiche hath ſuch a Prince
in ſtore, meete, and apte to bee a gouernoure, in whoſe perſon beeyng endued
with ſo manye princely qualities conſiſteth and reſteth the [...] vndoubted ſimilitude and image of true [...].
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19 But on the other ſide,
when I call to [...]|rie the good qualities of the late Protector, and nowe called King,
ſo violated and ſubuerted by Tyrannie, ſo changed and altered by vſurped
authoritie, ſo clouded and ſhadowed by blynde and inſaciable ambition, yea,
and ſo ſuddaynely (in manner by a metamorphoſis) tranſformed from politike
ciuilitie, to deteſtable tyrannie: I muſt needes ſaye, and iuſtly affirme,
that hee is neyther meete to be a king of ſo noble a Realme, nor ſo famous a
Realme meete to bee gouerned by ſuche a tyraunt: Was not his firſt
enterpriſe to obteyne the Crowne begunne and incepted by the murther of
diuers noble valiant, true, and vertuous perſonages: O a holy beginning, to
come to a miſcheuous ending, did he not ſecon|darily proceede contrarie to
al lawes of honeſtie, ſhamefully againſte his owne naturall mother, being a
woman of much honour, and more ver|tue, declaring hir openly to bee a woman
giuen to carnall affection, and diſſolute liuing? (whych thing if it had bin
true as it was not indeede, e|uery good and naturall childe would haue
father mummed at, than to haue blaſted abroade, and eſpecially ſhee beeing
aliue.) Declaring farther|more his two breethren, and his two nephewes to
bee baſterdes, and to be borne in auoutrie: yet not with all this content:
After that hee had ob|teyned the garland for the which he ſo long thir|ſted,
hee cauſed the two poore innocentes hys ne|phewes, committed to him for
eſpeciall truſt, to be murthered, and ſhamefully to be kylled. The bloud of
which ſely and little babes, dayly crie to God, from the earth for
vengeaunce. Alas, my heart ſobbeth, to remember this bloudy butcher, and
cruell monſter, what ſuretie ſhall be in thys realme to any perſon, either
for life or goodes vn|der ſuch a cruell Prince, which regardeth not the
deſtruction of his owne bloud, and then leſſe the loſſe of other. And moſt
eſpecially as oftentymes it chanceth, where a couetous or a cruell Prince
taketh ſuſpicion, the ſmalleſt, ſwaruing that is poſſible (if the thing be
miſconſtrued) may be the cauſe of the deſtruction of many giltleſſe
perſo|nes: and in eſpeciall of noble and wealthye perſonages, hauing great
poſſeſſions and riches: Suche a Lorde is Lucifer when he is entred into the
heart of a proude Prince, giuen to couetouſ|neſſe and crueltie. But nowe my
Lord to con|clude what I meane toward your noble perſon, I ſaye and affirme,
if you loue GOD, youre lygnage, or youre natiue Countrey, you muſt youre
ſelfe take vppon you the Crowne and imperiall Diad [...]ne of thys noble Empyre, bothe for the maynetenaunce of the honoure of
the ſame (whiche ſo long hathe flouriſhed in EEBO page image 1395 fame and
renowne) as alſo for the deliueraunce of your naturall Countreymen, from the
bon|dage and thraldome (worſe than the captiuitie of Egypt) of ſo cruell a
Tyrant and arrogant op|preſſor. For thus I dare ſaye, if any forreyne Prince
or Potentate, yea the Turke hymſelfe woulde take vppon him the regiment
heere, and the Crowne, the commons would rather admit and obey hym, than to
liue vnder ſuche a bloud-ſupper and childe kyller: but howe muche more
ioyful and glad would they be to liue
vnder your grace, whome they all knowe to be a ruler meete and conuenient
for them, and they to be louyng and obedient ſubiects, meete to liue vnder
ſuch a gouernor: deſpiſe not, nor forſake not ſo manifeſt an occaſion ſo
louingly offered. And if you your ſelfe knowing the paine and trauaile that
apper|teyneth to the office of a King, or for anye other conſideration, will
refuſe to take vppon you the Crowne and Scepter of this Realme: Then I
adiure you, by the faith that you owe
to God, by your honour and by your othe made to Saincte George, patrone of
the noble order of the garter (whereof you bee a companyon) and by the loue
and affectiõ that you beare to your natiue Coũ|trey, and the people of the
ſame, to deuiſe ſome way, how this Realme nowe beeing in miſerie, may by
youre high diſcretion and princely poli|cie, bee broughte and reduced to
ſome ſuretie and conueniente regimente, vnder ſome good gouer|nour
by you to be appoynted: for you are the
ve|ry patrone, the only help, refuge, and comfort for the poore amaſed and
deſolate commons of thys Realme. For if you could either deuiſe to ſet vp
againe the lignage of Lancaſter, or auaunce the eldeſt daughter of King
Edward to ſome hygh and puiſſant Prince, not only the new crowned King ſhall
ſmall time enioy the glory of his dig|nitie, but alſo all ciuill warre
ſhoulde ceaſſe, all domeſticall diſcord ſhould ſleepe, and peace, pro|fite
and quietneſſe ſhould be ſet forth and
embra|ſed. When the Byſhop had thus ended his ſay|ing, the Duke ſighed and
ſpake not of a greate while, which ſore abaſhed the Byſhop, and made him
change coulour: which thing when the duke apperceyued, he ſaide, be not
afraid my Lord, all promiſes ſhall be kepte, to morow we will com|mon more:
lette vs goe to ſupper, ſo that nyghte they cõmoned no more, not a little
to the diſqui|eting of the Biſhop, whiche nowe was euen as deſirous to know the Dukes mind and intente, as the Duke
longed the day before to knowe hys opinion and meaning. So the next day, the
duke ſent for the Byſhop, and rehearſed to him in ma|ner (for he was both
wittie and eloquent) all the communication had betweene them before, and ſo
pauſed awhile, and after a little ſeaſon, put|ting off his bonet he ſayd: O
Lorde God crea|tor of all things, howe muche is this Realme of England, and
the people of the ſame bounden to thy goodneſſe, for where we now be in
vexation and trouble with greate ſtormes oppreſſed, ſay|ling and toſſing in
a deſperate Shippe, without good maſter or gouernoure but by thy help good
Lorde I truſt or long time paſſe, that wee ſhall prouide for ſuche a ruler,
as ſhall bee both to thy pleaſure, and alſo to the ſecuritie and ſauegarde
of this noble Realme. And then hee put on hys bonet ſaying to the Byſhop, my
Lord of Ely, whoſe true hart and ſincere affection toward me at all times, I
haue euidently perceyued and knowen, and nowe moſt of all in our laſt priuie
communication and ſecrete deuiſing, I muſte needes in hart thinke, and with
mouth confeſſe and ſay, that you be a ſure friend, a truſty coun|ſellour, a
vigilant foreſeer, a verye louer of your Countrey, & a natural
Countreyman for which kindneſſe for my part, I moſt louingly render to you
my harty thankes now with wordes, heere|after truſting to recompence and
remunerate you with deedes, if life and power ſhall ſerue. And ſith at oure
laſt communication, you haue diſcloſed, and opened the very ſecretes and
priui|ties of youre ſtomacke, touching the Duke of Glouceſter now vſurper of
the Crowne, and al|ſo haue a little touched the aduancement of the two noble
families of Yorke and Lancaſter: I ſhall likewiſe not only declare and
manifeſt vn|to you, al my open actes, attemptes, and doings, but alſo my
priuie entents, and ſecret cogitati|ons. To the intent that as you haue
vnbuckeled youre bouget of your priuie meanings, & ſecrete purpoſes
to me: ſo ſhal all my clowdy workyng, cloſe deuiſes, and ſecrete
imaginations, bee (as cleere as the ſunne) reuealed, opened, and made
lighteſome to you. And to beginne, I declare: That when King Edwarde was
deceaſed, to whome I thought my ſelfe little or nothing be|holden, (although
we two hadde maried two ſi|ſters) bycauſe he neither promoted, nor preferred
me, as I thought I was worthy, and had deſer|ned, neither fauored nor
regarded me, according to my degree and birthe: for ſurely I had by him
little authoritie, and leſſe rule, and in effect no|thing at all: which
cauſed me leſſe to fauour his children, bycauſe I founde ſmall humanitie, or
none in their parent. I then began to ſtudy, and with rype deliberation, to
ponder and to conſi|der, howe and in what manner this Realme ſhould be ruled
& gouerned. And firſt I remem|bred an olde prouerbe worthy of
memorie, that often ruith the Realme, where children rule, and women
gouerne. This olde adage ſo ſanke and ſettled in my head, that I thought it
a great er|ror, and extreame miſchiefe to the whole realme, either to ſuffer
the yong Kyng to rule, or EEBO page image 1396 the Queene his mother to be a
gouernoure once him, conſidering that hir breethren, and hir firſte children
(although they were not extract of hygh and noble lynage) toke more vpon
them, & more exalted themſelues, by reaſon of the Queene, than did
the Kings breethren, or anye Duke in his Realme: which in concluſion, turned
to their confuſion. Then I beeing perſwaded with my ſelfe in this poynt,
thought it neceſſarie both for the publique & profitable wealth of
this Realme, and alſo for myne owne
commoditie and emo|lument, to take parte with the Duke of Glouce|ſter: whome
I aſſure you I thought to bee as cleane without diſſimulation, as tractable
with|out iniurie, as merciful without crueltie, as now I know him perfectly
to be a diſſembler without veritie, a Tyraunt without pitie, yea, and worſe
than the tyraunt Ph [...]leres deſtitute of all trueth and clemencie: and ſo by my
meanes, at the firſt Counſayle holden at London, when hee was moſt ſuſpected of that thing that after happened
(as you my Lord know well ynough) hee was made Protector and defender, both
of the King, and of the Realme, whiche authoritie once got|ten, and the two
children partly by policie brou|ght vnder his gouernaunce, bee beeing moued
with that gnawing and couetous ſerpente, deſi|red to raigne, and neuer
ceaſſed priuily to exhort and require (yea and ſometimes with minatorie
tearmes) to perſwade mee and other Lordes, as well ſpirituall as temporall, that hee might take vppon
him the Crowne, till the Prince came to the age of foure and twenty yeares,
and were able to gouerne the Realme, as a rype and ſufficient King: which
thing, when he ſawe mee ſomewhat ſticke at, both for the ſtrangeneſſe of the
example (bycauſe no ſuche preſident had bene ſeene) and alſo bycauſe we
remembred that men once aſcended to the higheſt tipe of honour and
authoritie, will not gladly diſcende againe, hee then brought in inſtruments, autentike doctors, proctors,
and notaries of the law, with depoſiti|ons of diuers witneſſes, teſtifying
King Ed|wards children to be baſterds, whiche depoſitiõs then I thought to
be as true, as now I knowe them to be fayned, and teſtifyed by perſons with
rewards vntruely ſubornate. When the ſaid de|poſitions were before vs redde
and diligently hearde, he ſtoode vp bareheaded ſaying: Well my lords, euen
as I and you ſage and diſcrete coun|ſaylers would that my nephew ſhoulde haue no wrong, ſo I pray you do me nothing
but righte. For theſe witneſſes and ſayings of famous doc|tors being true, I
am onely the vndubitate heire to Lord Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke,
adiudged to bee the verye heire to the Crowne of this Realme, by authoritie
of Parliament, whi|che things, ſo by learned men to vs for a veri|tie
declared, cauſed me and other to take him for our lawfull and vndoubted
Prince and ſoue|raigne Lord. For well wee knew that the Duke of Clarence
ſonne, by reaſon of the attaynder [...] his father, was diſabled to inherite, and alſo the Duke himſelfe was
named to be a baſterd, as I my ſelfe haue heard ſpoken, and that vpon great
preſumptions more times than one: ſo agayne, by my ayde and fauoure, hee of
a protector was made a King, and of a ſubiect made a gouernor, at whiche
time hee promiſed me on his fidelitie, laying his hande in mine at Baynard
Caſtell, that the two yong Princes ſhould liue, and that he would ſo prouide
for them, and ſo maynteine them in honorable eſtate, that I and all the
Realme ought and ſhoulde bee content. But when he was once Crowned Kyng, and
in full poſſeſſion of the whole Realme, he caſt away his olde conditions, as
the adder doth hir ſkinne, ve|rifying the olde prouerbe, Honours change
man|ners, as the pariſhe Prieſte remembreth that hee was neuer pariſh
clearke. For when I my ſelfe ſued to hym for my parte of the Earle of
Hare|fords landes whiche his brother King Edwarde wrõgfully deteyned and
withheld from me, and alſo required to haue the office of the high
Con|neſtableſhip of Englande, as diuers of my noble aunceſters before this
time haue hadde, and in long diſcent continued, in this my firſt ſure
ſhe|wing his good mind toward me, he did not only firſte delay me, and
afterward denay mee, but gaue me ſuch vnkynd words, with ſuch taunts and
retauntes, yee in manner checke and checke mate, to the vttermoſt proofe of
my pacience, as though I had neuer furthered him, but hindered him, as
though I had put him downe, and not ſet hym vp yet all theſe ingratitudes
and vnde|ſerued vnkindneſſe I bare cloſely, and ſuffered paciently, and
couertly remembred, outwardly diſſimuling that I inwardly thoughte, and ſo
with a paynted countenaunce, I paſſed the laſte ſummer in his laſt companie,
not without many faire promiſes, but withoute anye good deedes. But when I
was credibly enformed of ye death of the two yong innocents, his owne
naturall nephewes contrarie to his faith and promiſe, to the which (God be
my iudge) I neuer agreed, nor condiſcended. O Lord, how my veynes panted,
how my body trembled, and my heart inwardly grudged, in ſomuch, that I ſo
abhorred the ſight, and muche more the companie of him, that I coulde no
longer abide in his Courte, excepte I ſhould be openly reuenged. The ende
whereof was doubtfull, and ſo I fayned a cauſe to de|part, and with a merrie
countenaunce and a de|ſpitefull heart, I tooke my leaue humbly of him, (he
thinking nothing leſſe, than that I was diſ|pleaſed) and ſo returned to
Brecknock to you. EEBO page image 1397 But in that iourney as I returned,
whether it were by the inſpiracion of the holy Ghoſt, or by Melanculous
diſpoſition, I had diuers and ſun|dry imaginacions howe to depriue this
vnnatu|rall vncle, and bloudy Butcher, from his royal ſeate, and princely
dignitie. Firſte I fanteſyed, that if I lift to take vppon me the Crowne,
and imperiall Scepter of the Realme, nowe was the time propice and
conuenient. For now was the way made playne, and the gate opened, and
oc|caſion giuen, which now neglected,
ſhoulde per|aduenture neuer take ſuch effect and concluſion. For I ſaw he
was, diſdeyned of the Lords tem|porall, execrate and accurſed of the Lords
Spi|rituall, deteſted of all Gentlemen, and deſpiſed of all the communaltie:
ſo that I ſaw my chaunce as perfectly as I ſaw my own image in a glaſſe,
that there was no perſon (if I had bin greedy to attempte the enterpriſe)
coulde nor ſhoulde haue wonne the ring, or got the gole before mee. And
on this poynt I reſted in imagination
ſecretely with myſelfe, two dayes at Tewkeſberie. And from thẽce ſo
iourneying, I muſed and thought that it was not beſt nor conuenient to take
vpon me as a conquerour, for then I knew that al mẽ and eſpecially the
nobilitie, woulde with al their power withſtande me, both for reſcuyng of
poſ|ſeſſiõs, and tenours, as alſo for ſubuerting of the whole eſtate,
lawes, and cuſtomes of ye Realm: Such a power hath a conquerour as you know
well inough my Lord. But at the laſt,
in al this doubtfull caſe there ſprang a newe branche out of my head, which
ſurely I thought ſhould haue broughte forthe faire floures, but the ſunne
was ſo hote, that they turned to drie weedes, for I ſuddaynely remembred
that Lorde Edmonde Duke of Somerſet my Grandfather, was with King Henrye the
ſixte in the two and three de|grees, from Iohn Duke of Lancaſter lawfully
begotten: ſo that I thought ſure, my mother be|ing eldeſt daughter to Duke Edmond, that I was nexte heire to
King Henrye the ſixte of the houſe of Lancaſter. This title pleaſed well
ſuche as I made priuie of my counſaile, but muche more it encouraged my
fooliſh deſire, and eleua|ted my ambicious intente, in ſomuche, that I
cleerely iudged, and in mine owne minde was determinately reſolued, that I
was indubitate heire of the houſe of Lancaſter, and therevppon concluded to
make my firſte foundation, and e|rect my
new buylding. But whether God ſo or|deyned, or by fortune it ſo chanced,
while I was in a maze, other to conclude ſuddaynely on thys title, and to
ſet it open amongſt the cõmon peo|ple, or to keepe it ſecret a while, ſee
the chance: as I rode betwene Worceter and Bridgenorth, I encountred with
the Lady Margaret, Counteſſe of Richmond, now wife to the Lorde Stanley,
whiche is the very daughter and [...] heyre, to Lord Iohn Duke of Somerſet, my Grandfa|thers elder brother,
whiche was as cleane out of my minde, as though I hadde neuer ſeene hir, ſo
that ſhee and hir ſonne the Earle of Richmond, be both bulwarke and
portecolice betweene mee and the gate, to enter into the maieſtie royal and
getting of the Crowne.
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3 And whẽ we had cõmuned
a little concerning hir ſonne, as I ſhal ſhew you after, and were de|parted,
ſhe to our Ladie of Worceſter, and I to Shrewſbury: I then new changed, and
in ma|ner amazed, began to diſpute with my ſelfe, little conſidering that
thus my earneſt title was tur|ned to a tittel not ſo good as Eſt Amen.
Eftſoo|nes I imagined whether I were beſt to take vp|on me, by the election
of the nobilitie and com|munaltie, which me thought eaſie to be done, the
vſurper king, thus being in hatred and abhorred of this whole realm, or to
take it by power, which ſtandeth in fortunes chaunce, and difficile to bee
atchieued and brought to paſſe. Thus tumbling and toſſing in the waues of
ambiguitie, betwene the ſtone and ſacrifice, I conſidered firſt the of|fice,
dutie, and payne of a King, whiche ſure|ly thynke, I that no mortall man can
iuſtly and truly obſerue, except he be called, elected, & ſpeci|ally
appoynted by God as king Dauid, and dy|uers other haue bin. But farther, I
remembred that if I once tooke on me the ſcepter, and the go|uernaunce of
the realme: That of two extreme enimies I was dayely ſure, but of one
truſtye frend (which now a days be gone a pilgrimage) I was neither aſſured,
nor credibly aſcertayned, (ſuche is the worldes mutation) for I manifeſt|ly
perceiued, that the daughters of king Edward and their alyes, and frendes,
whiche be no ſmall number, being both, for his ſake muche beloued, and alſo
for the greate iniurie and manifeſte ty|rannie done to them by the newe
vſurper, muche lamented and pitied, would neuer ceaſſe to barke if they can
not byte at the one ſide of me. S [...]|blably, my couſyn the Earle of Richmond, hys aydes and kinſfolke,
whiche be not of little po|wer, will ſurely attẽpt lyke a fierce
grandhound, eyther to byte or to pierce mee on the other ſide. So that my
lyfe and rule, ſhould euer hang by a haire, neuer in quiet, but euer in
doubt of death, or depoſition. And if the ſayde two lynages of Yorke and
Lancaſter, whiche ſo long haue ſtri|ued for the Imperiall diademe, ſhoulde
ioyne in one againſte mee, then were I ſurely mated, and the game gotten.
Wherefore I haue cleere|ly determined, and with my ſelfe concluded, vtterly
to relinquiſhe all ſuche fantaſticall i|maginations, concerning the
obteyning of the Crowne.
