1.18. King Richard the third.

King Richard the third.

EEBO page image 1386 [figure appears here on page 1386]

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Rich. the .iij.

1483

An. reg. 1. This that is [...]ere betweene his mark and his marke * was not writ|en by maiſter Moore in this hiſtorie writ|en by him in Englishe, but [...]s tranſlated [...]ut of this hi| [...]tory which he wrote in latin.

_THE next day, the Potector w^t a great trayne, wente to Weſtminſter hall, and there where hee had placed himſelfe in the Co [...]e of the Kinges [...] de| [...] to the audi|ence, that he woulde take vpon him the Crowne in that place there, where the King himſelfe ſit|teth and miniſtreth the lawe, bycauſe hee conſi|dered that it was the chiefeſt duetie of a King to miniſter the lawes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Then with as plesant Oration as he could, he went about to win vnto hym, the nobles, the merchantes, the artificers, and in conclusion all kynde of men, but especially the Lawyers of this realme. And finally to the intent that no ma(n) should hate him for feare, and that his deceytfull clemencie myghte get hym the good will of the people, when he had declared the discommoditie of discorde, and the commodities of concorde and vnitie, he made an open proclamation, that he did put oute of his mynde all enimities, and that he thre did openly pardon all offences co(m)mitted against him. And to the intente that hee myghte shewe a proofe thereof, he commaunded that one Fogge, whome he had long deadly hated, should be brought before hym, who being brought out of the Sanctuarie (for thyther had he fledde for feare of him) in the ſlight of the people, hee tooke hym by the hande. Whiche thyng the Common people reioyced at, and prayſed, but wyſe menne tooke it for a vani| [...]. I [...] his retourne homewarde, whome ſo [...]er [...], he ſaluted. For a mynde that kno|weth it ſelfe guiltie, is in a manner deiected to a ſeruile d [...]cle.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When he had begonne his reigne the daye of Iune, after this mockiſhe election, then was hee Crowned the daye of the ſame moneth. And that ſolemnitie was furniſhed for the moſt parte, with the ſelfe ſame prouiſion that was appoynted for the coronatiõ of his nephue.*

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Compare 1587 edition: 1 [...]om thys [...]ark to this* [...] not founde [...] Sir Thomas Moore, but in maiſter Hall [...]nd Grafton.But heere to ſhewe the manner of his Coro|nation, as the ſame is inſerted in this Pamphlet of Sir Thomas More, by maſter Hall and Ri|chard Grafton, although not found in the ſame Pamphlet, thus we find it by them reported.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Firſt to be ſure of all enimies (as he thoughte) he ſent for fyne thouſande men of the Northe a|gainſt his Coronation, which came vp euill ap|parelled, and worſe harneiſed, in ruſtie harneis, neither defenſable, nor ſcoured to the ſale, which muſtered in Finſeburie field, to the great diſdeine of all the lookers on.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The fourth day of Iuly, he came to the To|wer by water with his wife, and the fifth day he created Thomas Lord Haward Duke of Norf|folke, and Sir Thomas Haward his ſonne, hee created Earle of Surrey, and William Lorde Barkeley was then created Earle of Notting|ham, EEBO page image 1387 and Fraunces Lord Louel, was then made Vicount Louell, and the King his Chamber|layne: and the Lord Stanley was deliuered out of warde, for feare of his ſonne the L. Strange, which was then in Lancaſhire gathering men (as men ſayde) and the ſayde Lord was made Stewarde of the King his houſholde: lykewiſe the Archbyſhoppe of Yorke was deliuered: but Morton Byſhoppe of Elie, was cõmitted to the Duke of Buckingham to keepe in warde, which ſent him to his manor of Brecknock in Wales, from whence hee eſcaped to King Richarde hys confuſion. The ſame nyght, the King made ſe|uenteene Knyghtes of the Bathe, whoſe names enſue.

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• Sir Edmond the Duke of Suffolkes ſonne.
• Sir George Grey, the Erle of Kents ſonne.
• Sir William, the Lord Souches ſonne.
• Sir Henry Burganie.
• Sir Chriſtopher Willoughbie.
• Sir William Barkeley.
• Sir Henrie Babington.
• Sir Thomas Arondell.
• Sir Thomas Boleyne.
• Sir Gerueys of Clifton.
• Sir William Saye.
• Sir Edmond Bedingfield.
• Sir William Enderbie.
• Sir Thomas Lekenor.
• Sir Thomas of Vrmon.
• Sir Iohn Browne.
• Sir William Barkeley.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The next day, being the fifth day of Iulie, the King rode through the Citie of London to|ward Weſtminſter with great pomp, being ac|companied with theſe Dukes, Earles, Lordes, and Knightes, whoſe names followe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Edward Prince of Wales, the Kings onely ſonne.

Dukes.

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• The Duke of Norffolke.
• The Duke of Buckingham.
• The Duke of Suffolke.

Earles.

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• The Earle of Northumberlande.
• The Earle of Arondell.
• The Earle of Kent.
• The Earle of Surrey.
• The Earle of Wilſhire.
• The Earle of Huntingdon.
• The Earle of Nottingham.
• The Earle of Warwike.
• The Earle of Lincolne.

Lordes.

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• The Lord Liſle Vicount.
• The Lord Louell Vicount.
• The Lord Stanley.
• The Lord Audeley.
• The Lord Dakers.
• The Lord Ferrers of Chertley.
• The Lord Powes.
• The Lord Scrope of Vpſale.
• The Lord Scrope of Bolton.
• The Lord Gray Codner.
• The Lord Gray of Wilton.
• The Lord Sturton.
• The Lord Cobham.
• The Lord Morley.
• The Lord Burganie.
• The Lord Souche.
• The Lord Ferrers of Groby.
• The Lord Welles.
• The Lord Lomney.
• The Lord Matreuers.
• The Lord Harbert.
• The Lord Becham.

Knightes.