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6 But all ſuche plagues
calamities & troubles EEBO page image 1398 (which I feared and
ſuſpected) might haue chã|ced on me if I had taken the rule and regiment of
this Realme, I ſhall with a reredemayne ſo make them rebound to our common
enimie that calleth himſelfe King, that the beſt ſtopper that he hath at
tenice, ſhall not well ſtoppe without a faulte: for as I tolde you before,
the Counteſſe of Richmonde in my returne from the new na|med King, meeting
mee in the high way, pray|ed mee firſte for kinred ſake, ſecondarily for the
loue that I bare to my Grandfather Duke
Hũ|frey, which was ſworne brother to hir father, to moue the King to bee
good to hir ſonne Henrye Earle of Richmond, and to licence him with hys
fauour to returne agayne into England: and if it were his pleaſure ſo to
doe, ſhee promiſed that the Earle hir ſonne ſhoulde marrie one of Kyng
Edwardes daughters, at the appoyntmente of the King, without any thing to
bee taken or de|maunded for the ſayde eſpouſals, but onely the Kings fauoure, whiche requeſt I ſoone ouerpaſ|ſed,
and gaue hir faire wordes, and ſo departed. But after in my lodging, when I
called to me|morie with a deliberate ſtudie, and did circum|ſpectly ponder
them, I fully adiudged, that the holy Ghoſt cauſed hir to moue a thing (the
ende whereof ſhe could not conſider) both for the ſeen|ritie of the Realme,
as alſo for the preferment of hir childe, and the deſtruction and finall
confuſi|on of the common enimie King Richard, Whi|che thing, ſhe neither then thought (I am ſure) as I by hir
wordes coulde make coniecture, nor I my ſelfe caſt not hir deſire to be ſo
profitable to the Realme, as I now doe perceyue, but ſuche a Lord is God,
that with a little ſparkle, hee kyn|dleth a great fire, and ſo finally to
declare to you the very cõcluſion, to the which I am both bent and ſet, my
minde is, and my power and purſe ſhall help, that the Erle of Richmond, very
heire of the houſe of Lancaſter (in the quarrell of the which linage, both my father and Graundfather loſt their
lyues in battayle) ſhall take to wife La|dy Elizabeth eldeſt daughter to
King Edward, by the which marriage both the houſes of Yorke and Lancaſter
maye bee ioyned, and vnited in one, to the cleere ſtabliſhmente of the title
to the Crowne of this noble Realme. To which con|cluſion, if the mothers of
both parties, and eſpe|cially the Earle himſelfe, and the Lady will a|gree,
I doubt not but the bragging Bore, which
with his tuſkes rayſeth euery mans ſkinne, ſhall not only be brought to
confuſion as he hath de|ſerued, but that this empire ſhall euer be certaine
of an vndubitate heire, and then ſhall all ciuile and inteſtine warre ceaſe,
whiche ſo long hathe continued to the paring of many mẽs crownes, and this
Realme ſhall be reduced againe to qui|etneſſe, renoune and glory. This
inuentiõ of the Duke manye menne thoughte after, that it was more imagined
for the inwarde hatred that we bare to King Richard, than for any [...] that he bare to the Earle of Richmond. But of ſuche doubtfull matter,
it is not beſt to iudge for [...]ng to farre from the minde and intent of the auctor: But whatſoeuer
hee entended, this deuice once opened to King Richard was the very occaſion,
that he was rounded ſhorter by the whole head, without attainder or
iudgemente. When the Duke hadde ſaid, the Biſhop whiche fauoured e|uer the
houſe of Lancaſter, was wonderous ioy|full, and muche reioyſed to heare this
deuice, for nowe came the winde about euen as hee woulde haue it, for all
his imaginacion tended to thys effect to haue King Richarde ſubdued, and to
haue the lines of king Edward, and King Hen|ry the ſixth agayne raiſed and
aduaunced. But Lorde howe hee reioyced to thinke howe that by this marriage
the linages of Yorke and Lanca|ſter ſhould be conioyned in one, to the very
ſted|faſtneſſe of the publique wealth of this Realme.
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5 And leaſt the Dukes
courage ſhoulde ſwage, or his mynde ſhould againe alter, as it did often
before, as you may eaſily perceyue by his owne tale. He thought to ſet vp
all the ſayles that hee hadde, to the intent that the ſhip of his preten|ſed
purpoſe, myghte come ſhortely to ſome ſure port: And ſayde to the duke, My
Lorde, ſith by Gods prouiſion and youre incomparable wyſe|dome and policie,
this noble coniunction is firſte moued, nowe is it conuenient, yea &
neceſſary to conſider what perſonages, & what frends we ſhal firſt
make priuie of this high deuice and politike cõcluſiõ. By my truth, quod
the duke, we wil be|gin wt the ladie Richmõd, ye erles mother, which
knoweth where he is, eyther in captiuitie, or at large in Britayn. For I
heard ſay, yt the duke of Britayn reſtored him to libertie, immediatly
af|ter the death of king Edward, by whoſe meanes hee was reſtreyned. Sith
you will begin that way (ſaid the Biſhop) I haue an old friend with the
Counteſſe, a man ſober, ſecret, and well wit|ted, called Reignold Bray,
whoſe prudente poli|cie I haue knowen to haue cõpaſſed thyngs of greate
importance, for whome I ſhall ſecretely ſend, if it be your pleaſure, and I
doubte not hee will gladly come and that with a good will. So with a little
diligence, the Byſhop wrote a let|ter to Reignold Bray, requiring him to
come to Brecknocke with ſpeede, for great and vrgent cauſes, touching his
miſtreſſe: and no other thing was declared in the letter. So the meſſenger
rode into Lancaſhire, where Bray was with the Counteſſe, and Lord Thomas
Stanley hir huſ|band, and deliuered the letter, which when he had red, he
tooke it as a ſigne or preſage of ſome good fortune to come, and ſo with the
meſſenger he EEBO page image 1399 came to the Caſtell of Brecknock, where the
Duke and the Byſhop declared what thing was deuiſed, both for to ſet the
realme in aquires ſted|faſtneſſe; as alſo for the high prefermente of the
Erle of Richmond, ſon to his Lady & miſtreſſe: willing hir firſte to
compaſſe how to obteyne the good will of Q. Elizabeth, and alſo of hir
eldeſt daughter hearing the ſame name: & after fe [...]ely to ſend to hir ſon into Britaine, to declare what high honor was
prepared for him, if hee woulde ſweare to
marrie the Lady Elizabeth aſſume as he was K. & in royall poſſeſſion
of the Realme. Reignold Bray with a glad hearte, forgettyng nothing giuen to
him in charge, in greate haſt & with good ſpeede returned to ye
counteſſe his La|dy & miſtreſſe. Whẽ Bray was departed, &
thys great doubtful veſſel once ſet abroche, ye Byſhop thirſting for
nothing more thã for libertie: whẽ he ſaw ye D. pleaſant & wel
minded toward him, he told ye Duke, that if hee were in his yle of E|ly
he could make many friẽds to further
their en|terpriſe, & if he were there & had but foure dayes
warning, he little regarded the malice of K. Ri|chard, his countrey was ſo
ſtrõg. The D. knew well al this to be true, but yet loth hee was that the
B. ſhoulde departe, for he knew well, that us long as the B. was with him,
he was ſure of po|litique aduiſe, ſage counſayle, and circumſpect
proceeding. And ſo he gaue the B. faire wordes, ſaying, that hee ſhoulde
ſhortly depart, and that wel accompanyed
for feare of enimies. The B. being as wittie as the D. was wilie, did not
tar|rie till the Dukes company were aſſembled, but ſecretly diſguiſed, in a
night departed (to ye dukes great diſpleaſure) & came to his ſee of
Ely, where he found mony and friends, & ſo ſailed into Flã|ders,
where hee did the Earle of Richmond good ſeruice, and neuer returned agayne,
till the Earle of Richmond after beeing K. ſente for him, and ſhortly
promoted him to the ſea of Canterburye.
Thus the B. wound himſelfe from the D. when he had moſt neede of his aide,
for if he had taryed ſtil, the D. had not made ſo many blabbes of his
counſaile, nor put ſo much cõfidẽce in ye Welch|mẽ, nor yet ſo
temerariouſly ſet forward, with|out knowledge of his friendes as hee did,
whyche things were his ſuddayne ouerthrowe, as they that knew it did
report.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2
3
4 When Reignold Bray had
declared his meſ|ſage & priuie inſtruction to the coũteſſe of
Rich|mond his miſtreſſe, no maruell though
ſhe were ioyous and glad, both of the good newes and al|ſo for the obteining
of ſuche a high friende in hir ſonnes cauſe as the D. was, wherefore ſhe
wil|ling not to ſlepe this matter, but to farther it to the vttermoſt of hir
power and abilitie, deuiſed a meanes how to breake this matter to Q.
Eli|zabeth then beeing in Sanctuarie at Weſt. And the [...], ſhe hauing in hir family at that time for the preſeruatiõ of h [...]r health a certain Welſh|man called Lewes, learned in phiſicke, which
for his grauitie and experience, was well knowen, and much eſteemed amongſt
great eſtates of the Realm: with whome the vſed ſometime liberal|ly
& familiarly to talke, now hauing opportuni|tie and occaſion to
breake hir minde vnto him of this weighty matter, declared that the time was
come that hir ſonne ſhould be ioyned in mariage with Lady Elizabeth,
daughter and heire to K. Edward, and that K. Richard being taken and reputed
of all men for the common enimie of the Realme, ſhould out of all honoure
and eſtate bee detected, & of his rule & kingdome be
cleerely ſpoi|led and expulſed: and required him to goe to Q. Elizabeth
(with whome in his facultie he was of counſaile) not as a meſſenger, but as
one yt came friendly to viſite & conſolate hir, and as time and
place ſhoulde require, to make hir priuie of thys deuiſe, not as a thing
concluded, but as a purpoſe by him imagined. This phiſician did not long
[...]ger to accompliſh hir deſire, but with good di|ligence repared to the
Q. being ſtil in the ſanctu|ary at Weſt. And whẽ he ſaw time propice and
conuenient for his purpoſe, he ſaw vnto hir: Ma|dame, although my
imaginatiõ be very ſimple, & my deuice more foliſh, yet for the
entier affection that I beare toward you & your childrẽ, I am ſo
bold to vtter vnto you a ſecrete & priuie conceit yt I haue caſt
& cõpaſſed in my fantaſtical braine. Whẽ I wel remẽbred and no
leſſe conſidered the greate loſſe & dammage that you haue ſuſteyned
by the death of your noble and louing huſbande, & the great doloure
and ſorow that you haue ſuf|fered and tollerated, by ye cruell murther of
youre innocent children: I can no leſſe do both of boun|den duetie and
chriſtian charitie, than dayly to ſtudie, & hourely imagine, not
only how to bring your heart to comfort and gladu [...]s, but alſo de|uiſe how to reuẽge the righteous quarell of you
& your children on that bloudy bloudſupper, and cruel tyrant K.
Richard. And firſt cõſider, what battaile, what manſlaughter, what miſchief
hath riſen in this Realme by the diſſention betweene the two noble houſes of
Yorke and Lancaſter, which two families (as I haue contriued) if they may
bee ioyned in one, I thinke, yea and doubte not, but youre line ſhalbe
againe reſtored to the priſtinate eſtate and degree, to your great ioy and
cõfort, and to ye vtter cõfuſion of your mortall e|nimie the vſurper K.
You know very well Ma|dame, yt of the houſe of Lancaſter, ye erle of
Rich|mond is next of bloud, which is liuing, & a luſtie yõg
batcheler, & to ye houſe of York your daugh|ters now are heires: if
you could agree and inuẽt the meane howe to couple youre eldeſt daughter
with the yong erle of Richmond in matrimonie, EEBO page image 1400 no doubt
but the vſurper of the Realme ſhoulde be ſhortly depoſed, and your heire
againe to hir right reſtored.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 When the Queene had
hearde this friendely motion (which was as farre from hir thought, as the
man that the rude people ſay is in ye Moone) lord how hir ſpirites reuiued,
and how hir hearte lept in hir body for ioy and gladneſſe, and fyrſte giuing
lawde to Almightie GOD, as the chiefe author of hyr comfort, ſecondarily to
ma|ſter Lewes, as the deuiſer of the good
newes and tydyngs, inſtantely beſought hym, that as hee hadde bin the fyrſte
inuenter of ſo good an enter|priſe, that nowe hee woulde not relinquiſhe nor
deſiſt to follow the ſame: requiring hym farther (bycauſe he was
apperteyning to the Counteſſe of Richmonde mother to the Earle Henry) that
he would with all diligente celeritie reſort to hir, then lodging in hir
huſbandes place, within the Citie of London, and to declare on the Queenes
behalfe to the Counteſſe, that all the
friends and fautors of King Edwarde hir huſband, ſhoulde aſſiſt and take
parte with the Earle of Riche|mond hir ſonne, ſo that he would take a
corpo|rall othe after the Kingdome obteined, to eſpouſe and take to wife the
Lady Elizabeth hir daugh|ter, or elſe Lady Cecyle, if the eldeſt daughter
were not then liuing.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Maiſter Lewes with all
dexteritie ſo ſped his buſineſſe, that he made and concluded a final end
and determination of this enterpriſe,
betweene the two mothers, and bycauſe he was a Phiſiti|on, and out of all
ſuſpicion, and miſdeeming, hee was the common curter and dayly meſſenger
betweene them, ayding and ſetting forth the in|uented conſpiracie againſt
King Richarde. So the Lady Margaret Counteſſe of Richmonde, broughte into a
good hope of the preferment of hir ſonne, made Reignold Bray hir moſt
faith|full ſeruaunt, chiefe ſoliciter and priuie procurer of this conſpiracie, giuing him in charge ſecrete|ly to
enuegle and attract ſuch perſons of nobili|tie to ioyne with hir &
take hir part, as he knewe to be ingenious, faithfull, diligent, and of
actiui|tie. This Reignold Bray within few dayes, brought vnto his lure,
(firſte of all taking of e|uery perſon a ſolemne othe, to be true and
ſecret) ſir Giles Daubeney, ſir Iohn Cheyney Knight, Richard Guylford and
Thomas Rame Eſqui|ers, and diuers other. The Counteſſe of Riche|mond
was not ſo diligente for hir parte, but
Q. Elizabeth was as vigilant on the other ſide, and made friends, and
appoynted Counſellors to ſet forward and aduaunce hir buſineſſe.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2
3
4 In the meane ſeaſon, the
Counteſſe of Rich|monde tooke into hir ſeruice Chriſtopher Vrſ|wike, an
honeſt and a wiſe Prieſte, and after an othe of him for to bee ſecrete taken
and ſworne, the vttered to him all hir minde and counſayle, adhibiting to
hym the more confidence and trueth that hee all his life had fauoured and
ta|ken partee with King Henrye the ſixte, and as a ſpeciall iewell put to
hir ſeruice by Sir Le|wes hee hir Phiſition. So the mother ſtudious for the
proſperitie of hir ſonne, appoynted this Chri|ſtopher Vrſwike to ſayle into
Britaine to the Earle of Richmonde, and to declare and to re|ueale to him
all pactes and agreementes be|tweene hir and the Queene agreed and
conclu|ded: but ſuddaynely, ſhee remembring that the Duke of Burkingham was
one of the firſte in|uentors, and a ſecret founder of thys enterpriſe,
determined to ſend ſome perſonage of more eſti|mation than hir Chaplayne,
and ſo elected for a meſſenger Hugh Conwey Eſquier, and ſente him into
Britaine with a greate ſumme of money to hir ſonne, gyuing him in charge, to
declare to the Earle the greate loue and eſpeciall fauoure that the moſt
part of the nobilitie of the Realme bare towarde him, the louing heartes and
beneuolent mindes whiche the whole com|munaltie of theyr owne free will
frankely offe| [...]and liberally exhibited to him, willing and aduiſing him not to
neglect ſo good an occaſion apparantly offered, but with all ſpeede and
dili|gence to addict and ſettle his mind and ful intẽ|tion how to returne
home againe into Englãd, where hee was both wiſhed and looked for, gy|uing
him farther monicion and councell to take land and arriuall in the
principalitie of Wales, where he ſhould not doubt to finde both and,
cõ|fort, & friẽds. Richard Guilford leaſt Hugh Cõ|wey mighte
fortune to bee taken or ſtopped at Plimmouth, where he intẽded to take his
naui|gatiõ, ſent out of Kẽt Tho. Rame with ye ſame inſtructions:
& both made ſuch diligence, and had ſuch wind & weather, ye
one by land frõ Calais, & the other by water from Plimmouth, yt
within leſſe than an houre, both arriued in ye D. of Bri|taines court,
& ſpake with the Erle of Richmõd, which frõ the death of K.
Edward, went at hys pleaſure and libertie, & to him counted
& manife|ſted ye cauſe & effect of their meſſage and
ambaſ|ſade. When ye Erle had receiued this ioyful meſ|ſage, whiche was the
more pleaſaunt, bycauſe it was vnloked for, he rendred to Ieſu his ſauioure
his moſt humble & harty thãkes, being in firme credence &
beliefe yt ſuch things as he with buſie mind & laborious intent had
wiſhed and deſired, coulde neuer haue taken any effect, without the help
& preferment of almightie God. And nowe being put in comfort of his
long longing, he did communicate and breake to the D. of Britaine all his
ſecretes, and priuie meſſages, which were to him declared, aduertiſing him
that he was en|tered into a ſure and ſtedfaſt hope, to obteyne, EEBO page image 1401 and get the [...]ne a [...]ingdome of the realme of England, deſiring him both of his good wyll
and friendly helpe toward the atchieuing of hys officed enterpriſe,
promiſing [...] when he came to his intented purpoſe; to render to him againe e|quall
kindneſſe and condigne recompence.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Although the Duke of
Brytaine before that day by Thomas Hutton Ambaſſador from king Richard, had
both by money and prayers beene ſolicited and moued to put again into ſafe
cuſto|die the Erle of Richmonde, he
neuertheleſſe pro|miſed faythfully to ayde him, and his promiſe he truely
performed.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
1485Wherevpon the Earle with all diligence ſent
into England again Hugh Conway,A [...]. reg. 3.
and Tho|mas Rame, whiche ſhould declare his comming ſhortly into
England, to the intent that al things which by counſaile might be for his
purpoſe pro|uided, ſhould be ſpeedily and diligently done, and that all
things doubtfull ſhould of his friends bee
prudently foreſeene, in auoyding all engines and ſnares which king Richarde
had or might ſet in diſturbance of his purpoſe: and hee in the meane ſeaſon
woulde make his abode ſtill in Brytaine, till all things neceſſarie for his
iourney were pre|pared and brought in a readineſſe.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 In the meane ſeaſon, the
chiefraines of the coniuration in Englande, began togither many enterpriſes:
Some in conuenient fortreſſes put ſtrong
garniſons: ſome kept armed men priui|ly, to the intente that when they
ſhoulde haue knowledge of the Earles landing, they woulde beginne to ſtyrre
vppe the warre: Other did ſecretly moue and ſolicite the people to riſe and
make an inſurrection: Other (amongſt whome Iohn Morton Biſhop of Elie then
being in Flã|ders was chiefe) by priuie letters and cloked meſ|ſengers, did
ſtirre and moue to this new coniura|tion, al ſuch which they certainly knew
to haue a rooted hatred, or to beare a cãkred malice toward king Richard and his proceedings.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 Although this great
enterpriſe were neuer ſo priuily handled, and ſo ſecretly amongſt ſo
cir|cumſpect perſons treated, compaſſed and con|ueyed, yet knowledge thereof
came to the eares of king Richard, who with the ſodaine chaunce was not a
little moued and aſtonied. Firſt by|cauſe he had no hoſt readie prepared,
ſecondly, if he ſhoulde raiſe an army ſo ſodainlye, hee knewe not were to meete his enimies, or whither to go,
or where to tary. Wherfore he determined to diſ|ſemble the matter, as though
hee knew nothing, till hee had aſſembled his hoſte, and in the meane ſeaſon
eyther by ye rumor of the cõmon people, or by the diligence of his eſpials
to ſearch out all the counſailes, determinations, entents and compaſ|ſes of
his cloſe aduerſaries, or elſe by policie to in|tercept and take ſome perſon
of the ſame coniu|ration, conſidering that there is [...]
[...]e nor hid eſ [...]ll, than that which lurketh in diſſi|mulation of knowledge and
intelligence, or is hidden in name and [...] of [...] hu|manitie and feyned kindneſſe.The duke of
Buckingham conſpireth a|gaynſt King Richard. And bycauſe hee knewe
the Duke of Buckingham to be the chiefe heade and ayde of the coniu [...]tion, he thought it moſte neceſſarie to plucke him from that parte,
eyther by fayre promiſes, or open water.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Wherevpon he addreſſed
his louing letters to the Duke, full of gentle wordes, and [...]oſt friend|ly ſpeech, giuing further in charge to the meſſen|ger that
caried the letter, to promiſe the duke on his behalfe, golden hilles, and
ſiluer riuers, and with all gentle and pleaſaunt meanes to per|ſwade and
exhorte the Duke to come to the Court.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 But the Duke as wily as
the King miſ [...]|ſting the fayre flattering wordes, and the ga [...]e promiſes to him ſo ſodainly without any cauſe offred, knowing the
craftie caſtes of K. Richards bow, which in diuerſe affayres before time he
had ſeene practiſed, required the king to pardon hym, excuſing himſelfe that
hee was ſo diſeaſed in hys ſtomacke, that ſkant he could eyther take
refecti|on or reſt.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 King Richarde not being
content with thys excuſe, would in no wiſe admit the ſame, but in|continent
directed to the duke other letters, of a more rogher and hawtier ſort, not
without tan|ting and byting tearmes, and checking wordes, commaunding him
(all excuſes ſet apart) to re|payre wythoute any delaye to hys royall
pre|ſence.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 The duke made to the
meſſenger a determi|nate anſwere, that hee woulde not come to hys mortall
enimie, whom hee neither loued, nor fa|uoured: and immediately prepared open
warre againſt him, and perſwaded al his complices and partakers, that euerie
man ſhould in his quarter with all diligence rayſe vp the people and make a
commotion. And by this meanes almoſt in one moment Thomas Marques Dorſet
came oute of Sanctuarie, where hee ſithe the beginning of King Richarde
dayes had continued, whoſe life by the onely helpe of ſir Thomas Louell, was
preſerued from all danger and perill in this trou|blous worlde, gathered
togither a great bande of men in Yorkeſhire.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 Sir Edward Courtney, and
Peter his brother Biſhop of Exeter, rayſed an other army in De|uonſhire
& Cornwall. In Kent Richard Guil|ford and other gentlemen collected
a great com|panie of ſouldiers, and openly began warre. But king Richard
which in the meane time had gottẽ togither a great ſtrength and puiſſance,
thinking it not moſt for his part beneficiall to diſperſe and deuide his
greate armye into ſmall braunches, EEBO page image 1402 and particularly to
perſecute any one of the con|iutation by himſelfe, determined all other
things being ſet aſide, with his whole puiſſaunce to ſette on the chiefe
head, which was the Duke of Buc|kingham. And ſo remouing from London, hee
tooke his iourney toward Saliſburie, to the entent that in his iourney hee
myght ſet on the Dukes armie, if he might knowe him in any place en|camped
or in order of battaile arrayed. The king was ſcarce two dayes iourney from
Saliſburie, when the Duke of Buckingham
accompanied wyth a great power of wilde Welchmen, whom hee beeing a man of
greate courage and ſharpe ſpeeche, in maner againſt theyr wilies had rather
there to inforced and compelled by Lordly and ſtrayte commaundement, than by
liberall wa|ges and gentle reteynour, whiche thing was the verie occaſion
why they left him deſolate, and co|wardly forſooke him.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2
3 The Duke wyth all his
power marched tho|row the Foreſt of Deane,
intending to haue paſ|ſed the riuer Seuerne at Glouceſter, and there to haue
ioined his armie with the Courtneis, and o|ther Weſterne men of his
confederacie and affi|nitie, which if he had done, no doubt but king
Ri|chard had beene in great ieopardie, eyther of pri|uation of his Realme,
or loſſe of his life, or both. But ſee the chaunce, before hee coulde
attaine to Seuerne ſide, by force of continuall rayne and moyſture, the
riuer roſe ſo high that it ouerflowed all
the Countrey adioyning, inſomuch that men were drowned in their beds, and
houſes with the extreme violence were ouerturned, children were caryed about
the fieldes ſwimming in Cradels, beaſtes were drowned on hilles, whiche rage
of water laſted continually tenne dayes, inſomuch that in the Coũtrey
adioyning they call it to this day the great water, or the Duke of
Buckinghãs great water. By this floud the paſſages were ſo cloſed,The great water. that neither the duke could come
ouer Se|uerne to his complices, nor they
to him: during the which time, the Welchmen lingring ydlely, and without
money, vytaile, or wages, ſodainly ſcattered and departed: and for all the
Dukes fayre promiſes, threatnings, and enforcements, they woulde in no wiſe
neither go further nor a|byde. The Duke being thus left almoſt poſt a|lone,
was of neceſſitie compelled to flie, and in his flight was with this ſodaine
fortune maruei|louſly diſmayde: and beeing vnpurueyed what counſaile he ſhould take, and what way he ſhuld follow,
like a man in diſpayre, not knowing what to doe, of verie truſte and
confidence con|ueyed himſelfe into the houſe of Humfrey Bana|ſter his
ſeruant beſide Shrewſbury, whom he had tenderly brought vp, and whom he
aboue al men loued, fauored, and truſted, now not doubting but that in his
extreme neceſſitie he ſhould find him faythfull, ſecrete, and truſtie,
intendi [...]g [...] co|uertly to lurke, till either he might rayſe aga [...]
[...] new army, or elſe ſhortly to ſayle into Brytaine to the Erle of
Richmond.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 But when it was knowne to
his adher [...], which were readie to giue battaile, that his h [...] was ſcattered, and had left him almoſt alone, and was fled, and could
not be founde, they were ſo|dainly amaſed and ſtryken with a ſodaine [...], that euery man like perſons deſperate ſhined for himſelfe and fled,
ſome went to Sanctuarie, and to ſolitarie places, ſome fled by Sea, whereof
the moſt part within a few dayes after arriued ſ [...]|ly in the Duchie of Brytaine. Among which nũ|ber were theſe perſons,
Peter Courtney Biſhop of Exceter, & ſir Edmond Courtney his brother,
by king Henrie the ſeuenth after created Earle of Deuonth. Thomas Marques
Dorſet, Iohn lord Wells, ſir Iohn Bourchier, ſir Edward Wood|uile, a valiant
man in armes, brother to Queene Elizabeth, ſir Robert Willoughbie, ſir Gyles
Daubeney, ſir Thomas Arũdel, ſir Iohn Chey|ney and his two brethren, ſir
William Barke|ley, ſir William Brandon, and Thomas hys brother, ſir Richarde
Edgecombe: all theſe for the moſte parte beeing Knightes, Iohn Hal|well, and
Edwarde Ponings, a politike cap|taine.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 At this verie ſeaſon,
Iohn Morton Biſhop of Ely, and Chriſtofer Vrſwike prieſt, and an o|ther
companie of noble men ſoiourned in Flaun|ders, and by letters and meſſengers
procured ma|ny enimies agaynſt king Richarde, which vſing a vigilant eye,
and a quicke remembrance, being newly come to Saliſburie, hauing perfite
notice and knowledge how the duke was fled, and how his complices intended
to paſſe out of the realme. Firſt he ſent men of warre to all the next
portes and paſſages, to keepe ſtraytly the Sea coaſt, ſo that no perſon
ſhould paſſe outwarde, nor take lande within the realme without their aſſent
and knowledge. Secondarily he made proclamation, that what perſon could
ſhewe and reueale where the Duke of Buckingham was, ſhoulde he high|ly
rewarded, if he were a bondman, he ſhoulde be enfranchiſed and ſet at
libertie, if he wereof [...] bloud, he ſhould haue a generall pardon, and be rewarded with a
thouſand poundes.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Furthermore, bycauſe he
vnderſtood by Tho|mas Hurtõ, which (as you haue herd) was new|ly returned
out of Brytaine, that Frances Duke of Britain, not onely refuſed to keepe
the Erle of Richmond as a priſoner, at his contemplation, and for his ſake,
but alſo that he was readie to aid and ſuccour the ſayde Earle, with men,
money, and all things neceſſarie for his tranſporting in|to England: he
therefore rigged & ſent out ſhape of warre, well furniſhed and
decked wyth men EEBO page image 1403 and artyll [...]rie, to ſkoure and keepe that parte of the ſea that lyeth ouer agaynſt
Brytayne, to the entent [...] that if the Earle of Richmonde woulde adventure to ſayle towarde
Englande, either he ſhould be taken captiue, or be beaten and driuen from
the coaſt of England.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 And moreouer, to the
entent that euery coaſt, way, paſſage, and corner, ſhoulde bee diligently
watched and kept, he ſet at euery doubtfull and ſuſpected place men of
warre, to ſeeke, ſearch, and inquire, if
anye creature coulde tell tydings of the Duke of Buckingham, or of any of
his con|federation, adherentes, fantours or partakers.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
[...]ey Ba| [...]r ſeruant [...] the Duke [...] Bucking|ham betrayed [...]
[...]er.While this buſie ſearche was diligently ap|plyed and put
in execution, Humfrey Banaſter (were it more for feare of lyfe and loſſe of
goodes, or attracted and prouoked by the auaricious de|ſire of the thouſande
poundes) hee bewrayed hys gueſt and maiſter to Iohn Mitton then Sherife of
Shropſhire, which ſodainly with a ſtrong po|wer of men in harneſſe apprehended the Duke in a little groue
adioyning to the manſion of Hum|frey Banaſter, and in greate haſte and euyll
ſpeede, conueyed hym apparayled in a pylled blacke Cloake to the towne of
Shrewſburie, where King Rycharde then kepte hys houſe|holde.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Whether this Banaſter
bewrayed the duke more for feare than couetous, many menne doe doubt: but
ſure it is, that ſhortly after he had be|trayed the Duke his maiſter, his ſonne and heyre waxed mad, and
ſo died in a B [...]
[...]lie, his eldeſt daughter of excellent beautie, was ſodainly ſtry|ken
with a foule leaprie, his ſecond ſonne marue|louſly deformed of his limmes,
and made lame, his yonger ſonne in a ſmall puddle was ſtrangled and drowned,
and he being of extreeme age, ar|raigned, and found guiltie of a murther,
and by his cleargie ſaued. And as for his thouſand pound king Richard gaue
him not one farthing, ſaying that he which would be vntrue to ſo good a
mai|ſter, would be falſe to all other: howbeit ſome ſay that hee had a ſmall
office or a farme to ſtop hys mouth withall. The duke being by certaine of
the kings counſaile diligently vpon interrogatories examined what things hee
knewe preiudiciall to the Kings perſon, opened and declared frankly,
& freely all the coniuration wythout diſſembling or gloſing,
truſting bycauſe hee had trulye and plainely reuealed and confeſſed all
things that were of him requyred, that he ſhould haue licence to ſpeake to
the king, whiche (whether it were to ſue for pardon and grace, or whether
hee beeing brought to hys preſence, woulde haue ſtycked him with a dagger as
men then iudged) hee ſore deſired and required. But when he had confeſſed
the whole fact and conſpiracie, vpon Alſoulne day without arraignment or
iudgement, hee was at Saliſburie in the open market place,The Duke of Buckingham beheaded. on a newe ſcaffold behedded and
put to death.
[figure appears here on page 1403]
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1 This death (as a reward)
the Duke of Buc|kingham receyued at the
hands of king Richard, whom he before in his affayres, purpoſes and
en|terpriſes, had holpen, ſuſteyned and ſet forwarde, aboue all Gods
forbode.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 By this all men may
eaſily perceyue, that hee not onely loſeth both his labor, trauaile, and
in|duſtrie, and further ſteyneth and ſpotteth his line with a perpetuall
ignominie & reproche, which in euill and miſchiefe aſſyſteth and
aydeth an euill diſpoſed perſon, conſidering for the moſte part, that hee
for his friendly fauour ſhoulde receyue ſome great diſpleaſure or
importunate chaunce. Beſide that, God of his iuſtice in concluſion
ap|poynteth to him a condigne paine and affliction for his merits and
deſerts.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Whyle theſe things were
thus handled and ordred in England, Henrie Earle of Richmonde EEBO page image 1304 prepared an army of fiue thouſand manly Bry|tonnes, and
fortie well furniſhed ſhips.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 When all things were
prepared in a readi|neſſe, and the day of departing & ſetting
forwarde was appoynted, whiche was the .xij. day of the Moneth of October,
the whole armie went on ſhipbourd, and halſed vp their ſayles, and wyth a
proſperous wind tooke the ſea: but toward night the wind chaunged, and the
weather turned, and ſo huge and terrible a tempeſt ſo ſodainly aroſe,
that with the verie power and ſtrength
of the ſtorme, the ſhips were diſparcled, ſeuered and ſe|parate a ſunder:
ſome by force were driuen into Normandie, ſome were compelled to returne
a|gaine into Brytaine. The ſhip wherein the erle of Richmond was, aſſociate
onely with one other Barke, was all night toſſed and turmoyled.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 In the morning after,
when the rage of the furious tempeſt was aſſwaged, and the yre of the
bluſtring winde was ſome deale appeaſed, about the houre of noone the ſame day, the Erle appro|ched to
the South part of the realm of England, euen at the mouth of the Hauen of
Pole, in the Countie of Dorcet, where he might plainly per|ceyue all the Sea
bankes and ſhores, garniſhed and furniſhed with men of warre and ſouldiers,
appoynted and deputed there to defende hys arri|ual and landing (as before
is mentioned.) Wher|fore he gaue ſtraight charge, and ſore commaun|demẽt,
that no perſon ſhuld once preſume to take
lande, and goe to the Shore, vntill ſuche tyme as the whole Nauie were
aſſembled and come togither.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 And while hee taryed and
lyngered, hee ſent out a Shipbote towarde the lande ſide, to knowe whether
they which ſtood there in ſuch a number, and ſo well furniſhed in apparell
defenſiue, were his foes and enimies, or elſe his friends and com|forters.
They that were ſent to enquire, were in|ſtantly deſired of the men of warre
keeping the coaſt (which therof were
before inſtructed and ad|moniſhed) to diſcend & take lande,
affirming that they were appointed by the duke of Buckingham there to awayt
and tarie for the arriuall and lan|ding of the Erle of Richmonde, and to
conduct him ſafely into the campe, where the Duke not farre of laye incamped
with a mightie armie, and an hoſt of great ſtrength and power, to the intent
that the Duke and the Earle ioyning in
puiſſaunces and forces togither, might proſecute and chaſe King Richarde
being deſtitute of men. and in maner deſperate, and ſo by that meanes, and
their owne labors, to obteyne the end of their enterprice which they had
before begon.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 The Earle of Richmonde
ſuſpecting theyr flattering requeſt to be but a fraude (as it was in deede)
after hee perceyued none of his ſhippes to appeare in ſight, hee w [...]yed vp his Ancors, hal|ſed vp his Say [...]s, and hauing a pr [...]
[...] ſtreynable winde, and a f [...]he [...] God to delyuer him from that pa [...] and [...]
[...]|die, arriued ſafe and in all [...]c [...] the D [...]|chie of Normandy, where he [...] and ſ [...]ace hys ſouldiers and people, tooke his recration by the ſpace of
three dayes, and clearely determined with part of his companie to paſſe all
by la [...] a|gaine into Brytaine. And in the meane ſeaſon he ſent Ambaſſadors to
the Frenche king, called Charles the eight which newly ſucceeded his fa|ther
king Lewes the eleuenth, not long before de|parted to God, requ [...]ng of him a ſafeconduct & licence to paſſe through his country
of Norman|die into Brytaine.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 The yong King hauing
compaſſion of the miſfortune of the Earle of Richmond, not duely gently
graunted and aſſigned to him a paſport, but alſo liberally diſburſed to him
a great ſumme of money for his conduct and expences neceſſarie in his long
iourney and paſſage. But the Earle truſting in the French kings humanitie,
aduen|tured to ſende his ſhippes home into Brytaine, and to ſet forward
himſelf by land on his iorney, making no great haſt til his meſſengers were
re|turned, which being with that benefit ſo comfor|ted, and with hope of
proſperous ſucceſſe ſo enco|raged, marched towarde Brytayne, wyth all
dyligence entending there to conſult further with his louers and friendes of
his affayres and enterprices.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 When hee was returned
againe into Bry|tayne, hee was certifyed by credible informa|tion that the
Duke of Buckingham had loſte hys heade, and that the Marques Dorcet, and a
greate number of Noble men of Englande, had a lyttle before enquyred and
ſearched for hym there, and were nowe returned to Van|nes.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 When he had heard theſe
newes thus repor|ted, he firſt ſorrowed and lamented his [...] at|tempt and ſetting forwarde of his friendes, and in eſpecial of the
Nobilitie, not to haue more for|tunately ſucceeded. Secondarily, he re [...]ed on the other part, that God had ſent him [...] manye valiant and prudent Captaynes to bee [...] com|paniõs in his martiall enterpriſes, truſting ſure|lye and
nothing doubting in his owne opini|on, but that all his buſineſſe ſhoulde
hee wiſely compaſſed, and brought to a good concluſion. Wherefore he
determining with all diligence to ſet forwarde his new begon buſineſſe,
departed to Renes, and ſent certain of his priuie ſeruitors to conduct and
bring the Marques and other noble men to his preſence.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 When they knew that hee
was ſafe returned into Brytayne, Lorde howe they reioyced, for before that
tyme they myſſed him, and knewe EEBO page image 1405 not in what part of the
world to make inquirie or ſearch for him.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 For they doubted and no
leſſe feared leaſt he had taken lande in Englande, and fallen in the handes
of King Richarde, in whoſe perſon they knew well was neyther mercie nor
compaſſion. Wherefore in all ſpeedie maner they galoped to|ward him,
& him reuerendly ſaluted, which mee|ting after great ioy and ſolace,
and no ſmal than|kes giuen and rendred on both partes, they adui|ſedly
debated and commoned of their great
buſi|neſſe and weightie enterpriſe, in the which ſeaſon the feaſt of the
Natiuitie of our Sauiour Chriſt happened, on which day all the Engliſh
Lordes went with their ſolemnitie to the chiefe Churche of the Citie, and
there eche gaue fayth and pro|miſe to other.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 The Erle himſelfe firſt
tooke a corporall othe on his honour, promiſing that incontinent after he
ſhoulde be poſſeſſed of the Crowne and digni|tie of the Realme of Englande, be would be con|ioyned in
matrimonie with the Ladie Elizabeth daughter to king Edwarde the fourth.
Then all the companie ſware to him fealtie, and did to him homage as though
he had beene that tyme the crowned king, and annoynted Prince, promiſing
faythfully, and firmly aſſuring, that they would not onely leaſe theyr
worldly ſubſtaunce, but al|ſo be deprited of their lyues and worldly
felicitie, rather than to ſuffer king Richarde that tyraunt longer to rule and raigne ouer them. Which
ſo|lemne othes made and taken, the Earle of Rich|monde declared and
communicated all theſe do|ings to Fraunces Duke of Brytayne, deſyring and
moſt heartily requiring him to ayd him with a greater armie to conduct him
into his Coun|trey, whiche ſo ſore longed and looked for his re|turne, and
to the which he was by the more part of the nobilitie and comunaltie called
and deſired, (which with Gods ayde, and the Dukes com|fort) he doubted not in ſhort time to obtaine,
re|quiring him farther to preſt to him a conuenient ſum of mony, affyrming
that all ſuch ſummes of money whiche hee had receyued of his eſpeciall
friends, were ſpent and conſumed in preparation of his laſte iourney made
towarde Englande, which ſummes of money after his enterpriſe once atchieued,
he in the worde of a Prince, faythful|ly promiſed to repay and reſtore
againe. The Duke promiſed hym ayde and helpe, vpon con|fidence whereof hee rigged his ſhippes, and ſette foorth
hys Nauye well decked with ordinance, and warlikely furniſhed wyth all
things neceſ|ſarie, to the intent to ſaile forward ſhortly, and to loſe no
time.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 In the meane ſeaſon, king
Richard apprehen|ded in diuerſe partes of the realme certain gentle|men of
the Erle of Richmonds faction, and con|federation, whiche eyther intended to
ſayle into Brytayne towarde him, or elſe at his landing to aſſyſt and ayde
him. Amongſt whom ſir George Browne, ſir Roger Clifforde, and foure other
were put to execution at London, and ſir Tho|mas Senetliger which had maried
the Duches of Exceter the kings owne ſiſter, & Thomas Ram, and
dyuerſe other were executed at Exeter. Be|ſide theſe perſons, diuerſe of his
houſhold ſeruants whõ either he ſuſpected, or doubted, were by great
crueltie put to ſhamefull death.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 After this, he called a
Parliament,The Erle of Richemond attaynted in
Parlament. in the which he attaynted the Erle of Richmond and all
other perſons which were fled out of the realme for feare, or any other
cauſe, as enimies to him, and to their naturall Countrey, and all their
landes, goods, and poſſeſſions, were confiſcate and ſeaſed to the kings vſe.