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• Sir Iames Titell.
• Sir William Kniuet.
• Sir Thomas Aborow.
• Sir William Standley.
• Sir William Aparre.
• Sir George Browne.
• Sir Robert Middleton.
• Sir Iohn Henningham.
• Sir Nicholas Latimer.
• Sir Thomas Mongomery.
• Sir Thomas Delamer.
• Sir Gilbert Debnam.
• Sir Terrie Robſart.
• Sir William Brandon.
• Sir Iohn Sauell.
• Sir Henry Wentfoord.
• Sir Edward Standley.
• Sir Henry Seyntmont.
• Sir William yong.
• Sir Thomas Bowſer.
• Sir Henry Winkefielde.
• Sir Thomas Wortley.
• Sir Iohn Seyntlow
• Sir Charles of Pilkinton.
• Sir Iames Harington.
• Sir Iohn Aſheley.
• Sir Thomas Barkley.
• Sir Richard Becham.
• Sir William Hopton.
• Sir Thomas Percy.
• Sir Robert Dymocke.
• Sir Iohn Cheyny.
• Sir Richard Ludlowe.
• Sir Iohn Eldrington.
• Sir William Sands.
• Sir Richard Dudley.
• EEBO page image 1388Sir William Seintlowe.
• Sir Thomas Twaightes.
• Sir Edmond of Dudley.
• Sir Raufe Aſhton.
• Sir Richard Charlington.
• Sir Thomas Gray.
• Sir Phillip Barkeley.
• Sir Robert Harington.
• Sir Thomas Greſley.
• Sir Richard Harecourt.
• Sir Wiliam Noris.
• Sir Thomas Selenger.
• Sir Richard Hodleſten.
• Sir Iohn Conias.
• Sir William Stoner.
• Sir Phillip Courtney.
• Sir William Gaſcoigne.
• Sir Richard Amedilton.
• Sir Roger Fynes.
• Sir George Vere.
• Sir Henry Percie. Sir Iohn Wood.
• Sir Iohn Aparre.
• Sir Iohn Gray. Sir Iohn Danby.
• Sir Richard Tailebuſhe.
• Sir Iohn Rider.
• Sir Iohn Herring.
• Sir Richard Enderby.
• Sir Iohn Barkeley.
• Sir Iames Strangwiſhe.
• Sir Raufe Carnbrecke.
• Sir Iohn Conſtable.
• Sir Robert Eliarde.
• Sir Richard Darell.
• Sir Iohn Gilforde. Sir Iohn Lekenor.
• Sir Iohn Morley.
• Sir Iohn Hewes.
• Sir Iohn Boleyne.
• Sir Edmond Shaa Alderman.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 On the morrowe beeing the ſixte daye of Iu|lye, the King with Quene Anne hys wife, came down out of the White Hall into the great Hall at Weſtminſter, and went directly to the kings bench. And from thence, the king and the Quene going vpon raye clothe barefooted, wente vnto Sainct Edwardes Shrine, and all his nobilitie goyng wyth hym, euery Lorde in his degree. And firſte went the trumpets, and then the Her|raultes of armes in their riche coates, and nexte followed the Croſſe with a ſolemne proceſſion, the Prieſtes hauyng fine ſurpleſſes and graye a|miſſes vpon them. The Abbottes and Byſhops mitred and in riche Copes and euery of them ca|ried theyr Croſiers in their handes. The By|ſhop of Rocheſter bare the Croſſe before the Car|dinall. Then followed the Earle of Huntyng|ton bearyng a paire of guilt ſpurres ſignifiyng Knyghtehoode. Then followed the Earle of Bedforde bearing Sainct Edwardes ſtaffe for a relique. After them came the Earle of Nor|thumberlande bareheaded, wyth the Pointeleſſe ſworde naked in his hande which ſignifyed mer|cye. The Lorde Stanley bare the mace of the Coneſtableſhippe. The Earle of Kent bare the ſeconde ſworde on the right hande of the Kyng naked, wyth a pointe, whyche ſignifyed Iuſtice to the Temporalitie. The Lord Louell bare the thirde ſworde on the lefte hande wyth a pointe, whyche ſignifyed Iuſtice to the Clergye. The Duke of Suffolke followed wyth the Scepter in his hande, whiche ſignifyed peace. The earle of Lincolne bare the Ball and Croſſe, whyche ſignifyed a Monarchie. The Earle of Surrey bare the fourth ſword before the King in a riche ſcabberd, and that is called the ſworde of eſtate. Then went three togither, in the middeſt wente Garter King at armes in his rich cote: and on his left hande wente the Maior of London, bea|ring a mace: and on his righte hande wente the Gentleman Vſſher of the priuie chamber. Then followed the Duke of Norffolke, bearing the Kings Crowne betweene his hands. Then fol|lowed King Richard in his robes of purple vel|uet, and ouer his head a canapie, borne by foure Barons of the fiue portes. And on euery ſide of the King there went one Byſhop, that is to ſay, the Byſhop of Bath, and the Biſhoppe of Dur|ham. Then followed the Duke of Buckingham bearing the Kings trayne, with a white ſtaffe in his hande, ſignifying the office of the high Ste|ward of England. Then there followed a great number of Earles & Barons before y^e Queene. And then came y^e Erle of Huntington, who bare y^e Queenes Scepter, & the Vicount Liſle bea|ryng the rodde with the Doue. And the earle of Wilſhire bare the Queenes Crowne. Then fol|lowed Queene Anne daughter to Richard Erle of Warwicke in robes like to y^e King, betweene two Byſhoppes, and a Canapie ouer hir heade borne by the Barons of the Ports. On hir head a riche Coronall ſet wyth ſtones and pearle. Af|ter hir followed the Counteſſe of Richemonde heire to the Duke of Somerſette, whiche bare vp the Queenes traine. After followed the Dut|cheſſe of Suffolke and Norffolke, wyth Coun|teſſes, Baroneſſes, Ladies and many faire Gen|tlewomen. In this order they paſſed through the Pallaice, and entred the Abbey at the Weſt end, and ſo came to their ſeates of eſtate. And after diuers ſongs ſolempnly ſong, they bothe diſcen|ded to the hyghe Aulter and were ſhifted from their robes, and had diuers places open from the middle vpwarde, in whiche places they were an|nointed. Then bothe the King and the Queene chaunged them into clothe of golde and aſcen|ded to their ſeates, where the Cardinall of Caunterburye, and other Byſhoppes them EEBO page image 1389 Crowned according to the cuſtome of y^e realme, giuing him the Scepter in the left hande, and the ball with the croſſe in the righte hande, and the Queene had the Scepter in hir right hande, and the rodde with the done in the left hande.