And yet not content with thys pray, whiche no doubt was of no ſmall valour
and moment, hee layde on the peoples neckes a great tax and tallage, and
ſurely neceſſitie to that acte in maner him compelled. For what wyth purging
and declaring his innocencie concerning the murther of his Nephewes toward
the world, and what with coſt to obteyne the loue and fa|uour of the
comunaltie (which outwardly gloſed, and openly diſſembled with him) he gaue
prodi|gally ſo many & ſo great rewards, that now both he lacked,
& ſcarce wiſt honeſtly how to borow.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 In this troublous ſeaſon,
nothing was more maruelled at, thã that the Lord Stanley had not bene
taken, and reputed as an enimie to the King, conſidering the working of the
La|die Margaret his wife, mother to the Earle of Richmond: but foraſmuch as
the enterpriſe of a woman was of him reputed of no regard or eſti|mation,
and that the Lord Thomas hir huſband had purged himſelf ſufficiently to be
innocent of all doings and attempts by hir perpetrated & cõ|mitted,
it was giuen him in charge to kepe hir in ſome ſecrete place at home,
without hauing any ſeruant or companie, ſo that from thenceforth ſhe ſhuld
neuer ſend letter or meſſenger vnto hir ſon, nor any of his friends or
cõfederates, by the which the king might be moleſted or troubled, or anye
hurt or preiudice might bee attempted agaynſte his realme and comunaltie.
Which commaun|demẽt was a while put in execution and accom|pliſhed
according to his dreadfull commaunde|ment. Yet the wilde worme of vengeance
wa|uering in his heade, coulde not bee content wyth the death of dyuerſe
gentlemen ſuſpected of trea|ſon, but alſo he muſt extende his blondy furie
a|gaynſt a poore gentlemã called Collingborne, for making a ſmall rime of
three of his vnfortunate counſaylers, which were the Lord Louell, ſir
Ri|chard Ratcliffe his miſchieuous Minion, and ſir Williã Cateſby his
ſecrete ſeducer, which meetre EEBO page image 1406 or ryme was thus.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
The Cat, the Rat, and Louell our Dogge,
Rule all England vnder an Hogge.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Meaning by the hog, the
dreadful wild Bore, which was the kings cogniſance, but bycauſe the firſt
line ended in dogge, the Metrician could not obſeruing the regiments of
metre, end the ſeconde verſe in Bore, but called the Bore an hog. This
Poetical ſcholemaiſter corrector of Breeues and Longs,Collingburne executed. cauſed Collingborne to bee abbreuiate
ſhorter by the head, and to be deuided
into foure quarters.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2
Collingborns inditementHere is to be noted, that
beſide the rime which is reported by ſome to be the only cauſe for which
this gentleman ſuffred, I finde in a regyſter booke of Inditements
concerning felonyes and treaſons by ſundrie perſons committed, that the
ſayde Collingborne by the name of Wil|lyam Collyngborne late of Lidyarde in
the Countie of Wilkſhire eſquier and other his aſſo|ciates were indited in London for that that they about the tenth
day of Iulie, in this ſecond yeare of King Richardes raigne in the Pariſhe
of Saint Botulphes in Portſoken warde had ſoli|cited and requeſted one
Thomas Yate, offring to him for his paynes eyght pounde, to goe ouer into
Brytayne vnto Henrie Erle of Richmond, Thomas Marques Dorſet, Iohn Cheyney
Eſ|quier, and others (whiche in the laſt Parliament holden at Weſtminſter
had beene attainted of ſundrie high
treaſons by them practiſed wythin the kings dominion) to declare vnto them
that they ſhoulde doe verie well to returne into Eng|lande with all ſuch
power as they might get be|fore the feaſt of Saint Luke the Euangeliſt next
enſuing, for ſo they might receyue all the whole reuenues of the realme due
at the feaſt of Saint Michaell nexte before the ſayde feaſt of Saint Luke,
and that if that ſayde Earle of Richmonde and his partakers, following the
counſaile of the ſayde Collingborne, would
arriue at the hauen of Pole in Dorcetſhire, he the ſayd Collingborne and
other his aſſociates, woulde cauſe the people to riſe in armes, and to leuie
warre agaynſt king Richarde, taking part wyth the ſayde Earle and his
friendes, ſo that all things ſhoulde be at theyr commaundements.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 Moreouer, to moue the
ſayde Earle to ſende the ſayde Iohn Cheyney vnto the French King, to
aduertiſe him that his Ambaſſadours ſent in|to England ſhould be dallyed with, only to driue of the time
till the winter ſeaſon were paſt, and that then in the beginning of Sommer
king Ri|charde ment to make warre into Fraunce inua|ding that realme with
all his puiſſance, and ſo by this meanes to perſwade the French king to ayd
the Erle of Richmonde & his partakers in their quarell againſt king
Richard. Further that the ſayd William Collingborne beeing confederate with
the ſayd Erle & other his adherents, aſwell within the Realme as
without, the .xviij. day of Iu [...], in the ſaid ſecond yeare, within the Pariſhe of S. Gregories in
Faringdon ward within, had deuiſed certaine bylles and wrytings in tyme, is
the ende that the ſame beeing publiſhed, myghte ſtirre the people to a
commotion againſt the king and thoſe billes and writings in rime ſo deuiſes
& written, the ſame Collingborne the day and yere laſt mentioned,
had faſtened and ſet vppon dy|uerſe dooers of the Cathedrall Church of Saint
Paule, for the more ſpeedie furthering of hys intended purpoſe. Thus farre
the Inditement. But whether he was guiltie in part or in all, I haue not to
ſay.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 King Richard being thus
diſquieted in [...], and doubtfull for the ſuretie of his owne eſtate, called to
remembraunce that confederations, ho|neſt bandes, and pactes of amitie
concluded and had betwixt Princes and gouernours, are the ef|ficient cauſe
that Realmes and common weal|thes are ſtrengthned with double power, that is
with ayde of friendes abroade, and their owne forces at home. Wherevpon he
deuiſed howe to conclude a league and amitie with his neigh|bour the King of
Scottes, who not long before had made diuerſe incurſions and roades into the
Realme of Englande. And although he had not much gotten, yet verily hee loſt
not much, and nowe euen as King Richard could haue wiſhed he of himſelfe
made ſuyte for peace or truce to be bad betwixt him and king Richarde, who
wyl|lingly giuing eare to that ſuyte, Commiſſioners were appoynted to meet
aboute the treatie there|of,Pag. 404 405 as in the
Hiſtorie of Scotlande it maye ap|peare, at length agreed vpon a truce for
three yeares,a truce betwixt England and Scotland.
and withall for a further encreaſe of fyrme frindſhippe and ſure amitie
(betwixt hym and the King of Scottes) King Richarde en|tered into a treatie
alſo of alliaunce for the con|cluding of a maryage betwyxt the Duke of
Rotheſay, eldeſt ſonne to the King of Scottes, and the Ladie Anne de la
Poole daughter to Iohn Duke of Suffolke and the Duches Anne, Siſter to King
Richarde, whiche Siſter hee ſo muche fauoured, that ſtudying by all wayes
and meanes poſſible howe to aduaunce hir lynage, hee did not onely thus
ſeeke to preferre hir daughter in maryage, but alſo after the death of hys
ſonne, hee proclaymed Iohn Earle of Lyncolne hir ſonne and hys Ne|phewe,
heyre apparant to the Crowne of Eng|lande, diſinheriting King Edwards
daughters, whoſe brethren (as yee haue heard) hee moſte wickedly had cauſed
to be murthered and made away.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 The King of Scottes
ſtanding in neede of EEBO page image 1407 friendes, althoughe not ſo greatlye
as King Richarde did willyngly conſent to that motion of maryage, fyrſt
droched by King Richarde, in ſomuche that it tooke effect,A marriage [...]cluded be|twixt the [...]ce of Roth [...] and Duke [...]ffolkes king [...]. and by Commiſſi|oners was paſſed and concluded, in maner
as in the Hyſtorie of Scotlande it likewyſe appea|reth.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 But albeit that by this
league and amitie thus couenanted and concluded, it mighte bee thought, that
all conſpiracies, coniurations, and
confederacies agaynſt King Richarde had beene extinct, eſpecially
conſidering the Duke of Buc|kingham and his allyes were diſpatched oute of
the way, ſome by death, and ſome by flight and baniſhment into farre
Countreys, yet King Ri|charde more doubting than truſting to his owne people
and friendes, was continually vexed and troubled in mynde for feare of the
Earle of Richmondes returne, which dayly dreade and hourely agonie, cauſed
him to liue in dolefull miſerie, euer
vnquiet, and in maner in conti|nuall calamitie.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Wherefore he intending to
be relieued and to haue an ende of all his doubtfull daungers, de|termined
clearely to extyrpate and plucke vp by the rootes all the matter and grounde
of his feare and doubtes.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Wherefore after long and
deliberate con|ſultation had, nothing was for his purpoſe and intent thought
eyther more neceſſarie or ex|pedient than
once againe with price, prayer, and rewardes, to attempt the Duke of
Brytayne, in whoſe territorie the Earle of Richmonde then abode, to delyuer
the ſayde Earle into his hands, by which onely meanes he ſhoulde be
diſcharged of all feare of perill, and brought to reſt and qui|etneſſe both
of bodie and mynde. Wherefore in|continent he ſent certayne Ambaſſadours to
the Duke of Brytayne, whiche tooke vpon them, (beſyde the greate and ample
rewardes that they brought wyth them into
Brytaynt) that king Richarde ſhoulde yearely pay and aunſwere the Duke of
all the reuenues rentes, and profites of the ſeigniories, landes, and
poſſeſſions, as well belonging and apperteyning to the Earle of Richmonde,
as to any other Noble or Gentle|man, which then were in the Earles companie,
if hee after that tyme woulde keepe them in con|tinuall Pryſon, and
reſtrayne them from ly|bertie.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 The Ambaſſadors furniſhed
with theſe and other inſtructions, arryued in Brytain, and came to the Dukes
houſe, where with him they coulde haue no matter of communication concernyng
their weightie affayres, by reaſon that hee beeyng faint and weakned by a
long and dayly infirmi|tie, began a little ſo war ydle and weake in hys wit
and remembrance. For whiche cauſe Peter Lan [...]yle his chiefe Treaſorer, a man [...]oth of pregnant wit and great authority, ruled and ad|iudged all
things at his pleaſure and commaun|dement, for which cauſe (as men ſet into
autho|rity bee not beſt beloued) he excited & prouoked a|gaynſt him
the malice and euill will of the nobi|litie of Brytaine, which afterward for
diuers great offences by him duryng his authoritie perpetrate committed, by
their meanes was brought to death and confuſion.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 The Engliſh Ambaſſadors
moued their meſ|ſage and requeſt to Peter Landoyſe,Peter
Landol [...]
and to him declared their maiſters commaũdement, inſtant|ly
requiring, and humbly deſiring him (in whoſe power it lay to do all things
in Brytayn) that he woulde friendly aſſent to the requeſt of King Richarde,
offring to hym the ſame rewardes and landes, that they ſhoulde haue offred
to the Duke.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 This Peter whiche was no
leſſe diſdeyned than hated almoſt of all the people of Brytayne, thought
that if he did aſſ [...] and ſa [...]ſfie king Ri|chardes petition and deſire, he ſhould be of power and
abilitie ſufficiently to withſtande and re [...]e [...] the malicious attempts and diſdainfull inuenti|ons of his enuious
aduerſaries. Wherefore hee faithfully promiſed to accompliſh king Richards
requeſt and deſire, ſo that he kept promiſe wyth him, that he might be able
to withſtand the can|kerd malier of his ſecrete enimies.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 This act that he promiſed
to doe, was not for any grudge or malice that he bare to the Erle of
Richmond: for (as you haue heard before) he deli|uered him from the perill
of death at S. Malos, when he was in great doubt of life, and ieopardy [...] but as cauſe riſeth we euer offende, and that cur|ſed hunger of
golde, and execrable thyrſt of lucre, and inwarde feare of loſſe of
authoritie, driueth the blinde mindes of couetous men, and ambiti|ous
perſons to euilles and myſchiefes innume|rable, not remembring loſſe of
name, obloquie of the people, nor in concluſion the puniſhment of God for
their merites and deſerts.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 But fortune was ſo
fauourable to the pub|lique wealth of the Realme of Englande, that this
deadly and dolorous compact tooke none ef|fect or place) For while Poſtes
ranne, and let|ters were ſent to and fro for the finiſhing of this greate
enterpryce betweene King Richarde and Peter Landoyſe, Iohn Morton Biſhop of
Ely ſoiourning then in Flaunders, was of all this craftie conueyaunce
certifyed by hys ſecrete and ſure friendes: Wherefore hee ſent Chriſtopher
Vrſwike (whiche at that verie ſea|ſon was come out of Brytayne into
Flaunders) to declare to the Earle of Richmonde howe all the deceyte and
craftie working was conueyed and compaſſed, giuing him in charge to
coun|ſayle EEBO page image 1408 and aduiſe the Earle in all haſte poſſible
with all his companie to retire out of Brytayne into Fraunce.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 When theſe newes were
brought to the erle, he then kept houſe in Vannes, and incontinent
diſpatched again Chriſtofer Vrſwike, to Charles the French king, requiring
him that hee and his, might ſafely paſſe into Fraunce, which deſyre be|ing
obteyned, the meſſenger ſhortly returned to his Lorde and Prince. The Erle
well percey|uing that it was expedient and
neceſſarie, wyth all ſpeede and diligence, to looke to this weighty matter,
calling verie fewe to counſaile, hee made inquirie and ſearche of all
ſecrete and bywayes, and ſent before all his noble men, as though for a
certaine familiaritie and kindneſſe they ſhoulde viſite and comfort the
Duke, which then for re|creation and chaunge of ayre, lay on the borders and
confines of Fraunce. And ſecretely hee gaue charge to the Earle of Pembroke
whiche was the leader and conductor of his
companie, that when they approched the Marches and limittes of Brytayne,
they ſhoulde diuert and take the next way into Fraunce.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 The noble menne ſomewhat
ſuſpitions of things newly imagined, withoute any tarying, ſkouring the
wayes as faſt as theyr horſes could runne, came out of the Duchie of
Brytayne, in|to ye Duchy of Aniou in the dominion of France, where they
taryed the Earles comming, which two dayes
after departed out of Vannes, onely accompanied with fiue ſeruitours, as
though hee had gone ſecretly to viſite a familiar friend of his, in a ſmall
village adioyning. No man ſuſpec|ted that he would depart, conſidering that
a great multitude of Engliſhe men were left and conti|nued in the Citie, but
after that he had paſſed di|rectly fiue miles forwarde, he ſodainly turned
in|to a ſolitarie woodde next adioyning, where clo|thing himſelfe in the
ſimple coate of his poore ſer|uant, made
and appoynted his ſayd miniſter, lea|der and maiſter of his ſmall companie,
and he as humble page diligently followeth and ſerueth his counterfeyte
gouernour, neyther reſting nor themſelues refreſhing, except the bayting of
their horſes, tyll they by wayes vnknowne, now thys way, now turning that
way, came to their com|panie, abiding them in Angiers.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 The fourth day after the
Erle of Richmonde was thus departed, that craftie marchant Peter Landoyſe, thruſting ſtill after his pray, promiſed
by king Richarde, was readie to ſet forward hys crew of ſouldiors, which he
priuily had conſigned with certaine truſtie captaines for that only pur|poſe
appoynted and elected, to performe and at|chieue his pretenſed enterpriſe,
diſſembling and feyning them to be conducted and hyred by hym to ſerue the
Earle of Richmonde, and hym to conduct in hys returne towarde his natiue
coun|trey, meaning none other thing but to ap|prehende him, and the other
noble men in hys con|tinue, which no ſuche fraude ſuſpected, nor [...] any treaſon ymagined, vnware and vnproui|ded, and deſtitute of al
ayde, and them to caſt and commit ſodainly into continuall captiuitie and
bondage, to the intent that by this his wretched & naughtie acte, he
myght ſatiſfie the charitable re|queſt, and louing deſire of good king
Richarde, more for his owne profite than king Richardes gaine.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 But when this craftie
diſſembler Peter Lan|doyſe, which was no wilier than an olde Foxe, perceyued
that the Earle was departed, (thin|king that to bee true that he ymagined)
Lorde howe currours ranne into euery coaſt, how light horſemen galloped in
euery ſtreete, to follow and deteyne him, if by any poſſibilitie he could be
met with and ouertaken, and him to apprehende and bring captiue into the
Citie of Vannes. The horſemen made ſuche diligence, and with ſuche celeritie
ſet forwarde theyr iourney, that nothing was more likely than they to haue
obteyned, yea and ſeaſed theyr pray. For the Earle of Rich|monde was not
entered into the Realme of Fraunce, ſcarce one houre, but the folowers came
to the limits and confines of Brytaine, and durſt aduenture no further, but
vainly without their deſire ſorrowfully returned.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 At which ſeaſon were left
at Vannes aboute the number of three C. Engliſh men, which not being called
to counſaile, & vnware of this enter|priſe, but knowing of the
Earles ſodaine depar|ture, were ſo incontinently aſtonied, that in ma|ner
they were al in diſpayre both of him and their owne ſuretie and ſauegarde.
But fortune tur|ned hir ſaile, and otherwiſe it happened than their feare
them encombred. For the Duke of Bry|tayne nowe being ſomewhat recouered, was
ſore diſpleaſed, and nothing contented that the Earle of Richmond was in his
dominion ſo vncourte|ouſly tracted and entreated, that he ſhoulde be by
fraud and vntruth compelled to leaue and flie out of his Duchie and
Countrey, contrary to his ho|nour. Wherefore he tooke great diſpleaſure with
Peter Landoyſe his Treaſorer, to whome (al|though he knew not and was
ignoraunt that all the drift was driuen and deuiſed by him) he layde the
fault and imputed the crime. Wherefore he ſent for Edward Wooduile, and
Edwarde Po|nings valiaunt Eſquiers of Englande, and dely|uered vnto them
money ſufficient for theyr con|duct, willing them to cõuey the reſt of the
Eng|liſh men being in Brytaine, to the Erle of Rich|monds preſence.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 When the Erle was thus furnished, and appoynted with his trustie
companie, & was escaped all
EEBO page image 1409 all the daungers, Labirinthes, and snares that were set
for him, no maruayle though hee were iocund and glad of the prosperous
successe that happened in his affayres. Wherefore, least hee should seeme to
be blotted with the note of ingratitude, hee sent diuers of his Gentlemen to
the Duke of Britayne, the which should publish and declare to him on the
behalfe of the Earle, that he and his, were onelye by his benefite and
fauour conserued and deliuered from the imminent dau(n)ger that they were lyke to be trapped in. Wherefore at that
time he rendred to him his most hartie thankes in wordes, trusting and not
doubting but in time to come liberally to recompence him with actes and
deedes.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 After this the Earle tooke his iourney to Charles the French
king, lying then at Langes vpon the ryuer of Leyre, to whom after greate
thankes giuen for manifolde pleasures by him to the Earle shewed, he
disclosed and manifested the cause and
occasion of his accesse and repayre to his person.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 After that, he required
of him helpe and ſucces, to the intent that by his immortall benefit to him
at that time ſhewed, hee might ſafely returne in the nobilitie of his realm,
of whõ he was general|ly called to take vpon him the crowne and ſ [...]p|ter of the Realme, they much hated and abho [...] the tyrannie of king Richarde. King Charles promiſed him ayde and
comfort and haue him [...]
of good courage, and make good cheere, for
he aſ|ſured him that he would gladly ſhew to [...]are hys beneuolent minde & bountifull liberalitie. Which king
from thence remoued to Mounta [...]gis, lea|ding with him the Erle of Richmond, and all the noble
perſonages of his retinne and faction.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 While the Earle was thus
attendant in the French court, Iohn Vere Erle of Oxforde which as you haue
heard before was by king Edward kept in priſon within the Caſtell of Hammes)
ſo perſwaded Iames Blunte Captaine of the
ſame Fortreſſe, and ſir Iohn Forteſcew Porter of the towne of Calays, that
he himſelfe was not one|ly diſmiſſed and ſet at libertie, but they alſo
aban|doning and leauing theyr fruitful offices, condiſ|cended to go with him
into Fraunce to the Earle of Richmonde, and to take his part. But Iames
Blunt, like a wiſe captain bicauſe he left his wife remayning in the Caſtell
before his departure, he fortified the ſame both with new munitions and
newe Souldiours.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 When the Erle of
Richmonde ſaw the Earle of Oxforde, hee was rauiſhed with an incredible
gladneſſe, that he being a man of ſo high nobility, at ſuch knowledge
& practiſes in feates of warre, and ſo conſtant, truſtie and aſſured
(which alway had ſtudied for the maintenance and preferment of the houſe of
Lancaſter) was nowe by Gods prouiſion deliuered out of captiuitie and
impri|ſonment, and in time ſo neceſſarie and conueni|ent [...]ome to his ayde, ſuccour and aduancement, in whom more ſince than any
other he might put his truſt and confidence, and take leſſe paine and
trauaile in his owne perſon. For it was not hyd from him, that ſuche as euer
had taken parte with King Edwarde before thys tyme, came to [...] ſeruice, eyther for malice that they bare to King Richarde, or elſe
for feare to liue vn|der hys [...]ell rull and [...]rannous gouernance.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Not long after the French
King returned a|gaine to Paris, whom the Earle of Richmond followed, [...]ding there to ſolicite his matter to the concluſion. Wherevpon hee
beſought King Charles to take vpon him the whole tuition and de [...]
[...] him and his cauſe, ſo that hee and hys comp [...]
[...] by his meanes ayded and com|forted, ſhoulde confeſſe and ſaye, theyr
wealth, victorie and aduancement to haue flowed & bud|ded forth of
his bountifulneſſe & liberalitie, which they would God willing
ſhortly re [...]ite.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 In the meane ſeaſon
diuerſe Engliſh men which eith [...] fled out of Englãd for feare, or were at Paris to learne and ſtudie
good literature and betweene doctrine, [...] voluntarily and ſubmit|ted themſelues to the erle of Richmonde,
& vowed and ſware to take his [...]. Amongſt whom was Richard For a prieſt [...] of great wit and no leſſe learning, whom the Earle [...] recei|ued into ſecret familiaritie, and in bri [...] time e|rected and aduaunced him to high dignities and promotions, and
in concluſion he made hide Bi|ſhop of Wincheſter.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 In the meane ſeaſon, king
Richarde was cre|dibly aduertiſed, what promiſes and othes the Erle and his
confederates had made and ſworne togither at Reunes, & how by the
Erles meanes all the Engliſh men were paſſed out of Brytain into France.
Wherefore being ſore diſmayd, and in a maner diſperate, bicauſe his craftie
chieuance tooke none effect in Brytayne, ymagined and de|uiſed how to
infringe and diſturbe the Erles pur|poſe by another meane, ſo that by the
mariage of Ladie Elizabeth his Neece, he ſhould pretend no clayme nor tytle
to the crowne. For he thought if that mariage fayled, the Erles chiefe combe
had bene clearly cut. And bycauſe that he being blin|ded with the ambitious
deſire of rule before thys tyme in obteyning the kingdome, had commyt|ted
and done manye cu [...]fed actes, and deteſtable ty [...]ies, yet according to the o [...]. Prouerbe, let him take the Bull that ſtale a way the Calfe, he
thought all factes by him committed in times paſſed to be but of ſmall
moment and not to bee regarded in compariſon of that miſchieuous
ima|gination, which he now newly began & attẽpted.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 There came into his
vngracious mind a thing EEBO page image 1410 not onely beteſtable to be
ſpoken of in the remem|brance of man but much more cruell and abho|minable
to be put in execution. For when he re|uolued in his wauering mind, how
greate foun|taine of miſchiefe towarde him ſhoulde ſpring, if the Earle of
Richmonde ſhoulde bee aduaunced to the mariage of his nere, which thing he
heard ſay by the rumour of the people, that no ſmall number of wiſe and
wit [...] perſonages [...]
[...]ry|ſed to compaſſe and bringed to concluſi [...], he there|ly determined to
reconcile to his fauour his bro|thers wife Queene Elizabeth, eyther by fayre
wordes, or liberall promiſes, firmely beleeuing hir fauour once obteynes,
that ſhee woulde not ſticke ſo commit (and louingly credite) to hym the rule
and gouernance both of hir & hir daugh|ter,A
ſubtil and lewde practiſe of king Ri|chard. and ſo by that mennes
the Erle of Richmõd of the affinitie of his Nece, ſhoulde be vtterly
de|frauded and beguiled.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 And if no ingenerous
remedie could bee other|wiſe inuented, to
ſaue the innumerable miſchiefs which were euen at hande, and like to fall,
if it ſhoulde happen Queene Anne his wife to depart out of this preſent
life, then hee himſelfe woulde rather take to wife his couſin and Nece the
La|die Elizabeth, than for lacke of that aff [...]e the whole Realme ſhoulde runne to ruine, a [...] who ſayde, that if he once fell from his eſtate and dig|nitie, the
ruine of the Realme muſt needes ſhort|ly enſue and follow. Wherefore hee
ſent to the Queene being in Sanctuarie,
dyuerſe and often meſſengers, which firſt ſhoulde excuſe and purge him of
all things before agaynſt hir attempted or procured, and after ſhoulde ſo
largely promiſe promotions innumerable, and benefites, not onelye to hir,
but alſo to hir ſonne Lorde Tho|mas Marques Dorcet, that they ſhoulde bring
hir, if it were poſſible into ſome wanhope, or as men ſay, into a fooles
Paradiſe.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 The Meſſengers being men
both of wit and grauitie, ſo perſwaded the
Queene with greate and pregnant reaſons, what with fayre & large
promiſes, that ſhe began ſomewhat to relent, and to giue to them no deafe
eare, inſomuch that ſhee faythfully promiſed to ſubmitte and yeelde
hir|ſelfe fullye and frankely to the Kings will and pleaſure.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 And ſo ſhe putting in
obliuion the murther of hir innocent children, the infamie and diſhonor
ſpoken by the king hir huſband, the lyuing in ad|nontrie layde to hir charge, the baſtarding of hir daughters,
forgetting alſo the faythfull promiſe and open othe made to the Counteſſe of
Rich|monde mother to the Earle Henrie, blynded by auaricious affection, and
ſeduced by flattering words,The [...] con|ſtauncie of Queene Eliza|beth. firſt deliuered into
King Richards hands hir fiue daughters, as Lambes once againe com|mitted to
the cuſtodie of the rauenous Woolfe.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 After she sent letters to the Marques hir sonne being then at
Paris with the Erle of Richmond, willing him in any wyse to leaue the Earle,
and without delay to repayre into Englande, where for him were prouided
great honours, and honourable promotions, ascerteyning him further, that all
offences on both parties were forgotten and forgyuen, and both he and shee
highly incorporated in the Kings heart. Surely the inconstancie of this
woman were muche to bee marueyled at, if all women had beene founde
constant, but let men speak, yet women of the very bond of nature will
follow their owne kinde.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 After that king Richarde had thus with glorious promises and
flattering wordes, pleased and appeased the mutable mynde of Queene
Elizabeth, which knewe nothing lesse than that hee most intended, he caused
all his brothers daughters to be conueyed into hys Palayce wyth solemne
receyuing, as though with his nowe familiar and louing interteynment they
shoulde forget, and in theyr myndes blotte oute the olde committed iniurie,
and late executed tyrannie. Nowe nothing was contrariant and obstacle to his
deuilishe purpose, but that his mancion was not voyde of his wife, whiche
thing hee in anye wise adiudged necessarie to be done. But there was one
thing that so muche feared and stayed him from committing thys abominable
murther, bycause (as you haue heard before) hee beganne to counterfeyte the
Image of a good and well disposed person, and therefore hee was afearde
least the sodaine death of his wyfe once openly knowne, he shoulde lease the
good and credible opinion which the people had of him, without desert,
conceyued and reported.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 But in concluſion, euill
Counſayle preuay|led in a wytte lately mynded to myſchiefe, and turned from
all goodneſſe. So that hys bu [...]ea|cious deſire ouercame hys honeſt feare, And fyrſt to enter into the
gates of hys imagined en|terprice, he abſteyned doth from the be [...] and com|panie of his wife.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 After he complayned to
diuerſe noblemen of the realme, of the infortunate ſterilitie and
harmo|neſſe of his wife, bycauſe ſhee brought forth no fruite and generation
of hir bodie. And in eſpeci|all he recounted to Thomas Rotheram Archbi|ſhop
of Yorke (whome lately hee had delyuered out of warde and captiuitie) theſe
impe [...]mentes of his Queene and diuerſe other, thinking that he woulde
reueale to hir all theſe things, truſhing the ſequele hereof to take hys
effect, that ſhee hearing this grudge of hir huſband, and taking therefore
an inward thought, would not long liue in this world.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Of this the Biſhop
gathered (whiche well knewe the complexion and vſage of the King) EEBO page image 1411 that the Queenes dayes where ſhort, and that he declared
to certaine of his ſecret friendes.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
[...] ſpred [...]e a the [...]es deathAfter this be procured a common rumor, but he would
not haue the authour knowne, to bee publiſhed and ſpred abroade a [...]ng the common people, that the Queene was deade, to the [...]ent that ſhee taking ſome conceyte of this ſtraunge fame, ſhoulde fall
into ſome ſodaine ſickneſſe or grieuous maladie, and to proue if afterward
ſhee ſhoulde fortune by that or anye other wayes to leaſe hir life, whether the people would impute hir death
to the thought or ſickneſſe, or thereof would lay the blame to him.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 When the Queene heard
tell that ſo horrible a rumor of hir death was ſprung amongeſt the
comunaltie, ſhe ſore ſuſpected & iudged the wor [...] to be almoſt at an ende with hir, and in that ſo|rowful agonie, ſhe
with lamentable countenance and ſorrowfull cheare, repayred to the preſence
of the king hir huſband, demaunding of him, what it ſhoulde meane that hee had iudged hir worthes to die.
The king anſwered hir with fayre words, and with ſmiling and flattering
leaſings com|forted hir, and bidde hir bee of good cheare, for to his
knowledge ſhe ſhould haue none other cauſe: But howſoeuer that it fortuned,
either by inward though and penſiueneſſe of heart, or by infection of poyſon
(which is affyrmed to bee moſt likely) within few dayes after the Queene
departed and of this tranſitorie life,
[...]e Queene [...]e [...] King [...] the [...] ſodainely [...]
and was with due ſolem|nitie
buried in the Church of S. Peter at Weſt|minſter.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 This is the ſame Anne,
one of the daughters of the Earle of Warwicke, which (as you ha [...] heard before) at the requeſt of Lewes the French king, was maried to
Prince Edwarde, ſonne to king Henrie the ſixth.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 The king thus (according
to his long deſire) loſed out of the bandes of matrimonie, began to caſt a
fooliſh fantaſie to Ladie Elizabeth his nece, making much ſuyte to to haue hir ioyned wyth him in
lawfull matrimonie. But bycauſe al men and the mayden hirſelfe moſt of all,
deteſted and abhorred, this vnlawfull, and in maner vnnatu|rall copulation,
hee determined to prolong and deferre ye matter, till he were in a more
quietnes. For all that verie ſeaſon he was oppreſſed wyth great, we [...]ightie, and vbrgene cauſes, and buſineſ|ſes on euerie ſide,
conſidering that dayly par [...] of the Nobilitie myled into Fraunce
to the Earle of Richmond: Other priuily fauoured and arden certaine of the
coniuration, ſo that of hys ſhorte ende, fewe or none were in doubt. And the
com|mon people for the moſte part were brought to ſuch deſperation, that
many of them had rather be reputed and taken of him in the number of hys
enimies, than to abyde the chaunce and hazarde to haue theyr goodes taken as
a ſpoyle of victo|rie by his enimies.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Amongſt the noble men
whom he moſt miſ|truſted thoſe were the principall, Thomas lord Stanley, ſir
William Stanley his brother, Gil|bert Talbot, was [...] hundred other, of whoſe pur|poſes although king Richard wer not
ignorant, yet he gaue neyther conference nor credence to a|nye one of them,
and leaſt of all to the Lorde Stanley, bycauſe hee was ioyned in matrimonie
with the Ladie Margaret, mother to the Earle of Richmonde, as afterwarde
apparantly yee may perceyue. For when the ſayde Lord Stan|ley woulde haue
departed into his Countrey to viſite his familie, and to recreate and
refreſh his ſpirites (as he openly ſayde) but the truth was, to the intent
to be in a perfite readineſſe to receyue the Earle of Richmond at his firſt
arriuall in Englande: the king in no wiſe woulde ſuffer him to depart,
before he had left as an hoſtage in the Court, George Stanley Lorde
Straunge, his firſt begotten ſonne and heyre.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 While king Richard was
thus troubled and vexed with imaginations of the troublous tyme that was
like to come: Lo euen ſodenly he heard newes that ſite was ſpring oute, of
the ſmoke, and the warre freſhly begonne, and that the Ca|ſtell of Hermines
was deliuered into the handes of the Earle of Richmonde, by the meanes of
the Earle of Oxford, and that not onely he, but alſo Iames Blunt Captaine of
the Caſtell, were [...] into Fraunce to ayde the Earle Henrie. Where|fore he thinking it
great policie to withſtande the fleſhbrunt, ſent the moſt part of the
garniſon of Calais, to recouer againe by force the Caſtell of Hammes. They
which were in the Caſtel per|ceyuing theyr aduerſaries to approche, prepares
munitions and Engines for theyr defence, and ſent alſo to the Earle of
Richmonde, to aduertiſe him of their ſodaine inuaſion, requiring him of
haſtie ayde and ſpeedie factor.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 The Eaſt ſleeping not
this firſt begonne aſ|ſault, ſent the Earle of Oxforde, wyth an elec|ted
companie of Souldiours to rayſe the ſiege, and reſh [...] the Caſtell: whiche at theyr fyrſts arriuing, [...]hed their campe not farre from there enimies.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 And while king Rychardes
men gaue [...]g [...]|lant eye, wayting leaſt the Earle of Oxford ſhoulde take any
aduauntage of them that laye on that ſyde of the Caſtell, Thomas Brandon
with thirtie approued men of warre by a mariſh whiche laye on the other
ſide, entered into the Caſtell.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 The Souldiours within
greatly encoura|ged, and muche comforted by thys newe ſuc|cour and ayde,
grieued the enimyes, by ſhooting from the walles more than they were
accuſto|med to doe.
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1
2
EEBO page image 1412And they of the Caſtell vexed theyr enimies on the fore
part: the Earle of Oxforde no leſſe moleſted and vnquieted them on the other
part, whiche was the occaſion that King Richardes men offered of theyr owne
mere motion, licence to all being within the Caſtel to depart in ſafety,
with bagge and baggage, nothing excepted: whiche condition the Earle of
Oxforde com|ming onelye for that purpoſe to delyuer his lo|uing friendes out
of all perill and daunger, and chiefely of
all, his olde Hoſteſſe Iane Blunte, wife to Iames Blunte the Captaine,
woulde in no wiſe forſake or refuſe: and ſo leauing the ca|ſtell bare and
vngarniſhed, both of vitaile and Artelerie, came ſafely to the Earle of
Richmond ſoiourning in Paris.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 During this time, King
Richarde was cre|dibly infourmed of his inquiſitours and eſpialles, that the
Earle of Richmond was with long ſute in the Court of Fraunce ſore wearied,
and deſy|ring great ayde, coulde obteyne
ſmall reliefe: In ſomuch that all things went ſo farre backwards, that ſuche
things as were with great diligence, and no leſſe deliberation purpoſed, and
determi|ned to be ſet forwarde, were nowe daſhed and o|uerthrowne to the
grounde.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 King Richarde either
being to light of cree|dence, or ſeduced and deluded by his craftie
tale|tellers, greatly reioyced as though he had obtey|ned the ouer hande of
his enimies with trium|phant victorie, and
thought himſelfe neuer ſo fearely deliuered of all feare and dreadfull
imagi|nations, ſo that hee needed nowe no more once for that cauſe eyther to
wake, or to breake his golden ſleepe. Wherefore hee called home againe his
Shippes of warre, whiche hee had appoynted to keepe the narrowe Seas, and
diſ|patched all ſuche ſouldiours as he had deputed to keepe certaine
garniſons, and to ſtoppe certaine paſſages (as you haue hearde before.) Yet
leaſte he might for lacke of prouiſion be
ſodainly trap|ped, he ſtraightly charged and gaue in commaũ|dement to all
noblemen, and eſpecially ſuche as inhabited neare to the ſea coaſt, and on
the fron|tiers of Wales, that according to the vſage of the Countrey, they
ſhoulde keepe diligent watche and ſtrong warde, to the intent that his
aduer|ſaries in no wiſe ſhould haue any place oportune, eaſily to take
lande, without defence or rebutting backe. For the cuſtome of ye Countrey
adioining neare to the Sea is,
(eſpeciallye in the tyme of warre) on euery hill or high place to erect a
Bea|ken with a great Lanterne in the toppe, whiche may bee ſeene and
diſcerned a great ſpace of. And when the noyſe is once bruyted that the
enimies approche neare the lande, they ſodainelye putte fyre in the
Lanternes, and make ſhoutes and outcryes from Towne to Towne, and from
Village to Village. Some [...] in [...] place to place, admoniſhing the people to be rea|die to reſiſt the
[...]eop [...]rdie, and defend [...] the perill. And by this policie the ſame is ſome [...] to merie Citie and Towne, inſomuch that [...] the Citizens as the rurall people bee in more [...] aſſembled and armed to repulſe and put backe the newe arriued
enimies.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Nowe to returne to our
purpoſe, King Ry|chard thus ſomewhat eaſed of hys accuſt [...] penſiueneſſe, beganne to be ſomewhat more me|ryer, and tooke leſſe
thought and care for outward enimies than he was woont to doe, as who ſay,
that hee with politique prouiſion ſhoulde with|ſtande the deſtinie whiche
b [...]ng ouer his heade, and was ordeyned in briefe tyme ſodainly to fall.