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 On euery ſide of the King ſtoode a Duke, and before hym ſtoode the Earle of Surrey with the ſword in his handes. And on euery ſide of the Queene ſtanding a Biſhoppe and a Lady knee|ling.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Cardinall ſong Maſſe, and after paxe, the King and the Queene deſcended, and before the high Aulter they wer both houſeled, with one hoſt deuided betweene them.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After Maſſe finiſhed, they both offered at S. Edward his Shrine, and there the King left the Crowne of Sainte Edward, and putte on hys owne Crowne. And ſo in order as they came, they departed to Weſtminſter Hall, and ſo to their chambers for a ſeaſon, during which time, the Duke of Norffolke came into the hall, hys horſe trapped to the ground in cloth of golde, as high Marſhall, and voided the hall.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 About foure of the clocke, the King & Queene entred the hall, and the King ſate in the middle, and the Queene on the left hand of the table, and on euery ſide of hir ſtoode a Counteſſe, holdyng a cloth of pleaſaunce, when ſhe lift to drinke. And on the right hand of the King ſate the Byſhoppe of Caunterburie, the Ladyes ſate all on one ſide, in the middle of the hall. And at the Table a|gainſte them, ſate the Chancellor and all the Lordes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At the table next the euphorde, ſate the Mai|or of London, and at the table behind the Lords, ſate the Barons of the portes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And at the other tables ſate noble and wor|ſhipfull perſonages.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When all perſons were ſet, the D. of Nor|folke Earle Marſhal, the Earle of Surrey, Con|neſtable for that day, the Lorde Stanley Lorde Stewarde, Sir William Hopton Treaſourer, and Sir Thomas Percy comptroller, came in, and ſerued the King ſolemnelie, with one diſhe of golde, and another of ſiluer, and the Queene all in gilte veſſell, and the Biſhop all in ſiluer.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At the ſeconde courſe came into the hall, Sir Robert Dimmocke the Kings Champion, ma|king proclamation, that whoſoeuer woulde ſay, that King Richarde was not lawfull King, hee would fight with him at the vtterance, & threwe downe his gantlet, and then all the hall cryed King Richarde. And ſo he did in three partes of the Hall, and then one broughte him a cuppe of wine couered, and when he hadde dronke, he caſt out the drinke, and departed with the cuppe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that the Heraulds cryed alargeſſe thrice in the hall, and ſo went vp to their ſtage.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At the ende of dynner, the Maior of London ſerued the King and Queene with ſweete wine, and had of each of them a cuppe of golde, with a couer of golde. And by that time that all was done, it was darke nighte. And ſo the King re|turned to his chamber, and euerye man to hys lodging.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When this feaſt was thus finiſhed, the kyng ſente home all the Lordes into their Countreys that woulde departe, excepte the Lord Stanley, whome he reteyned, till he heard what his ſonne the Lorde Strange went about. And to ſuche as went home, hee gaue ſtraighte charge and com|maundement, to ſee their Countreys well or|dered, and that no wrong nor extorcion ſhoulde be done to his ſubiectes. And thus hee taughte o|ther to execute iuſtice and equitie, the contrarie whereof he dayly exerciſed: he alſo with great re|wardes giuen to the Northernemen, whiche he ſente for to his Coronation, [...]te them home to their Countrey with great thankes: whereof dy|uers of them (as they be all of nature very gree|die of authoritie, and ſpecially when they thinke to haue any comforte or fauoure) tooke on them ſo highly, and wroughte ſuche maiſteries, that the King was fayne to ride thither in his fyrſte yeare, and to put ſome in execution, and ſtay the Countrey, or elſe no ſmall miſchiefe had enſued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Nowe fell there miſchieues thicke.Sir Thomas More againe. And as the thing euill gotten is neuer well kepte, thorough all the tyme of his reigne neuer ceaſſed there cen|ell death and ſlaughter, till his owne deſtruction ended it. But as hee finiſhed his tyme with the beſt death and the moſt righteous, that is to wit, his owne, ſo beganne hee with the moſt piteous and wicked, I meane the lamentable murther of his innocent nephues, the yong kyng and his tender brother: whoſe death and final infortune hath natheleſſe comen ſo farre in queſtion, that ſome remayn yet in doubt, whether they were in his dayes deſtroyed or no. Not for that onely that Perkyn Werbecke by manye folkes ma|lice, and moe folkes folly,Perkyn Wer|becke. ſo long ſpace abu|ſing the worlde, was as well with princes as the poorer people, reputed and taken for the younger of theſe two, but for that alſo that all things were in late dayes ſo couertly demeaned, one thyng pretended, and another meant, that there was nothing ſo playne and openly proued,Cloſe dealing is euer ſuſ|pected. but that yet for the common cuſtom of cloſe and couert dealyng, men hadde it euer inwardly ſuſ|pect: as many well counterfaited Iewels make the true myſtruſted. Howbeit concerning the o|pinon, with the occaſions mouyng eyther par|tie, we ſhall haue place more at large to intreate, if we hereafter happen to write the tyme of the late noble Prince of famous memorie King Hẽ|rie the ſeauenth, or percaſe that hiſtory of Perkin EEBO page image 1390 in any compendious proceſſe by it ſelfe. But in the meane time for this preſent matter, I ſhal re|hearſe you the dolorous ende of thoſe babes, not after euery way that I haue heard, but after that way that I haue ſo hearde by ſuche men and by ſuche meanes as me thinketh it were hard, but it ſhould be true.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 King Richard after his Coronation, takyng his way to Glouceſter to viſit in his new [...] ho|nour, the towne of which he bare the name of his olde, deuiſed as he rode, to fulfill the thing whiche he before had intended. And for aſmuche as hys minde gaue him, that his nephewes liuing, men would not recken that he could haue right to the Realme, he thoughte therefore without delay to ridde them,Iohn Greeue. Robert Bra|kenbery Con|neſtable of the Tower. as though the killing of his kinſmen could amend his cauſe, and make him a kindelie King. Wherevpon, he ſent one Iohn Greene, whome hee ſpecially truſted vnto Sir Roberte Brakenbery, Conneſtable of the Tower, with a [figure appears here on page 1390] letter and cred [...]nce and, that the ſame ſir Robert ſhould in any wiſe put the two children to death. This Iohn Green, did his errand vnto Brakẽ|bery, kneeling before our Lady in the tower, who playnely aunſwered, that he would neuer putte them to death to die therefore: with which aun|ſwere, Iohn Greene returning, recoumpted the ſame to King Richard at Warwike yet in hys way. Wherewith he tooke ſuch diſpleaſure and thought, that the ſame night he ſaid vnto a ſecret page of his: An whome ſhall a man truſt? thoſe that I haue broughte vp my ſelfe, thoſe that I had went would moſt ſurely ſerue me, euẽ thoſe fayle me, and at my commaundemente will doe nothing for me. Sir (quoth his page) there ly|eth one on your pa [...]let without, that I dare well ſay, to do your grace pleaſure, the thing wer right harde that he would refuſe, meaning this by Sir Iames Tirrel,Sir Iames Tyrell. which was a man of right goodly perſonage, and for natures giftes worthy to haue ſerued a much better Prince, if he had wel ſerued God, and by grace obteyned aſmuche trothe and good will as he had ſtrength and with.Authoritie loueth to pa [...]. The [...] had an high heart, and ſore longed vpward, not riſing yet ſo faſt as hee had hoped, being [...] and kepte vnder by the meanes of Sir Richarde Ratcliffe, and Sir William Cateſhie, whyche longing for no moe partners of the Princes fa|uoure, and namely not for him, whoſe wide they wiſt woulde beare no peere, kepte him by [...]e d [...]iftes out of all ſecrete truſt, which thing, thys Page well had marked and knowen: wherefore this occaſion offered, of very ſpeciall friende|ſhippe hee tooke hys tyme to put him forwarde, and by ſuche wyſe doe hym good that all the enimies hee hadde excepte the Deuyll, coulde neuer haue doone hym ſo muche h [...]. For vp|on thys pages woordes Kyng Richarde [...]oſ [...]. (For thys communication hadde he ſitting at the draught, a conuenient corpet for ſuche in coun|ſell) and came oute into the pallet chamber, on which he founde in bed ſir Iames, & ſir Thomas Tyrels, of perſon like and brethren of bloud, but nothing of kin in conditions. Then ſaid the king merily to them, what [...]rs he ye in [...] and calling vp ſir Iames, brake to him ſecretely his mynde in this miſcheuous matters. In whiche he founde him nothyng ſtrange. Wherefore on the morow he ſent him to Braken burne with a let|ter, by which he was cõmaunded to deliuer Sir Iames all the keys of the tower for one nighte, to the end he might there accompliſhe the kinges pleaſure, in ſuch thing as he had giuen him com|mandement. After whiche letter deliuered & the keys receyued, ſir Iames appointed the nyghte next enſuyng to deſtroye them, deuiſing before and preparing the meanes. The prince a [...] ſoone as the protectour left that name, and toke himſelf as king, had it ſhewed vnto hym, that he ſhoulde not reigne, but his vncle ſhould haue the crown. At which word, the Prince ſore abaſhed, began to ſigh, and ſayd: Alas, I wold my vncle wold let me haue my life yet, though I leeſe my king|dome. Then he that tolde him the tale, vſed him with good wordes, and put him in the beſt com|fort he could. But forthwith was the prince and his brother both ſhut vp, and all other remoued from them, only one called black Will, or Wil|liam ſlaughter excepte, ſet to ſerue them and ſee them ſure. After whiche time the Prince neuer tyed his points, nor aught rought of himſelf, but with that young babe his brother, lingred with thought and heauineſſe, till this traitetous death deliuered them of that wretchedneſſe. For Sir Iames Tyrell deuiſed that they ſhould be mur|thered in their beds. To the execution whereof, he appoynted Myles Forreſte, one of the foure that kept them, a fellowe fleſhed in murther be|fore time. To him he ioyned one Iohn Dighton his own horſkeeper, a bigge, brode, ſquare, ſtrong EEBO page image 1391 knaue.