Such is the force and puiſſance ordaine iuſtice, that euery man ſhall leſſe
regarde, leſſe prouide, leſſe be in doubt of all things, when he [...] neareſt puniſhment, and next to his in [...]nce for his offences and crymes.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 About this ſeaſon, while
the Earle of Rich|monde was deſiring ayde of the Frenche kinge, certeyne
noble men were there appoynted to [...] the realme of Fraunce during the minoritie of King Charles, which
amongſt themſelues were not of one opinion. Of which diſſ [...], Le|wis Duke of Orleans was the chiefe [...]er, which bycauſe hee had maryed Ladie Ioane [...]|ſter to the French king, tooke vpon him aboue o|ther the rule and
adminiſtration of the [...] Realme. By reaſon of which controuerſie, [...] one man was ſuffered to rule all [...] the Earle of Richmonde was compelled to [...] ſuyte to euery one of the Counſaile ſeuerally one after another,
requyring and deſiring them of [...] and reliefe in his weightie buſineſſe, and ſo by|cauſe was prolonged
and deferred.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 During which time, Thomas
Marques Dor|cet, which was (as you haue heard) [...] by his mother to returne againe into Englande partly diſpayring in
the good ſucceſſe of the Earle of Richmond, and partly ouercome and
vanquiſhed with the fayre gloſing promiſes of king Richarde ſecretely in the
night ſeaſon ſt [...]le co [...] of Paris, and with all diligent expedition, tooke his iour|ney
towarde Flaunders.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 When relation of his
departure was [...] to the erle of Richmond, and the other noble [...] no marualle though they were affo [...] & great|ly amaſed. Yet that notwithſtanding, they re|quired
of the French king, that it myght bee [...]|full to them in his name, and by his commaun|dement, to take and ſtay
their companion, confe|derate, and partaker of all their counſaile, in what
place within his realm and territorie ſo euer they coulde finde him. Which
petition once obtey|ned, they ſent out Currours into euerye parte, EEBO page image 1413 amongſt whom Humfrey Eh [...]ary playing the part of a good Bloudhound, followed the tra [...] of the flier ſo euen by the ſent, that he ouertooke and apprehended
him not farre from Co [...]pligue, and ſo what with reaſon, and what with fayre promiſes, being
perſwaded, he returned againe to his companions.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 The Earle of Richmonde
vnburdened of this miſaduenture leaſt by lyngering of dayes, and prolonging
of tyme, he might leaſe the great
oportunitie of things to him offered and mini|ſtred: alſo leaſt hee ſhoulde
further wounde and moleſt the myndes of hys faythfull and aſſured friendes,
whiche dayly dyd [...] and [...]ie for his comming, determyned no longer to pro [...]ra [...] and deferre the tyme, but wyth all diligence and celeritie to attempt
hys begonne enterprice: and ſo obteyning of King Charles a ſmall [...] of men, and borrowing certaine ſummes of mo|ney of him, and of
dyuerſe other hys pryuate friendes, (for
the whiche hee left as debter, or more likelyer as a pledge or hoſtage) Lord
Tho|mas Marques Dorſet (whome he halfe [...]a [...] ru|ſted) and ſir Iohn Bourchier, hee departed from the Frenche
Courte, and came to the Citie of Roan.
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1
2 While he taried there
making prouiſion at Harflete in the mouth of the riuer of Seyne for all
thinges neceſſary for his nauye, tidinges were brought to him that king
Richarde being with|out children, and now
Widower, entended ſhort|ly to marye the Ladie Elizabeth his brothers
daughter, and to preferre the Ladie Cicile hir ſiſter to a manne founde in a
Clowde, and of an vnknowne lynage and familie. Hee tooke theſe newes as a
matter of no ſmall moment (and ſo all things conſidered) it was of no leſſe
impor|taunce than he tooke it for. For this thing one|ly tooke away from him
and al his Companions theyr hope and courage, that they had to ob|teyne
an happie enterpriſe. And therefore no
marueyle though it nipped him at the verie ſto|macke: when he thought that
by no poſſibilie hee might attaine the maryage of any of King Ed|wardes
daughters, whiche was the ſtrongeſt foundation of his buylding, by reaſon
whereof he iudged that al his friendes in England would abandon and ſhrinke
from hym. Wherefore ma|king not many of his counſaile, after diuerſe
con|ſultations he determined not yet to ſet forwarde, but to tary and attempt howe to get more ayde, more
friends, and more ſtronger ſuccors.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 And amongſt all other, it
was thought moſt expedient to allure by affinitie in his ayde as a companion
in armes, ſir Walter Herbert, a man of an auncient ſtocke, and great power
amongſt the Welchmen, whiche had with hym a fayre Lady to hys ſyſter, of age
ripe to be coupled with him [...]m [...]imonie.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 And for the atchieuing of
this purpoſe, meſ|ſengers were ſecretly ſent to Henrie erle of
Nor|thumberlande (which had before maried another ſiſter of ſir Walter
Herbertes) to the intent that he ſhould ſet forward all this deuice and
purpoſe, but the wayes were ſo narowly watched and ſo many ſpyes [...]ayed, that the Meſſenger procee|ded not in his iourney and buſineſſe.
But in the meane ſeaſon, there came to the Earle a more ioyfull meſſage from
Morgan Kidwelly, lear|ned in the temporall law, whiche declared that Rice an
Thomas, a man of no leſſe valiaunt|neſſe than affinitie, and Iohn Sauage an
ap|proued Captaine, woulde with all theyr power be partaker of his quarell.
And that Reigno [...]de Bre [...] collected and gotten togither no ſmall ſumme of money for the payment
of the wages to the Souldiours and men of warre admoni|ſhing him alſo to
make quicke expedition, and to take his courſe directly into Wales.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 The Earle of Richmonde
bycauſe he would no longer lynger and wearie his friendes, liuing
continually betweene hope and feare, determined in all conuenient haſt to
ſet forwarde, and cauſed to his ſhips armor, weapons, vitaile, and al other
ordinances expedient for warre.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 After that all, thing was
in a readineſſe, the Earle being accompanied onely with two thou|ſande men,
and a ſmall number of ſhippes, weyed vp his Ancors, and halfed vppe his
ſayles in the Moneth of Auguſt, and ſayled from Harfleete with ſo proſperous
a winde, that the ſeuenth day after his departure, hee arriued in Wales in
the Euening, at a place called Mylforde Hauen,Mylford
Hauen and incontinent tooke lande, and came to a place called
Dalle, where he heard ſay that a cer|taine companie of his aduerſaries were
layde in garriſon to defend his arriuall all the laſt winter. And the Earle
at the Sunne riſing remoued to Herford weſt, being diſtant from Dalle not
fully ten myles, where he was ioyfully receyued of the people, & he
arriued there ſo ſodainly, that he was come and entred the Towne at the ſame
time when the Citizens had but knowledge of hys comming.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Here he herd newes which
were as vntrue as they truely were reported to him in Normandy, that Rice ap
Thomas, and Iohn Sauage with bodie and goodes, were determined to ayde king
Richard.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 While he and his companie
were ſomewhat aſtonied of theſe newe tydyngs, there came ſuch meſſage from
the Inhabitauntes of the towne of Pembrooke, that refreſhed and reuiued
theyr frozen heartes and daunted courages. For Ar|nolde Butler a valiaunt
Captaine, whiche fyrſt aſking pardon for hys offences before tyme EEBO page image 1414 committed agaynſt the Earle of Richmonde, and that
obteyned, declared to hym that the Pembrochians were readie to ſerue and
gyue theyr attendaunce on theyr naturall and imme|diate Lorde, Iaſper Earle
of Pembrooke. The Earle of Richmonde hauing his armie thus en|creaſed,
departed from Herford well to the [...] of Cardigan beeing fiue miles diſtance from thence.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 While the ſouldiours were
refreſhing and trim|ming themſelues in their campe, ſtraunge things ſprong
among them without any certain autho|ur,
[figure appears here on page 1414]
that ſir Walter Herbert whiche lay wyth a great crewe of men at Carmarden,
was nowe with a greate armie readie to approche and byd them battaile. With
whiche newes the armie was ſore troubled, and euerie man aſſayed hys
armure and prooued his weapon, and were
preſt to defende theyr enimies. And as they were in this fearefull doubt,
certaine horſemen which the Earle had ſent to make inquirie and ſearche,
re|turned and reported all the Countrey to be quiet, and no let nor
impediment to be layde or caſt in their iourney.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 And euen at the ſame
time, the whole armie was greatlye recomforted, by reaſon that the comming
of Richarde Griffyth, a man of great
nobilitie, the which notwithſtãding that he was confederate with ſir Walter
Herbert, and Ri|charde ap Thomas, yet at that verie inſtant he came to the
Erle of Richmond with all his com|panie whiche were of no great number.
After him the ſame day came Iohn Morgan with hys men.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 Then the Earle aduaunced
forward in good haſt, making no repoſe or abode in any one place. And to the
entent to paſſe forward with ſure and
ſhorte expedition, he aſſaulted euerie place where his enimies had ſet any
men of warre, whiche with ſmal force, and leſſe difficultie he briefly did
ouercome and vanquiſhe. And ſodainly he was by his eſpials aſcertayned, that
ſir Walter Her|bert, and Rice ap Thomas were in harneſſe be|fore him, readie
to encounter with his armie, and to ſtoppe theyr paſſage. Wherfore like a
va|liant Captain, he firſt determined to ſet on them, and eyther to deſtroy
or to take them into his fa|uour, and after with all his power and paiſſance
to giue battaile to his mortal enimie K. Richard. But to the intent his
friendes ſhoulde knowe in what readineſſe he was, & how he proceeded
for|ward, he ſent of his moſt ſecret & faithfull ſeruãts with
letters and inſtructions to the Ladie Mar|garet his mother, to the lord
Stanley & his bro|ther, to ſir Gilbert Talbot, and to other his
truſty friends, declaring to them that he being ſuccored and bolpen with the
ayd and reliefe of his friends, intended to paſſe ouer the Riuer of Seuerne
at Shreweſburie, and ſo to paſſe directly to the Ci|tie of London, requiring
them, as his ſpecial truſt and confidence was fixed in the hope of their
fi|delitie, that they woulde meete him by the way with all diligent
preparation, to the entent that he and they at time and place conuenient,
myght communicate togither the deepeneſſe of all hys doubtfull and weyghtie
buſineſſe.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 When the Meſſengers were
diſpatched with theſe commaundements and admonitions, hee marched forward
towarde Shrewſburie, and in his paſſing, there met and ſaluted him Rice ap
Thomas with a goodly bande of Welchmen, which making an oth and promiſe to
the Earle, ſubmitted himſelfe wholy to his order and com|maundement. For the
Earle of Richmond two days before made to him promiſe, that if he wold
ſweare to take his part and be obedient to him, he wold make him chief
gouernor of Wales, which part as hee faythfully promiſed and graunted, EEBO page image 1415 ſo after that hee had obteyned and poſſeſ [...]d the realme and Diademe, hee liberally perfourmed and accompliſhed
the ſame.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 In the meane time, the
Meſſengers that were ſent diligently executed theyr charge, and hiden with
rewardes of them ſo whom they were ſent, returned to him the ſame day that
hee entred into Shrewſburie, and made relatiõs to him that his friends were
readie in all poynts to do all things for him, which eyther they ought or
might [...].
Compare 1587 edition:
1 The Erle Henrie brought
in good hope with his pleaſant meſſage, continued forth his inten|ded
iourney, and came to a little Towne cal|led Newporte, and pytching hys Campe
on a little hyll adioyning, repoſed himſelfe there that night.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 In the Euening the ſame
day, came to him ſir Gylbert Talbot, with the whole power of the yong Earle
of Shrewſbury than being in ward, whiche were accounted to the number of two
thouſande men. And thus his power
encrea|ſing, he arryued at the Towne of Stafforde, and there pawſed. To
whome came ſir William Stanley, accompanied with a fewe perſons: and after
that the Earle and hee had communed no long time togither, he reuerted to
his Souldiers which he had aſſembled togither to ſerue the erle, which frõ
thẽce departed to Lichfield, & lay with|out the walles in his campe
all the night. The next morning he entred into the towne, and was with all honor like a prince receyued.
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1
2 A day or two before, the
Lorde Stanley ha|uing in his hande almoſt fiue thouſand men, lod|ged in the
ſame towne, but hearing that the erle of Richmonde was marching thitherward,
gaue to him place, diſlodging him and his, and repay|red to a towne called
Aderſtone, there abiding the comming of the Earle, and this wilye Foxe did
this acte to auoyde all ſuſpition, being afrayde leaſt if he ſhould be ſeene
openly to bee a fa [...]our or ayder to the Earle his ſonne
in lawe before the day of the battayle, that king Richard, which yet did not
vtterly putte in him diffidence and nuſtruſt, woulde put to ſome cruell
death hys ſon and heyre apparant George Lord Strange, whome King Richarde
(as you haue hearde before) kept wyth him as a pledge or hoſtage, to the
intent that the Lorde Stanley hys fa|ther, ſhoulde attempt nothing
preiudiciall to him.
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1 King Richarde at this ſeaſon keeping hys houſe in the Caſtell of
Notingham, was infor|med that the Earle of Richmonde, with ſuch ba|niſhed
men as fled out of Englande to him, were nowe arryued in Wales, and that all
things ne|ceſſary to his enterprice were vnprouided, vnpur|ueyed, and verie
weake, nothing meete to with|ſtande the power of suche as the King had
appoynted to meete him.
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1
2
3 This rumor so inflated his minde, that in maner disdayning to
heare speake of so small a companie, determined at the firs to take little
or no regarde to this so small a sparcle, declaring the Earle to be innocent
and vnwise, bycause that he rashly attempted such a great enterprise, with
so small and thinne a number of warlike persons, and therefore he gaue a
definitiue sentence, that when he came to that poynt that he should bee
compelled to fight agaynst this wyll, he eyther should be apprehended aliue,
or else by all likelyhoode he shoulde of necessitie come to a shameful
confusion: and that he trusted to bee shortly done by sir Walter Herbert,
and Rice ap Thomas, which then ruled Wales with egall power and like
authoritie. But yet he reuoluing and casting in his minde, that a small
warre begonne and winked at and not regarded, may turn to a great broyle and
trouble, and that it was prudent policie not to contemne and disdaine the
little small power and weaknesse of the enimie, be it neuer so small,
thought it necessarie to prouide for afterclaps that myght happen and
chaunce. Wherefore hee sent to Iohn Duke of Norffolke, Henry Earle of
Northumberlande, Thomas Earle of Surrey, and to other of his especiall and
trustie friendes of the Nobilitie, which he iudged more to preferre and
esteeme his welth and honor than theyr owne ryches and pryuate commoditie,
wyllyng them to muster and view all theyr seruauntes and tenants, and to
elect and choose the most couragious and actiue persons of the whole number,
and with them to repayre to his presence with all speede and diligence. Alſo
hee wrote to Robert Brukenburie Lieutenant of the Tower, commaunding him
with his power to come to his armie, and to bring with him as fellowes in
armes, Sir Thomas Bourchier, and ſir Walter Hungerford, and diuerſe other
knights & eſquiers in whom be caſt no ſmall ſuſpi [...]ion.
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1 While he was thus
ordering his affayres, [...]y|dings came that the Earle of Richmonde was paſſed Seuerne, and come
to Shrewſburie with|out any de [...]nt or encom [...]. At which meſſage he was ſore mooued and broyled wyth Melancholie and
[...]olour, and cryed out, aſking vengeance of them, that contrarie to
theyr othe and promiſe had ſo deceyued him. For whiche cauſe he began to
haue diffidence in other, inſo|much that he determined himſelfe oute of
hande the ſame day to meete with and reſiſt hys ad|uerſaries. And in all
haſte ſente out eſpialles to view and eſpie what waye his enimies kept and
paſſed. They diligentlye doing theyr duetie, ſhortly after returned,
declaring to the king that the Earle was encamped at the towne of
Lich|fielde.
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1
EEBO page image 1416When hee had perfite knowledge where the Earle with his
armie was ſo [...]oiourning, be hauing continuall repayre of his ſubiectes to him, began
incontinently without delay to marſhal and put in order his battayles (like
a valiaunt Captayne and politike leader) and firſt he made his battails to
ſet forward, fiue and fiue in a ranke, marching towarde that way where his
enimies (as was to him reported) entended to paſſe. In the middle part, of
the [...]
[...]ee appoynted the [...]ea [...]e and cariage apperteyning to the
enimie.
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1 Then he (enuironed wyth
hys Garde) with a frowning countenaunce and cruell vyſage, mountes on a
greate whyte Courſer, and follo|wed with his footesmenne, the wings of
Horſe|men coaſting and raunging on euerie ſyde, and keeping this array, hee
with great pompe entred the Towne of Leyceſter after the Sunne ſet.
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1 The Earle of Richmonde
rayſed his campe, and departed from Lichfielde to the Towne of Tamworth thereto neare adioyning and in the midde
way paſſing, there ſaluted him ſir Wal|ter Hungerforde, and ſir Thomas [...]ouerchier, knightes, and dyuerſe other whiche yeelded and ſubmitted
them to his pleaſure. For they beeing aduertiſed that king Richarde had thẽ
in ſuſpitiõ and ieaolouſie, & little beyonde ſtonie Stratforde left
and forſooke priuily their Captaine Robert Brakenburie, and in wandring by
night, and in maner by vnknowne pathes & vncertaine wayes ſearching, at the laſt come to Erle Henrie.
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1
A ſtraunge chaunce that happened to the Earle of
Richmonde.Diuerſe other noble perſonages, which in|wardly hated
king Richard worſe than a Toad or a Serpent, did likewiſe reſort to him with
all their power and ſtrength.
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1 There happened in this
progreſſion to the erle of Richmond a ſtrange [...]ance worthie to be no|ted: for albeit he was a man of valiant courage,
and that his armie encreaſed, and dayly more and more be waxed mightier
& ſtronger, yet hee was not a
little afeard, bicauſe he in no wiſe coulde be aſſured of his father in law
Thomas Lord Stã|ley, which for feare of the deſtruction of the Lord
Straunge his ſonne (as you haue heed) as yet in|clined to neither partie.
For if he had gone to the Earle, and that notified to king Richarde, hys
ſonne had beene ſhortly executed. Wherefore he accompanyed wyth twentie
lyght horſemen lyngered in hys iourney, as a manne muſing and ymagyning what
was beſt to bee done. And the more to
aggrauate his penſiueneſſe, it was ſhewed hym, that King Richarde was at
hande, with a ſtrong power and a greate armie.
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1 While he thus heauily
dragged behinde hys hoſt, the whole armie came before the Towne of Tamworth,
and when hee for the deepe darke|neſſe could not perceyue the ſteppes of
them that paſſe [...] before, and had wandred hither and thither, ſeaking after his
companie, and yet not once hearing any noyſe or whiſpe [...]g of th [...]
[...] turned to a verie little Village, being about three myles from his
armie, taking great [...], and muche fearing leaſt he ſhoulde be aſ [...]ed, [...] trapped by king Richardes aſk oute watch. There hee taryed all nyght,
not once aduauncing to aſke or demaunde a queſtion of any [...], hee [...]eing no more amazed with the ieopardie and perill that was paſſed,
than with thys pre|ſent chaunce, ſore feared that it ſhoulde be a pr [...]|gnoſtication or ſigne of ſome infortunate plagu [...] afterwarde to ſucceede. As hee was not m [...] being abſent from his armie, likewiſe hys [...] much marueyled, and no leſſe mourned for hys ſodaine abſence.
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1 The next morning early in
the dawning if the day he returned and by the conduct of g [...] fortune, eſpied and came to his armie, excuſing himſelfe, not to haue
gone out of the way by ig|norance, but ye for a policie deuiſed for the
[...]oyce, he went from his campe to receyue ſome glad meſſage from
certaine of hys priuie friendes and ſecret alyes.
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1 This excuſe made, he
priuily departed again from his hoſt to the Towne of A [...]erſtone, where the Lorde Stanley and ſir William his brother with
their handes were abyding. There the Earle came firſt to his father in lawe,
in a lyttle Cloſe where he ſaluted him, and ſir William his brother, and
after dyuerſe and many friendlye embracinges, eche reioyced of the ſtate of
other, and is dainly were ſurpriſed with great ioy, com|fort, and hope of
fortunate ſucceſſe at all their af|fayres and doings.
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1 Afterwarde, they
conſulted togyther howe to giue battayle to king Richarde if he would
a|bide, whom they knew not to be farre off with an huge hoſt.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 In the Euening of the
ſame day, Sir Iohn Sauage, ſir Brian Sanforde, Sir Simon Dig|by, and many
other, leauing King Richard, tur|ned and came to the part of the Earle of
Riche|monde, with an elect companie of men. Which refuſall of King Richardes
parte, by menne of ſuche experience, did augment and increaſe both the good
hope, and the puiſſaunce of the Earle of Richmond.
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1 In the meane ſeaſon, King
Richard (which was appoynted now to finiſh his laſt labour by the verie
diuine iuſtice and prouidence of God, which called him to condigne
puniſhment for his miſchieuous deſertes) marched to a place [...]te for two battails to encounter, by a village called Boſworth, not
farre from Leyceſter, and there he pitched his field on a hill called Anne
Beame, re|freſhed hys Souldiours and tooke his reſt.