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then all the other beeing remoued from them,The yong [...] and hys [...] mur| [...]d. this Myles Forreſt, and Iohn Dighton about midnight (the ſelie children lying in theyr heddes) came into the chamber, and ſuddaynely lappe them vp amõg the clothes, ſo to bewray| [...]ed them and intangled them, keeping downe by force the fetherbed and pillowes hard vnto theyr mouthes, that within a while, ſmothered and ſtifled, their breath fayling, they gaue vnto God their innocente ſoules into the ioyes of Heauen, leauing to the tormentors their bodyes dead in the bedde. Which after that the wretches perce [...]| [...]ed, firſte by the ſtrugling with the paines of death, and after long lying ſtill to bee throughly dead, they layde theyr bodyes naked out vppon the bed, and fetched Sir Iames to ſee them, whi|che vpon the ſight of them, cauſed thoſe murthe|rers to burie them at the ſtaire foote, meetely deepe in the grounde, vnder a greate heape of ſtones.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 Then rode Sir Iames in great haſt to Kyng Richarde, and ſhewed him all the maner of the murther, who gaue him greate thankes, and (as ſome ſay) there made hym Knight. But he al|lowed not as I haue hearde, the burying in ſo vile a corner, ſaying, that hee would haue them buryed in a better place, bycauſe they were a Kings ſonnes. Loe the honorable courage of a King. Wherevpon they ſay, that a Prieſt of S. Robert Brakenbery tooke vp the bodyes againe, and ſecretely enterred them in ſuche place, as by the occaſion of his deathe, whiche onely knew it, could neuer ſince come to light. Very troth is it, and wel knowen, that at ſuch time as ſir Iames Tirrell was in the Tower, for treaſon cõmitted againſt the moſt famous Prince King Henrye the ſeauenth, both Dighton and he were exami|ned, and confeſſed the murther in manner aboue written, but whether the bodyes were remoued, they could nothing tell. And thus as I haue learned of thẽ that much knewe, and little cauſe had to lie were theſe two noble Princes, theſe in|nocent tender childrẽ, borne of moſt royal bloud, brought vp in great wealthe, likely long to lyue, raigne, and rule in the Realm, by trayterous ti|rannie taken, depriued of their eſtate, ſhortlye ſhut vp in priſon, and priuily ſlayne and mur|thered, their bodies caſt God wot where, by the cruell ambition of their vnnaturall vncle and his diſpiteous tormentors. Which things on e|uery parte well pondered, God neuer gaue thys world a more notable example, neyther in what vnſuretie ſtandeth this worldly weale, or what miſchiefe worketh the proude enterpriſe of an high heart, or finally, what wretched ende enſu|eth ſuch diſpiteous crueltie. For firſt to beginne with the Miniſters, Myles Forreſt, at Saint Mar [...] pe [...]le [...] away. Dighton in|deede yet walketh [...] alyue in good poſſibilitie to be hanged are hee dye. But Sir Iames Tyr|rell dyed at the Tower hill beheaded for treaſon. King Richarde himſelfe, as yee ſhall heereafter heare, ſlayne in the fielde, hacked and hewed of his enimies handes, haried on Horſebacke dead, his heade in deſpite torne and tugged like a curre dogge. And the miſchiefe that hee tooke, within leſſe than three yeares of the miſchiefe that hee did. And yet all the meane time, ſpente in muche payne and trouble outwarde, muche feare, an|guiſh and ſorowe within. For I haue hearde by credible reporte of ſuche as were ſecret with hys Chamberlayne, that after thys abhominable deede done, hee neuer hadde quiet in hys minde.The out and inward trou|bles of tiran [...]. Hee neuer thoughte hymſelfe ſure. Where hee wente abroade, hys eye [...] whitled about, hys body priuily fenced, hys hande euer vppon hys dagger, hys countenaunce and manner lyke one; alwayes readye to ſtrike agayne, hee tooke ill reſt anyghtes, [...]y long wakyng and mu|ſing, ſore weeryed with care and watche, ra|ther ſlumbered than ſlepte, troubled with feare|full dreames, ſuddaynely ſometyme ſtert vppe lepte out of hys bedde, and ranne aboute the chamber, ſo was hys reſtleſſe hearte continual|lie toſſed and tumbled with the tedious impreſ|ſion and ſtormie remembraunce of his abhomi|nable deede. Nowe hadde he outwarde no long [...]yme in reſt. For heerevpon, ſoone after, be|ganne the conſpiracie, or rather good confede|ration, betweene the Duke of Buckingham, and many other Gentlemen agaynſte hym.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The occaſion wherevpon the Kyng and the Duke fell out, is of dyuers folke dyuers wyſe pretended.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 Thys Duke (as I haue for certayne beene enformed) as ſoone as the Duke of Glouceſter, vppon the deathe of Kyng Edwarde, came to Yorke, and there hadde ſolemne funerall ſer|uice for Kyng Edwarde, ſente thither in the moſt ſecrete wiſe he coulde, one Perſall his tru|ſtie ſeruaunte, who came to Iohn Warde a Chamberer of lyke ſecrete truſt with the Duke of Glouceſter, deſiring, that in the moſt cloſe and couerte manner, hee myghte be admitted to the preſence and ſpeeche of hys maiſter. And the Duke of Glouceſter aduertiſed of hys de|ſire, cauſed hym in the dead of the nyghte, after all other folke auoyded, to bee broughte vnto hym in hys ſecrete Chamber, where Perſall after hys maſters recommendation, ſhe|wed hym that hee hadde ſecretely ſente hym to ſhewe hym, that in thys newe worlde, hee woulde take ſuche parte as hee woulde, and wayte vppon hym with a thouſande good fellowes, if neede