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1
2
EEBO page image 1417
The dreame of King Ri|chard the thirde.The fame
wente, that he had the ſame night a dreadfull and a terrible dreame, for it
ſeemed to him beyng a ſleepe, that he did ſee dyuers y|mages lyke terrible
deuyls, whyche pulled and haled hym, not ſuffering him to take any quiet or
reſt. The whiche ſtraunge viſion not ſo ſo|daynly ſtrake his hearte wyth a
ſodayne feare, but it ſtuffed his heade and troubled his mynde wyth many
buſy and dreadfull imaginations. For incontinent after, his heart beyng
almoſte damped, he pronoſticated before
the doubtefull chaunce of the battayle to come, not vſing the a|lacritie and
mirth of mynde and of countenance as he was accuſtomed to doe before he came
to|ward the battayle. And leaſt that it myghte bee ſuſpected that he was
abaſhed for fear of his eni|mies, and for that cauſe looked ſo piteouſly,
hee recited and declared to his familiar friends in the mornyng, his
wounderfull viſyon and fearefull dreame. But I thynke thys was no dreame,
but a punction and pricke of hys
ſinfull conſci|ence, for the conſcience is ſo muche more char|ged and
aggrauate as the offence is greater and more heynous in degree, whyche
pricke of con|ſcience, although it ſtryke not alway, yet at the laſte daye
of extreme lyfe, it is wonte to ſhewe and repreſente to vs oure faultes and
offences, and the paynes and puniſhementes whych hang ouer our heads for the
committing of the ſame, to the intente that at that inſtant, wee for oure
deſertes beyng penitent and repentaunt,
maye be compelled lamenting and bewayling our ſins lyke forſakers of this
worlde, iocunde to depart out of this miſerable lyfe.
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1 Nowe to returne agayne to
our purpoſe, the nexte daye after, kyng Richard beyng furniſhed with men and
all abiliments of warre, bringing all his men out of their campe into the
playn, or|dered his fore warde in a meruaylous lengthe, in whyche he
appointed both horſemen and foot|men, to
the intent to imprinte in the harts of thẽ that looked a farre off, a
ſodaine terror and dead|ly feare, for the greate multitude of the armed
ſouldiours: and in the fore fronte hee placed the Archers, lyke a ſtrong
fortifyed trenche or bul|warke: Ouer this battayle was captaine, Iohn duke
of Norffolke, with whome was Thomas Erle of Surrey his ſonne. After this
long vent|garde, folowed king Richarde hymſelfe, with a ſtrong companie of
choſen and approued men of warre, hauing
horſemen for wings on both the ſides of his battayle.
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1 After that the Earle of
Richmonde was de|parted from the communication of his friendes, as you haue
heard before, he began to be of a bet|ter ſtomacke, and of a more valiante
courage, and with all diligence, pitched his field iuſt by the camp of his
enimies, and there he lodged ye night.
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1
2 In the morning betime, he
cauſed his men to put on theyr armoure, and apparrell themſelues ready to
fight and giue battayle, and ſent to the Lord Stanley (which was now come
with hys hand in a place indifferent betweene both the ar|mies) re [...]uiring him with his men to approche neere to his army, and to helpe to
ſet the ſoldiers in array hee anſwered that the Earle ſhoulde ſet his owne
men in a good order of battaile, whyle he would array his company, and come
to hym in time conuenient. Whiche aunſwere made o|therwiſe than the Earle
thought or would haue iudged, conſidering the oportunitie of the tyme, and
the weight of the buſineſſe, and although hee was therewithal a little
vexed, began ſomewhat to hang the head, yet he without any time delay|ing,
compelled of neceſſitie, after this manner in|ſtructed and ordered his men.
He made his for|ward ſomewhat ſingle and ſlender, according to the ſmall number of his people.
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1
2
3
4
5 In the frount he placed
the archers of whome he made Captayne Iohn Earle of Oxford. To the right
wing of the battaile, he appoynted Sir Gilberte Talbot to be the leader. To
the lefte wing, hee aſſigned Sir Iohn Sauage, who had broughte thither with
him a crewe of righte able perſonages, cladde in white coates and hoodes,
whiche muſtered in the eyes of their aduerſaries right brimly. The Earle of
Richmond himſelfe, with the ayde of the Lorde Stanley, gouerned the
battaile, accompanyed with the Earle of Pembroke, hauing a good companie of
horſemẽ, and a ſmall number of footemenne: For all hys whole number
exceeded not fiue thouſand men beſide the power of the Stanleys, whereof
three thouſand were in the fielde, vnder the Standert of Sir William
Stanley: The Kings number was double ſo much and more. When bothe theſe
armies were thus ordered, and all men rea|dy to ſet forward, king Richard
called his chief|taines togither, and to them ſaide:The
Oration of K. Richard the third. Moſt faithful and aſſured
fellowes, moſt truſtie and wel belo|ued friendes, and elected Captaynes, by
whoſe wiſedome and policye, I haue obteyned the Crowne, and type of this
famous Realme, and noble region by whoſe puiſſance and valiantnes I haue
enioyed and poſſeſſed the ſtate royall and dignitie of the ſame, mangre the
ill will, and [...]|dicions attemptes of all my cancred enimies, and inſidious
aduerſaries, by whoſe prudent and politike coũſaile, I haue ſo gouerned my
realme, people, & ſubiectes, that I haue omitted nothing
apperteyning to the office of a iuſt Prince, nor you haue pretermitted
nothing belonging to the duetie of wiſe and ſage counſailers. So that I may
ſay, and truely affirme, that your approued fidelitie and tried conſtancy,
maketh mee to be|leeue firmely, and thinke that I am an vndoub|ted EEBO page image 1418 King, and an indubitate Prince. And al|though in the
adeption and obteyning of ye Gar|land, I beeyng ſeduced, and prouoked by
ſiniſter counſaile, and diabolicall temptation, did com|mit a wicked and
deteſtable acte. Yet I haue with ſtraite penaunce and ſalt teares (as I
truſt) expiated and cleerely purged the ſame offence, which abhominable
crime I require you offrẽd|ſhip as cleerely to forget, as I dayly remember
to deplore and lament the ſame. If ye will nowe diligently call to remembraunce in what caſe &
perplexitie we now ſtand, and in what doubt|full perill we be nowe
intricked? I doubt not, but you in heart will thinke, and with mouthe
con|feſſe, that if euer amitie and faith preuailed be|tweene Prince and
ſubiects, or betweene ſubiect and ſubiect: or if euer bond of alegiãce
obliged the vaſſall to loue and ſerue his naturall ſoueraigne Lord, or if
any obligation of duetie bounde anye Prince to aide and defend his ſubiects?
All theſe loues, bondes, and dueties of
neceſſitie are now thys daye to bee tryed, ſhewed and put in expe|rience.
For if wiſe men ſaye true, there is ſome policie in getting, but muche more
in keeping, the one being but fortunes chaũce, and the other high witte and
policie, for whiche cauſe, I with you, and you with me, muſt needs this day
take labour and payne, to keepe & defend with force, that
preheminence and poſſeſſion, which by your prudente deuiſes I haue gotten
and obteyned. I doubt not but you know,
how the Deuill conti|nuall enimie to humane nature, diſturber of cõ|cord,
and ſower of ſedition, hath entred into the heart of an vnknowen Welchman
whoſe fa|ther I neuer knew, nor him perſonally ſaw) ex|citing him to aſpire
and couet oure Realme, Crowne, and dignitie, and thereof cleerely to
de|priue and ſpoyle vs and our poſteritie: ye ſee far|ther, howe a companie
of traytors, theefes, out|lawes, and runnegates of our owne nation, bee
aiders and partakers of his feate and
enterpriſe, ready at hand to ouercome and oppreſſe vs: You ſee alſo, what a
number of beggerly Britaines and faint harted frenchmen be with him arriued
to deſtroy vs, our wiues and children. Whyche imminent miſchiefes and
apparante inconueni|ences, if we wil withſtand and refell, wee muſte liue
togither like breethren, fighte togither lyke Lions, and feare not to die
togither like menne. And obſeruing and keeping this rule and pre|cept,
beleeue mee, the fearefull hare neuer
fled fa|ſter before the greedy greyhounde, nor the ſillie larke before ye
ſparowhanke, nor the ſimple ſheepe before the rauenous wolf, than your proud
brag|ging aduerſaries aſtonied and amaſed with the only ſight of your manly
viſages, wil flee, runne, and ſkyr out of the field. For if you conſider and
wiſely ponder all things in your minde, you ſhal perceyue, that we haue
manifeſt cauſes, and ap|parant tokens of triumph and victory.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2
3
4 And to begyn with the
Earle of Richmonde capitayne of this rebellion, he is a Welſh mi [...]|ſoppe, a man of ſmall courage and of leſſe expe|rience in martiall
actes and feates of Warre, broughte vp by my brothers meanes and myne lyke a
captiue in a cloſe cage in the court of Frã|cis duke of Britayn, and neuer
ſawe armie, nor was exerciſed in martiall affayres, by reaſon whereof he
neyther can nor is able by his owne will or experience to guyde or rule an
hoſte. For in the witte and policie of the capitayn, conſiſteth the chiefe
adeption of the victorie & ouerthrow of the enimies. Secondarily
feare not, and put a|waye all doubtes, for when the traytoures and runagates
of our realme, ſhall ſee vs with ban|ner diſplayed come againſt them,
remembryng their othe promyſe and fidelitie made vnto vs, as to their
ſoueraigne lorde and anoynted king, they ſhal be ſo pricked &
ſtimulate in the bottome of their ſcrupulous conſciences, that they for very
remorſe and dread of the diuine plague, wil either ſhamefully flee, or
humbly ſubmit themſelues to our grace and mercie. And as for the Frenchmẽ
and Britons, their valiantneſſe is ſuch, that our noble progenitors, and
your valiant par [...]
[...]s haue them oftner vanquiſhed & ouercome in one mo|neth, thã
they in the beginnining imagined poſ|ſible to cõpaſſe and finiſh in a whole
yere. What wil you make of them, braggers without auda|citie, drunkards
without diſcretiõ, ribalds with|out reaſon, cowards without reſiſting,
& in cõ|cluſion, the moſt effeminate and laſciuious peo|ple, yt
euer ſhewed themſelues in front of batail, tentymes more couragious to flee
& eſcape, than once to aſſault the breaſt of our ſtrõg &
populous armie. Wherfore conſidering all theſe auaunta|ges, expell out of
your thoughts all doubts, and auoyd out of your mynds all feare, and like
vali|ant champions anounce forth your ſtanderdes, and aſſay whether your
enimies can decide and try the title of battaile by dint of ſword, auance (I
ſay agayne) forward my captains, in whom lacketh neither policie, wiſedome,
nor puiſſance. Euery one giue but one ſure ſtripe, and ſurely the iourney is
ours What preuayleth a hãdful to a whole realm? deſiring you for the loue
that you beare to me, and the affection that you haue to your natiue and
naturall countrey, & to the ſafe|gard of your Prince and your ſelf,
that you wyl this day take to you your accuſtomed corage &
couragious ſpirites, for the defence and ſafegard of vs al. And as for me, I
aſſure you, this day I wil triumph by glorious victorie, or ſuffer death for
immortal fame. For they be maymed & oute of the palace of fame
diſgraded, dying withoute renoune, which do not aſmuche preferre and ex|alte
the perpetuall honour of theyr natiue coun|trey, as their owne mortall and
tranſitorie lyfe. EEBO page image 1419 Now ſent George to borow, let vs ſet
forwarde and remember well, that I am hee whiche ſhall with high
aduancementes, rewarde and preferre the valiaunt and hardy champions, and
puniſhe and torment the ſhamefull cowards and dread|full daſtardes. This
exhortation encouraged all ſuch as fauoured him, but ſuche as were preſence
more for dread than loue, kiſſed them openly, whome they inwardlye hated,
other ſware out|wardly to take part with ſuch, whoſe death they ſecretely compaſſed, and inwardly imagined, o|ther
promiſed to inuade the Kinges enimies, whiche fledde and fought with fierce
courage a|gainſt the King: other ſtande ſtill and looked on, intẽding to
take part with the victors and ouer|commers. So was his people to him vnſure
and vnfaithful at his end, as he was to his nephewes vntrue and vnnaturall
in his beginning.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 When the Earle of
Richmond knew by hys forriders that the King was ſo neere embattay|led,
he rode about his army, from ranke to
ranke, from wing to wing, giuing comfortable words to all men, and that
finiſhed (being armed at all peeces ſauing his helmette) mounted on a little
hill, ſo that all his people mighte ſee and beholde him perfectly, to their
greate reioycing: For hee was a mã of no great ſtature, but ſo formed and
decorated with all giftes and liniaments of na|ture, that he ſeemed more an
Angelicall creature, than a terreſtriall perſonage, his countenaunce
and aſpect was cheerefull and
couragious, hys heare yellow like the burniſhed golde, hys eyes gray ſhining
and quicke, prompte and ready in aunſwering, but of ſuche ſobrietie, that it
coulde neuer be iudged whither he were more dull than quicke in ſpeaking
(ſuch was his temperaunce.) And when he had ouerlooked his army ouer eue|ry
ſide, he pawſed awhile, and after with a lowde voyce and bolde ſpirit, ſpake
to his companyons theſe or like words following.
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1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
The Oration [...] King Hen| [...] the ſeuẽth.If euer God gaue victorie to men fighting in a
iuſt quarrell, or if he euer aided ſuche as made warre for the wealth and
tuition of theyr owne naturall and nutritiue Countrey, or if hee euer
ſuccoured them whiche aduentured their lyues for the reliefe of innocentes,
ſuppreſſing of male|factors and apparante offendors, no doubte my fellowes
and friendes, but hee of his bountifull goodneſſe, will this day ſend vs
triumphant vic|torie, and a luckie iourney ouer our proude ene|mies,
and arrogant aduerſaries: for if you
remẽ|ber and conſider the very cauſe of our iuſt quar|rell, you ſhall
apparantly perceyue the ſame to be true, godly, and vertuous. In the whiche
I doubt not, but God will rather ayde vs (yea and fight for vs) than ſee vs
vanquiſhed and ouer|throwẽ by ſuch as neither fear him nor his laws, nor
yet regard iuſtice or honeſtie. Our cauſe is ſo iuſt, that no enterpriſe can
be of more vertue, both by the lawes diuine and ciuill, for what can be a
more honeſt, goodly, or godly quarrell, than to fight againſt a Captaine,
being an homicyde and murtherer of his owne bloud or progenie, an extreame
deſtroyer of his nobilitie, and to hys and our Countrey and the poore
ſubiectes of the ſame, a deadly malle, a fyrie brand, and a burthen
vntollerable the beſyde him conſider, who bee of hys band and company, ſuch
as by murther and vn|trueth committed againſt their owne kinne and linage,
yea againſt their Prince and ſoueraigne Lord, haue diſherited mee and you,
and wrong|fully deteyne and vſurp our lawfull patrimonie and lyneall
inheritance. For he that calleth hym ſelfe King, keepeth from me the Crowne
and re|gimente of this noble Realme and Countrey, contrarie to all iuſtice
and equitie. Likewiſe, hys mates and friendes occupie youre landes, cutte
downe your woods, and deſtroy your manours, letting your wiues and children
raunge abroade for theyr liuing: which perſons for their penance and
puniſhmente I doubt not, but God of hys goodneſſe will eyther deliuer into
our hands, as a greate gaine and booty, or cauſe them beeyng greeued and
compuncted with the pricke of theyr corrupt conſciences cowardly to flie,
and not a|bide the battaile: beſide this I aſſure you, that there be yonder
in the great battaile, men brou|ght thither for feare, and not for loue,
ſouldyers by force compelled, and not with good will aſ|ſembled, perſons
which deſire rather the deſtruc|tion than ſaluation of theyr maiſter and
Cap|tayne: And finally a multitude, whereof ye moſt part will be our
friends, and the leaſt part our e|nimies. For truely I doubt which is
greater, the malice of the Soldyers toward theyr Captaine, or the feare of
him conceyued of his people: for ſurely this rule is infallible, that as ill
men day|lye couet to deſtroy the good, ſo God appoin|teth the good men to
confound the ill, and of all worldly goodes the greateſt is, to ſuppreſſe
Ty|rants, and relieue innocents, whereof the one is as much hated, as the
other is beloued. If thys be true (as Clearkes Preache) who will ſpare
yonder Tyrant Richarde Duke of Glouceſter, vntruely calling himſelfe King,
conſidering that hee hath violated, and broken both the lawe of God and man?
what vertue is in him whyche was the confuſion of his brother, and murtherer
of his nephewes? what mercy is in him that [...]e [...]|eth his truſtie friends as well as his extreame e|nimies? Who can
haue confidence in hym wh [...]|che putteth diffidence in all menne? If you [...]e not red, I haue heard of Clearkes ſay, yt Tar|quine the proude for
the vice of the body loſt the Kingdome of Rome, and the name of Tarquine
baniſhed the Citie for euer: yet was not hys EEBO page image 1420 faulte ſo
deteſtable as the facte of cruell Nero, whiche ſlewe his owne mother, and
opened hyr entrayles, to beholde the place of his conception. Behold yõder
Richard, which is both Tarquine and Nero: Yea a Tyrant more than Nero, for
he hath not only murthered his nephewe beeyng his King and ſoueraigne Lorde,
baſtarded hys noble breethren, and defamed the wombe of hys vertuous and
womanly mother, but alſo com|paſſed all the meanes and wayes that he coulde
inuent, howe to defile and carnally
knowe hys owne neece, vnder the pretence of a cloked ma|trimonie, whiche
Lady I haue ſworne and pro|miſed to take to my make and wife, as you all
knowe and beleeue. If this cauſe be not iuſt, and this quarrell godly, let
God the giuer of victory, iudge and determine. We haue (thankes bee gy|uen
to Chriſt) eſcaped the ſecret treaſons in Bri|taine, and auoyded the ſubtill
ſnares of our frau|dulent enimies there, paſſed the troublous Seas
in good and quiet ſafegard, and without
reſiſtãce haue penetrate the ample region and large coũ|trey of Wales, and
are now come to the place, whiche wee ſo muche deſired, for long wee haue
ſoughte the furious Bore, and nowe wee haue found him. Wherefore let vs not
feare to enter into the toyle where we may ſurely ſley him, for God knoweth
that we haue liued in the vales of miſerie, toſſing oure Shippes in
daungerous ſtormes: lette vs not nowe dread to ſet vp oure ſailes in faire weather, hauing with vs both him and good
fortune. If wee hadde come to conquer Wales and had atchieued it, our prayſe
had bin great, and our gayne more: but if wee win thys battayle, the whole
riche Realme of Englande, with the Lords and rulers of the ſame, ſhall bee
ours, the profit ſhall be ours, and the honour ſhall be ours. Therefore
laboure for youre gaine, and ſweate for youre right: while wee were in
Bry|tayne, we had ſmall liuings, and little plentie of wealth or welfare, nowe is the time come to get abundance
of riches, and copy of profit, whyche is the reward of your ſeruice, and
merit of youre payne. And this remember with your ſelues, that before vs be
our enimies, and on eyther ſyde of vs be ſuche, as I neyther ſurely truſte,
nor greatly beleeue, backwarde we cannot flie: So that heere wee ſtand lyke
Sheepe in a folde, cir|cumcepted and compaſſed betweene our enimies and our
doubtfull friends. Therefore let all feare
bee ſet aſide, and like ſworne breethren, lette vs ioyne in one, for this
day ſhall bee the end of oure trauayle, and the gaine of our laboure, eyther
by honorable deathe or famous victorie: And as I truſt, the battayle ſhall
not bee ſo ſowre, as the profit ſhall bee ſweete. Remember that victorie is
not gotten with the multitude of menne, but with the courages of heartes and
valiantneſſe of mindes. The ſmaller that our number [...] ye mo [...] glory is to vs if we vanquiſh, if we be ouercome, yet no lande is to
bee attributed, to the victors, conſidering that ten men foughte againſte
one: and if wee ſo die ſo glorious a death in ſo g [...] a quarrell, neyther freting tinne, nor ran [...]dyng obliuion, ſhall bee able to darken or thee o [...]e of the booke of fame either oure names, or oure godly attempt. And
this one thing I aſſure you, that in ſo iuſt and good a cauſe, and ſo
notable a quarrell, you ſhall finde mee this daye, rather a dead carrion
vpon the colde grounde, than a free priſoner on a carpet in a Ladyes
chamber. Let vs therefore fight like inuincible Giants, and ſet on our
enimies like vntimorous Tygers, and baniſhe all feare like ramping Lyons.