were. The Meſſenger EEBO page image 1392 ſent backe with thankes, and ſome ſecrete inſtru|ction of the Protectors minde: yet mette him a|gayne with farther meſſage from the Duke hys maſter, within few days after at Nottingham: whither the Protector from Yorke with manye Gentlemen of the North Countrey to y^e num|ber of ſixe hundred horſes, was come on his way to Londonwarde, and after ſecret meeting and communication had, eftſoone departed. Where|vpon at Northampton, the Duke met with the Protector hymſelfe with three hundred Horſes, and from thence ſtill continued with hym part|ner of all hys deuiſes, till that after his Corona|tion, they departed as it ſeemed very great friẽds at Glouceſter. From whence aſſoone as the duke came home, he ſo lightly turned from him, and ſo highly conſpired againſte him, that a manne woulde maruell whereof the change grew. And ſurely, the occaſion of their varriance is of diuers men diuerſlie reported. Some haue (I heard ſay) that the Duke alittle before the Coronation, a|mong other things, required of the Protector the Duke of Herefordes lands, to the which hee pre|tended himſelfe iuſt inheritor. And foraſmuch as the title whiche he claymed by inheritance, was ſomewhat interlaced with y^e title to the Crowne, by the line of King Henrye before depriued, the Protector conceyued ſuch indignation, that hee reiected the Dukes requeſt with manye ſpitefull and minatorie wordes, whiche ſo wounded hys heart with hatred and miſtruſt, that he neuer af|ter coulde endure to looke a righte on King Ri|chard, but euer feared his own life, ſo farre forth, that when the Protector rode through London towarde his Coronation, hee fayned hymſelfe ſicke, bycauſe he would not ride with hym. And the other taking it in euill part, ſent hym worde to riſe, and come ride, or he would make hym bee carried. Wherevpon, he rode on with euill wyll, and that notwithſtanding on the morrowe, roſe from the feaſt, fayning hymſelfe ſicke, and King Richard ſayde, it was done in hatred and deſpite of hym. And they ſayde that euer after continu|ally, eache of them liued in ſuche hatred and di|ſtruſt of other, that the Duke verily looked to haue bin murthered at Glouceſter. From whych naytheleſſe, hee in faire manner departed. But ſurely ſome right ſecrete at that days denie this: and manye righte wiſe men thinke it vnlikely, (the deepe diſſembling nature of thoſe both men conſidered, and what neede in that greene world the Protector had of the Duke, and in what pe|ril the Duke ſtoode, if hee fell once in ſuſpicion of the Tyrant) y^t eyther the Protector would giue the Duke occaſion of diſpleaſure, or the Duke the Protector occaſion of miſtruſt. And verily, men thinke, that if King Richard had anye ſuch opinion conceyued, he would neuer haue ſuffered him to eſcape his hands. Very truth it is, [...] was an high minded man, and euill co [...] beare the glorie of an other, ſo that I haue [...] of ſome that ſay they ſaw it, that the Duke at [...] time as the Crowne was firſt ſet vpon the Pro|tectors head, his eye coulde not abyde the [...] thereof, but wried his head another way. But men ſaye, that he was of troth not well at eaſe, and that both to King Richarde well kno [...], and not ill taken, nor any demaund of the dukes vncurteouſly reiected, but hee both was greate giftes and high beheſtes, in moſt louing a [...] [...]|ſtie manner, departed at Glouceſter. But [...] after his comming home to Brecknocke, ha|uing there in his cuſtodie by the commaunde|ment of King Richarde Doctor Morton, By|ſhop of Elie, who (as ye before heard) was taken in the Counſell at the Tower, waxed with h [...] familiar: whoſe wiſedome abuſed hys pride ſo his owne deliuerance and the Dukes deſtracti|on. The Byſhop was a man of great naturall witte, very well learned, and honorable in beha|uiour, lacking no wiſe wayes to winne fauour. He had bin faſt vpon the parte of King Henrye, while that part was in wealth, and naytheleſſe, lefte it not, nor forſooke it in woe, but fledde the Realme with the Queene and the Prince, while King Edwarde hadde the King in priſon, neuer came home, but to the fielde. After whiche loſte, and that part vtterly ſubdued, the tother for hys faſt fayth and wiſedome, not only was contente to receyue hym, but alſo woed him to come, and had him from thenceforth both in ſecrete truſt, and very ſpeciall fauour, whiche hee nothing de|ceyued. For he being as ye haue heard after king Edwards death firſte taken by the Titante for his troth to the King, founde the meane to ſette this Duke in hys toppe, ioyned Gentlemen to|gither in aide of King Henry, deuiſing firſte the marriage betweene him and King Edwardes daughter, by whiche his faith declared the good ſeruice to both his maſters at once, with infinite benefite to the Realme by the coniunction of thoſe two blouds in one, whoſe ſeueral titles had long enquieted the lande, he fledde the Realme, went to Rome, neuer mynding more to meddle with the world, till the noble Prince King Hen|ry the ſeauenth gate him home againe, made him Archbyſhoppe of Caunterburie, and Chancellor of England, wherevnto the Pope ioyned the ho|nor of Cardinall. Thus lyuing many dayes in as much honor as one man mighte well wiſhe, ended them ſo godly, that his deathe with Gods mercie well changed his life.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 This man therefore as I was about to tell you, by the long and often alternate proofe,

1484

An. reg. 2.

as well of proſperitie, as aduers fortune, hadde got|ten by great experience the very mother and mi|ſtreſſe EEBO page image 1393 of wiſedome, a deepe inſighte in politike worldly driftes. Whereby perceyuing now this Duke glad to comune with him, fedde him with faire words, and many pleaſaunt prayſes. And perceyuing by the proceſſe of their communica|cions, the Dukes pride, nowe and then balke out a little bredde of enuie, towarde the glory of the King, and thereby feeling him ethe to fall out if the matter were well handled: he craftely ſought the wayes to pricke him forwarde, taking al|wayes the occaſion of his commyng, and ſo kee|ping himſelfe ſo cloſe within his boundes, that hee rather ſeemed to followe hym, than to leade him. For when the Duke firſte beganne to prayſe and boaſt the King, and ſhew how much profite the Realme ſhoulde take by his raigne: my Lorde Morton aunſwered: Surely my Lord, follie were it for me to lie, for if I woulde ſweare the contrarie, your Lordſhip woulde not I weene beleeue, but that if the worlde woulde haue gone as I woulde haue wiſhed, Kyng Henries ſonne had hadde the Crowne, and not King Edward. But after that God had ordered him to leeſe it, and King Edwarde to raigne, I was neuer ſo madde that I woulde with a dead man ſtriue againſte the quicke. So was I to King Edward a faithfull Chaplayne, and glad would haue bin that hys chylde hadde ſucceeded him. Howbeit, if the ſecrete iudgemente of God haue otherwiſe prouided, I purpoſe not to ſpurre againſt a pricke, nor labour to ſette vp that God pulleth downe. And as for the late Protector and now King. And euen there he left, ſaying that he had already meddled to muche with the worlde, and woulde from that day meddle with his Booke and hys heades, and no farther. Then longed the Duke ſore to heare what hee woulde haue ſayd, bycauſe he ended with the King, and there ſo ſuddaynely ſtopped, and exhorted hym ſo familiarly betweene them twayne, to be bolde to ſay whatſoeuer he thought, whereof he faith|fully promiſed, there ſhoulde neuer come hurte, and peraduenture more good than hee woulde wene, and that himſelfe intended to vſe his faith|full ſecrete aduiſe and counſell, whiche hee ſayde was the onely cauſe for which he procured of the King to haue him in his cuſtody, where hee might recken himſelfe at home, and elſe had hee bin putte in the handes of them with whome hee ſhould not haue founden the like fauoure. The Byſhop right humbly thanked him, and ſayde, in good faith my Lord, I loue not to talke much of Princes, as thing not all out of perill, though the word be without fault, for aſmuch as it ſhall not bee taken as the partie meante it, but as it pleaſeth the Prince to conſtrue it. And euer I thinke on Eſops tale, that when the Lion hadde proclaymed, that on payne of death, there ſhould none horned beaſt abyde in that wood: one that had in his forhead a bunche of fleſhe, fled awaye a great pace. The Foxe that ſaw hym runne ſo faſt, aſked hym whyther he made all that haſte? And he anſwered, In fayth I neyther wote, nor recke, ſo I were once hence, bicauſe of this pro|clamation made of horned beaſtes. What foole quoth the Foxe, thou mayſt abyde well ynough, the Lion meant not by thee, for it is none horne that is in thine head. No mary (quoth hee) that wote I well ynough. But what and hee call it an horne, where am I then? The Duke laughed merily at the tale, and ſayd, My Lorde, I war|rant you, neyther the Lion nor the Bore ſhall pyke any matter at any thing heere ſpoken, for it ſhall neuer come neere their eare. In good faith Sir ſayde the Byſhop if it did, the thing that I was about to ſay, taken as well (as afore God, I meant) it could deſerue but thanke. And yet taken as I wene it woulde, mighte happen to turne mee to little good, and you to leſſer. Then longed the Duke yet much more to witte what it was, wherevppon the Byſhoppe ſaide, in good fayth my Lorde, as for the late Protector, ſith he is nowe King in poſſeſſion, I purpoſe not to diſpute his title, but for the weale of this Realm, whereof hys grace hath nowe the gouernaunce, and whereof I am my ſelfe one poore member. I was about to wiſhe, that to thoſe good habi|lities whereof he hath already right many, little needing my prayſe: it mighte yet haue pleaſed God, for the better ſtore, to haue giuen hym ſome of ſuche other excellente vertues, meete for the rule of a Realme, as our Lord hathe planted in the perſon of youre grace: and there lefte a|gayne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 The Duke ſomewhat maruelling at his ſud|dayne pauſes,Here endeth Sir Thomas More, and this that followeth is taken out M. of Hall. as though they were but parenthe|ſes, with a high countenaunce ſayd: My Lorde, I euidently perceyue, and no leſſe note your of|ten breathing, and ſuddayne ſtopping in youre communication, ſo that to my intelligence, your words neyther come to any direct or perfect ſen|tence in concluſion, whereby either I might per|ceyue, and haue knowledge what your inwarde intent is now toward the King, or what affec|tion you beare towarde me. For the compariſon of good qualities aſcribed to vs both (for the whi|che I may ſelfe knowledge and recogniſe to haue none, nor looke for no prayſe of any creature for the ſame) maketh me not a little to muſe, thyn|kyng that you haue ſome other priuie imagina|tiõ, by loue or by grudge, engraued and emprin|ted in your hart, which for feare you dare not, or for childiſh ſhamefaſtneſſe, you be abaſhed to diſ|cloſe and reueale, and ſpecially to me being your friend, which on my honour do aſſure you, to hee as ſecrete in this caſe, as the deaffe and dumme EEBO page image 1394 perſon is to the ſinger, or the tree to the hunter. The Byſhop beeing ſomewhat bolder, conſide|ring the Dukes promiſe, but moſt of all anima|ted and encouraged, bycauſe he knew the Duke deſirous to be exalted and magnified, and alſo he perceyued the inwarde hatred and priuie rancor which he bare toward King Richard, was now boldened to open his ſtomacke euen to the very bottome, intending thereby to compaſſe howe to deſtroy, and vtterly confound King Richard, and to depriue him of his dignitie royall, or elſe to ſet the Duke ſo a fyer with the deſire of ambi|tion, that hee himſelfe mighte be ſafe, and eſcape out of all daunger and perill, whiche thing hee brought ſhortly to concluſion, both to the kings deſtruction and the Dukes confuſion, and to his owne ſafegard, and finally, to hys high promo|tion. And ſo (as I ſayde before) vpon truſt and confidence of the Dukes promiſe, the Byſhoppe ſayd: my ſinguler good Lord, ſith the time of my captiuitie, which being in your graces cuſtodie, I may rather call it a liberall libertie, more than a ſtraighte empriſonmente, in auoyding idle|neſſe, mother and nouriſher of all vices, in rea|ding Bookes and auntient Pamphlets, I haue founde this ſentence written, that no manne is borne free, and in libertie of himſelfe onely, for one part of duetie he oweth or ſhould owe to his parents for his procreation by a very natural in|ſtincte and filiall curteſie: another parte, to hys friendes and kinſfolke, for proximitie of bloud, and natural amitie, doth of very duetie chalenge and demaunde: But the natiue Countrey in the whiche hee taſted firſte the ſweete ayres of thys pleaſant and flattering world after his natiuitie, demaundeth as a debt by a naturall bond, ney|ther to bee forgotten, nor yet to be put in obliui|on, which ſaying cauſeth me to conſider in what caſe this Realme my natiue Countrey nowe ſtandeth, and in what eſtate and aſſurance be|fore this time it hath continued: what gouernour we now haue, and what ruler wee mighte haue, for I playnely perceyue the Realme beeing in this caſe, muſt needes decay, and bee broughte to vtter confuſion, and finall exterminion: But one hope I haue encorporate in my breſt, that is, when I conſider, and in my mynd do diligently remember, & dayly behold your noble perſonage, your iuſtice, and indifferencie, your feruent zeale, and ardente loue towarde youre naturall Coun|trey, and in like manner, the loue of your Coun|trey toward you, the great learning, pregnaunt witte, and goodly eloquence, which ſo much doth abounde in the perſon of your grace, I muſte needes thinke this Realme fortunate, yea twice more than fortunate, whiche hath ſuch a Prince in ſtore, meete, and apte to bee a gouernoure, in whoſe perſon beeyng endued with ſo manye princely qualities conſiſteth and reſteth the [...] vndoubted ſimilitude and image of true [...].