And now aduance forwarde true men againſt [...]ra [...]ors, pitifull perſons againſt murtherers, true inhe|ritors againſte
vſurpers, the ſcourges of God a|gainſte tyraunts, diſplay my baner with a
good courage, march forth like ſtrong and robuſtious champions, and begin
the battaile like hardye conquerors: the battaile is at bande, and the
vic|torie approcheth, and if we ſhamefully recule, or cowardly flee, we and
all our ſequele be deſtroy|ed, and diſhonored for euer. This is the daye of
gayne, and this is the time of loſſe, get this daye victorie, and bee
conquerers, and leſe this dayes battayle and bee villaynes, and therefore in
the name of God and Saint George, let euery man couragiouſly aduance forth
his ſtandeth.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Theſe cheerefull words he
ſet forth with ſuch geſture of his body, and ſmiling countenaunce, as though
already he hadde vanquiſhed his eni|mies, and gotten the ſpoyle.
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1
2
3
4 He hadde ſcantly finiſhed
his ſaying,The battayle betweene [...] Richard, a [...] King Hen|rie the ſen [...]. but the one army eſpyed the other, lord howe haſtely the
ſoldiers buckled their healmes, howe quickly the archers bente their bowes
and fruſhed their fea|thers, how readily the bilmen ſhoke their billes, and
proued their ſlaues, ready to approche and ioyne, when the terrible trumpet
ſhoulde ſounde the bloudy blaſt to victorie or death. Betweene both armies,
ther was a great marreſſe then (but at this preſent, by reaſon of diches
caſt, it is gro|wen to be firme ground) which ye Earle of Rich|mond left on
his right hand, for this intent, that it ſhould be on that ſide a defence
for hys parte, and in ſo doing, he hadde the ſunne at his backe, and in the
faces of his enimies. When Kyng Richard ſawe the Earles companie was paſſed
the marreſſe, he commaunded with all haſt to ſet vppon them: then the
trumpettes blewe, and the ſoldiers ſhowed, and the Kings archers
coura|giouſly let flie their arrowes, the Earles bownẽ ſtoode not ſtill,
but payed them home agayne. The terrible ſhot once paſſed, the armies
ioyned, and came to handſtrokes, where neyther ſword EEBO page image 1421 nor
bill was ſpared: at whiche encounter, the L. Stanley ioyned with the Earle.
The Earle of Oxford in the meane ſeaſon, fearing leaſt whyle his company was
fighting, they ſhould be com|paſſed and circumuented with the multitude of
the enimies, gaue commaundemente in euerye ranke, that no man ſhould be ſo
hardy, as g [...] a|bout tenne foote from the ſtandard, which com|maundemente once
knowen, they knitte them|ſelues togither, and ceaſſed a little from
figh|ting: the aduerſaries ſuddaynely
abuſhed at the matter, and miſtruſting ſome fraude or deceyte, began alſo to
pauſe, and lefte ſtriking, and not a|gainſt the willes of many, whiche had
leuer haue had the King deſtroyed, than ſaued, and the [...]re they foughte very fayntly, or ſtoode ſtill. The Earle of Oxforde
bringing all his band togy|ther on the one parte, ſet on his enimies
freſhely againe: the aduerſaries perceyuing that, placed their men ſlender
and thinne before, and thycke and broad
behinde beginning againe hardely the battayle. While ye two forwardes thus
mortal|ly fought, eache intending to vanquiſh and co [...]| [...]ince the other, King Richard was admoniſhed by his explorators and
eſpials, that the Earle of Richmond accompanyed with a ſmall mem|ber of men
of armes, was not farre off, and as he approched and marched toward him, he
per|fectly knewe his perſonage, by certayne demon|ſtrations and tokens,
which hee had learned and knowen of other.
And beeing inflamed with [...]re, and ve [...]d with [...]
[...]ice he putte hys ſpurres to his Horſe, and too [...] and of the ſyde of the range of his battayle, leauing the au [...]|garde fighting, and like a hungrye Lion, ranne with ſpeare in reſt
toward him. The Earle of Richmond perceyued well the King furiouſlye comming
towarde him, and bycauſe the whole hope of his wealth and purpoſe was to be
deter|mined by battayle, he gladly profered to encoũ|ter with him body to
body, and man to man. K. Richard ſet on ſo ſharply at the firſte br [...]uie, that hee ouerthrowe the E [...]iles Standerd, and [...] Sir William Brandon this Standard bea [...] (which was father to Sir Charles Brandon by King Henry the eyghte,
created Duke of Suf|folke) and [...]ched haue to hand with [...] Iohn Cheyui [...], a man of greate force and ſtrength [...], which would haue reſiſted him, and yt ſaid Iohn was by him [...]lly [...]rth own, and to hee making open paſſage by di [...] of ſworde as hee went forward, the Erle of Richmond withſtood his
violence, and kept him at the ſwords poynt, without aduantage, longer than
his companiõs either thought or iudged which being almoſt [...] deſpaire of victory, were ſud [...]ly recomfor|ted by ſir Williã Stanley, whyche came to his ſuccou [...]s with three thouſand tall men, at which very inſtant, King Richards
men wi [...]
[...]en backe and [...]de, and he himſelfe manfully figh|ting in the middle of his [...]li [...]s, who [...]e and brog [...] to his [...] as he worthly had de [...]
[figure appears here on page 1421]
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1 In the meane ſeaſon, the
Earle of Oxforde, with the ayde of the Lorde Stanley, [...]e [...] long fight, diſcomfited the forward at King Ri|chard, whereof a get a
to [...]er were ſtayne in the chaſe and fight, by ye greateſt number which
compelled by feare of the King and not of theyr meete voluntarie motion came
to the field, gaue neuer a ſtroke, & hauing no harme nor damage,
ſa [...]ly departed, whiche [...] h [...]her in hope to ſee the king proſpect and pro [...]
[...] that hee ſhoulde be ſhamefully con [...]u [...] and brought to [...]yne.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 In this battayle dyed
[...] about the num|ber of a thouſande perſons: And of the nob [...] were, ſlayne Iohn Duke of Norfolke, whyche was [...]ed by diuers to refraine ſtou [...] ye fiel [...]
EEBO page image 1422 in ſo muche that the night before he ſhoulde ſette
forwarde towarde the King, one wrote on hys gate.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
Iacke of Norffolke be not to bolde
For Dikon thy maſter is boughte and ſolde.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Yet al this
notwithſtãding, he regarded more his othe, his honor and promiſe made to
Kyng Richard, lyke a Gentleman & as a faithfull ſub|iect to his Prince, abſented not himſelfe from his
maiſter, but as he faithfully liued vnder him, ſo he manfully dyed with him,
to his greate fame and lande.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 There were ſlayne beſyde
hym, Water Lord Ferrers of Chartley, Sir Richarde Rad|cliffe, and Roberte
Brakenburie, Lieutenante of the Tower, and not many Gentlemen moe. Sir
William Cateſbey, learned in the lawes of the Realme, and one of the chiefe
counſaylers to the late King, with diuers
other, were two days af|ter beheaded at Leyceſter. Amongſt them that ran
away, were Sir Francis Vicount Louell, and Humfrey Stafford, and Thomas
Stafford his brother, whiche tooke Sanctuary in Saincte Iohns at Glouceſter.
Of captiues and priſoners there was a great number, for after the death of
King Richard was knowen and publiſhed, eue|ry man in manner vna [...]ning himſelfe, and ca|ſting away his abilimentes of warre, meekely
ſubmitted themſelues to the obeyſance
and rule of the Earle of Richmond of the which, ye more part had gladly ſo
done in the beginning, if they mighte haue conueniently eſcaped from Kyng
Richards eſpials, which hauing as cleeres eyes as Linx, and open eares as
Mydas, [...]aunged and ſearched in euery quarter. Amongſt theſe was Henrye the
fourth Earle of Northumberlande, which whether it was by the commaundemente
of King Richarde, putting diffidence in him, or he did it for the loue and fauour that he bare vn|to the
Earle, ſtoode ſtill with a great company, and intermitted not in the
battaile, whyche was incontinently receiued into fauoure, and made of the
counſayle. But Thomas Howard Earle of Sufrey which ſubmitted himſelfe there,
was not taken to grace, bycauſe his father was chiefe counſayler, and hee
greatly familiar with Kyng Richard, but committed to the Tower of Lon|don,
where he long remayned in concluſion
deliuered, and for his trueth and fidelitie after promoted to high honors,
offices and dignities. On the Earle of Richmondes part, were ſlayne ſcarce
one hundred perſons, amongſt whom the principal was Sir William Brãdon his
ſtan|derd bearer.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 This battaile was foughte
at Boſworth in Leyceſterſhire, the two and twentith daye of Auguſt, in the
yeare of our redemption .1489. the whole conflicte endured litle
aboue two houres.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 King Richard as the fame
went, mighte haue eſcaped and gotten ſafegard by fleeing. For whẽ they
which were next about his perſon ſaw and perceyued at the firſte ioyning of
the battayle the ſouldiers fayntly and nothing [...] to ſet on their enimies, and not only that, but al|ſo that ſome
withdrewe themſelues priuily one of the preaſe and departed, they began to
[...]+pect fraude and to ſmell treaſon, and not only ex|horted, but
determinately aduiſed him to [...] himſelfe by flight: and when the loſſe of the bat|taile was imminent
and apparãt, they brought to him a ſwift and a light horſe, to conuey hym
away.
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1
2 He whiche was not
ignorant of the grudge and ill will that the commõ people bate toward him,
caſting away all hope of fortunate ſucceſſe and happie chance to come,
aunſwered (as men ſay) that on that day he would make an ende of all
battailes, or elſe there finiſhe his life. Suche a great audacitie and ſuch
a ſtout ſtomacke [...]g|ned in his body, for ſurely he knew that to be the day in the which
it ſhould be decided and deter|mined whither he ſhould peaceably obteyne and
enioy his kingdome during his life, or elſe vtter|ly forgoe and be depriued
of the ſame, with whi|che to much hardineſſe, he being ouercome, haſti|ly
cloſed his helmet, and entred fiercely into the hard battaile, to the intent
to obteyne that daye a quiet raigne and regimente, or elſe to finiſhe there
his vnquiet life, and vnfortunate [...]er|naunce. And ſo this miſe [...] at ye ſame very [...]te, hadde like chaunce and fortune, as happeneth to ſuch which in
place of right iuſtice and [...]ie, folowing their ſẽſual appetite, loue, & vſe to [...]m|brace miſchiefe, tyrannie, and vnthriftn [...]ſſe. Surely theſe be examples of more [...], tho [...] mãs tong can expreſſe, to feare an [...]ne ſuche euill perſons, as will not lyue one [...]ce [...] from doing and exerciſing [...]
[...]ſ|chiefe for outragious liuing.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 When the Earle had thus
obteyned [...], and ſlayne his mortall enimie, he [...] downe and rendred to almightie God his harty [...]s, with depute and godly oriſons, be [...] hys [...] to ſende him grace to aduarice and de|fende the Catholike faith, and
to mainteyne iu|ſtice and concord amongſt his ſubiects and peo|ple, by God
now to his gouernaunce committed and aſſigned.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 Which prayer finished, hee replenished with incomperable
gladnesse, ascended vppe to the toppe of a little Mountaine, where hee not
onely praysed and lawded his valiane soldiers, but also gaue vnto them his
harty thankes, with promise
EEBO page image 1423 promise of condigne recompence for their fidelitie and
valiante factes, willing and commannding all the hurt and wounded persons,
to be cured, and the dead carcases to bee delivered to the sepulture. Then
the people reioyced, and clapped theyr hands crying vp to heauen, King Henry
King Henry.
Compare 1587 edition:
1 When the Lord Stanley sawe the good will and gladnesse of the
people, he toke the crown of King Richard whiche was founde amongst the
spoyle in the field, and set it on the Earles head, as though he had ben
elected king by the voice of the people, in auncient tymes past in dyuers
realmes it hath bene accustomed: and this was the firste signe and token of
his good lucke and felicitie.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2
3 I must put you heere in remembrance, howe that king Richard
putting some diffidence in the Lord Stanley, whiche had with him as an
hostage the Lord Strange, his eldest sonne, which lorde Stanley (as ye haue
heard before) ioyned not at the fyrst with his sonne in lawes armye, for
feare that king Richard wold haue slayn the Lord Straunge his heyre. When
king Richard was come to Bosworth, he sente a pursiuant to the lorde Stanley, commaundyng him to aduaunce forward
with his companie, and to come to his presence, which thing if he refused to
do, he sware by Christes passion, that he woulde stryke off his sonnes head
before he dyned. The Lorde Stanley
anſwered the purſuant that the king did ſo, he had more ſonnes lyue, and as
to come to hym, he was not then ſo determined. When king Richarde hearde
this an ſwete, he commaun|ded the lorde Straunge incontinent to be [...]|ded, which was at that very ſame ſeaſon, when both the armies had
ſight eche of other. The coũ|ſaylors of king Richard poudering the time and
cauſe, knowing alſo the Lorde Straunge to be innocẽt of his fathers
offence, perſuading the K. that it was now
tyme to fyght, and not [...] for execution, aduiſing him to kepe the lord Strange as a priſoner
till the battayle were ended, & then at leyſure his pleaſure myght
be accompliſhed. So (as God wold) king Richard brake his holy othe, and the
Lorde was deliuered to the kepers of the kinges Tentes, to be kepte as a
priſoner: which when the fielde was done, and theyr mai|ſter ſlaine, and
proclamation made to knowe where the chyld was, they ſubmitted themſelues
as priſoners to the Lorde Strange, and
he gent|ly receiued them, and brought them to the newe proclaymed King,
where of him and of his fa|ther, hee was receued with great ioy and
glad|neſſe.
Compare 1587 edition:
1
2 After this whole campe remoued wyth bagge and baggage, and the
same night in the Euening King Henry with great pompe came to the Towne of
Lycester. Where as well for the refreshyng of hys people and souldiours, as
for preparing all thyngs necessarie for his iourney towarde London, hee
rested and reposed himself twoo dayes. In the meane season, the deade corps
of king Rycharde was as shamefully caryed to the Towne of Leycester, as he
gorgeously the day before wyth pompe & pryde departed out of the
same Towne. For his body was naked and dyspoiled to the skin, and nothing
left about him, not so much as a clowte to couer hys priuie members, and was
trussed behinde a Pursyuant of armes called Blaunche Senglier, or
White Bore, like a Hog or Calfe, the head and armes hanging on the one side
of the horse, and the legs on the other side, and all besprinckled with mire
& bloude was broughte to the gray Friers Churche within the Towne,
& there lay like a miserable spectacle: but surely considering hys
mischieuous actes and vngracious dooyngs, men may worthely wonder at suche a
caytiue: and in the sayde Churche he was wyth no lesse funerall pompe and
solemnitie enterred, than he woulde to be done at the buriyng of his
innocent Nephewes, whom he caused cruelly to be murthered, &
unnaturally to be quelled.
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1 When hys deathe was knowne, fewe lamented, and manye reioysed:
the proude bragging white Bore (whiche was his badge) was violently rased
and plucked downe from euery sight and place where it might be espied, so
ill was his life, that men wished the memorie of hym to be buried wyth hys
carren corpse. Hee reigned twoo yeares, twoo moneths, and one day.
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1 As he was ſmall [...] of ſtature, ſo was he of bodie greatly de [...]ed, the one ſhuld [...] higher than the other, his [...] ſmall, but his countenãnce was cruell, and ſuche, that at the firſte
aſpect a ma [...]
[...] iudge it to ſauour and ſmell of ma|lice, fraude and deceit: when he
ſtode muſing, he woulde byte and chawe buſily his nether lippe, as who
ſayde, that his fierce nature in his cruell bo|die, alwais chafed, ſtirred,
and was euer vnquiet: beſyde that, the dagger whiche he ware, he wold when
he ſtudyed, with his hande plucke vp and downe in the ſheath to the mids,
neuer drawing it fully out: he was of a ready, pregnant & quicke
witte, wyly to fayne, and apt to diſſemble: he had a proude mynde and an
arrogant ſtomacke, the whiche accompanied him euen to his death, ra|ther
chuſing to ſuffer the ſame by dint of ſword, than being forſaken and left
helpleſſe of hys vn|faithfull companyons, to preſerue by cowardly flight,
ſuche a frayle and vncertayn lyfe, whiche by malice, ſicknes, or condigne
puniſhment was lyke ſhortly to come to confuſion.
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1
EEBO page image 1424Thus ended this Prince his mortall life, with infarny
& diſhonor, whiche neuer preferred fame or honeſtie before ambition,
tyrannie and miſ|chiefe. And if hee had continued ſtill Protector, and
ſuffered his Nephewes to haue liued and raigned, no doubt but the Realm had
proſpered, and he much prayſed and beloued, as he is nowe abhorred, and had
in hatted but to God whyche knew his inwarde thoughtes at the houre of hys
death, I remitte the puniſhment of his offences committed in his life.
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1 King Henry the ſeauenth
cauſed a Tombe to bee made and ſet vp ouer the place where hee was buried in
the Churche of the grey Frier [...] at Leyceſter, with a picture of alablaſter, repreſen|ting his perſon,
doing that honor to his enemie, vpon a princely regard and pitifull zeale
whyche King Richard (moued of an ypocriticall ſhewe of counterfaite pitie)
did to King Henry ye ſixte, whome he had firſt cruelly murthered, and after
in the ſecond yeare of his vſurped
raigne, cau|ſed his corpes to bee remoued from Chertſey vnto Windeſore, and
there ſolemnely enter|red.
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1
2
3 And nowe to conclude wyth this c [...]ell Ty|rant king Richarde, wee maye conſider in what ſorte the
ambitious deſire to rule and gouerne in the houſe of Yorke, was puniſhed by
Goc [...]tu [...] prouidence: for although that the right myghte ſeeme to remayne in
the perſon of Richard duke of Yorke,
flayne at Wakefielde, yet may there bee a faulte worthyly reputed in hym ſo
to ſeeke to preuent the tyme appoynted hym by autho|ritie of Parliamente to
attayne to the Crowne, entayled to hym and hys iſſue, in whome alſo, and not
onely in hymſelfe that offence (as may bee thoughte) was duely puniſhed: for
although his eldeſt fonne Edwarde the fourthe, beeyng a Prince right
prouidente and circumſpect for the suretie of hys owne estate and his
children, in so muche, that not contented
to cut off all his armed and apparant enimyes, he also of a iealous feare,
made away his brother the Duke of Clarence, and so thoughte to make it all
sure. But Gods vengeaunce myght not bee disappoynted, for as ye haue partely
hearde, he didde but further therby the destruction of his issue in takyng
awaye hym that onely myghte haue stayed the Turkishe crueltie of his brother
of Gloucester, who enraged for desire of the kingdome, berefte his innocent
nephues of their lyues and estates. And as it thus well appeared, that the
house of Yorke shewed it selfe more bloudye in seeking to obteyne the
kyngdom, than that of Lancaster in vsurping it: So it came to passe, that
the Lords vengeaunce appeared more heauie towardes the same than towardes
the other, not ceassyng to tyll the whole issue male of the sayd Richarde
duke of Yorke was extinguished. For suche is Gods Iustice, to leaue no
vnrepentant wickednes vnpunished, as especially in thys caytife Richarde the
thirde, not deseruing so muche as the name of a man, muche lesse of a kyng,
moste manifestly appeared.
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1 But nowe of learned menne that lyued, and wrote in the dayes of
this vsurper and hys nephew king Edward the fyfth, these we fynde recorded
by Iohn Bale: firste Iohn Penketh an Augustine Frier of Warington in
Lancashire, a right suttle fellow in disputation, folowing the footesteppes
of his Maister Iohn Duns, whom he chiefly studied. He wrote diuers
treatises, and made that infamous sermon at Poules crosse, in fauour of the
Duke of Gloucester then protector, to the disinheriting of Edward the fifth,
his laufull king and gouernour: Iohn Kent or Cayley borne in South wales:
George Riplay first a Chanon of Bridlington, and after a Carmelite Frier in
Boston, a greate Mathematician, Rhetorician and Poet: Iohn Spyne a Carmelite
Frier of Bristowe, that proceeded Doctour of diuinitie in Cambridge, and
suche lyke.