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 But on the other ſide, when I call to [...]|rie the good qualities of the late Protector, and nowe called King, ſo violated and ſubuerted by Tyrannie, ſo changed and altered by vſurped authoritie, ſo clouded and ſhadowed by blynde and inſaciable ambition, yea, and ſo ſuddaynely (in manner by a metamorphoſis) tranſformed from politike ciuilitie, to deteſtable tyrannie: I muſt needes ſaye, and iuſtly affirme, that hee is neyther meete to be a king of ſo noble a Realme, nor ſo famous a Realme meete to bee gouerned by ſuche a tyraunt: Was not his firſt enterpriſe to obteyne the Crowne begunne and incepted by the murther of diuers noble valiant, true, and vertuous perſonages: O a holy beginning, to come to a miſcheuous ending, did he not ſecon|darily proceede contrarie to al lawes of honeſtie, ſhamefully againſte his owne naturall mother, being a woman of much honour, and more ver|tue, declaring hir openly to bee a woman giuen to carnall affection, and diſſolute liuing? (whych thing if it had bin true as it was not indeede, e|uery good and naturall childe would haue father mummed at, than to haue blaſted abroade, and eſpecially ſhee beeing aliue.) Declaring farther|more his two breethren, and his two nephewes to bee baſterdes, and to be borne in auoutrie: yet not with all this content: After that hee had ob|teyned the garland for the which he ſo long thir|ſted, hee cauſed the two poore innocentes hys ne|phewes, committed to him for eſpeciall truſt, to be murthered, and ſhamefully to be kylled. The bloud of which ſely and little babes, dayly crie to God, from the earth for vengeaunce. Alas, my heart ſobbeth, to remember this bloudy butcher, and cruell monſter, what ſuretie ſhall be in thys realme to any perſon, either for life or goodes vn|der ſuch a cruell Prince, which regardeth not the deſtruction of his owne bloud, and then leſſe the loſſe of other. And moſt eſpecially as oftentymes it chanceth, where a couetous or a cruell Prince taketh ſuſpicion, the ſmalleſt, ſwaruing that is poſſible (if the thing be miſconſtrued) may be the cauſe of the deſtruction of many giltleſſe perſo|nes: and in eſpeciall of noble and wealthye perſonages, hauing great poſſeſſions and riches: Suche a Lorde is Lucifer when he is entred into the heart of a proude Prince, giuen to couetouſ|neſſe and crueltie. But nowe my Lord to con|clude what I meane toward your noble perſon, I ſaye and affirme, if you loue GOD, youre lygnage, or youre natiue Countrey, you muſt youre ſelfe take vppon you the Crowne and imperiall Diad [...]ne of thys noble Empyre, bothe for the maynetenaunce of the honoure of the ſame (whiche ſo long hathe flouriſhed in EEBO page image 1395 fame and renowne) as alſo for the deliueraunce of your naturall Countreymen, from the bon|dage and thraldome (worſe than the captiuitie of Egypt) of ſo cruell a Tyrant and arrogant op|preſſor. For thus I dare ſaye, if any forreyne Prince or Potentate, yea the Turke hymſelfe woulde take vppon him the regiment heere, and the Crowne, the commons would rather admit and obey hym, than to liue vnder ſuche a bloud-ſupper and childe kyller: but howe muche more ioyful and glad would they be to liue vnder your grace, whome they all knowe to be a ruler meete and conuenient for them, and they to be louyng and obedient ſubiects, meete to liue vnder ſuch a gouernor: deſpiſe not, nor forſake not ſo manifeſt an occaſion ſo louingly offered. And if you your ſelfe knowing the paine and trauaile that apper|teyneth to the office of a King, or for anye other conſideration, will refuſe to take vppon you the Crowne and Scepter of this Realme: Then I adiure you, by the faith that you owe to God, by your honour and by your othe made to Saincte George, patrone of the noble order of the garter (whereof you bee a companyon) and by the loue and affectiõ that you beare to your natiue Coũ|trey, and the people of the ſame, to deuiſe ſome way, how this Realme nowe beeing in miſerie, may by youre high diſcretion and princely poli|cie, bee broughte and reduced to ſome ſuretie and conueniente regimente, vnder ſome good gouer|nour by you to be appoynted: for you are the ve|ry patrone, the only help, refuge, and comfort for the poore amaſed and deſolate commons of thys Realme. For if you could either deuiſe to ſet vp againe the lignage of Lancaſter, or auaunce the eldeſt daughter of King Edward to ſome hygh and puiſſant Prince, not only the new crowned King ſhall ſmall time enioy the glory of his dig|nitie, but alſo all ciuill warre ſhoulde ceaſſe, all domeſticall diſcord ſhould ſleepe, and peace, pro|fite and quietneſſe ſhould be ſet forth and embra|ſed. When the Byſhop had thus ended his ſay|ing, the Duke ſighed and ſpake not of a greate while, which ſore abaſhed the Byſhop, and made him change coulour: which thing when the duke apperceyued, he ſaide, be not afraid my Lord, all promiſes ſhall be kepte, to morow we will com|mon more: lette vs goe to ſupper, ſo that nyghte they cõmoned no more, not a little to the diſqui|eting of the Biſhop, whiche nowe was euen as deſirous to know the Dukes mind and intente, as the Duke longed the day before to knowe hys opinion and meaning. So the next day, the duke ſent for the Byſhop, and rehearſed to him in ma|ner (for he was both wittie and eloquent) all the communication had betweene them before, and ſo pauſed awhile, and after a little ſeaſon, put|ting off his bonet he ſayd: O Lorde God crea|tor of all things, howe muche is this Realme of England, and the people of the ſame bounden to thy goodneſſe, for where we now be in vexation and trouble with greate ſtormes oppreſſed, ſay|ling and toſſing in a deſperate Shippe, without good maſter or gouernoure but by thy help good Lorde I truſt or long time paſſe, that wee ſhall prouide for ſuche a ruler, as ſhall bee both to thy pleaſure, and alſo to the ſecuritie and ſauegarde of this noble Realme. And then hee put on hys bonet ſaying to the Byſhop, my Lord of Ely, whoſe true hart and ſincere affection toward me at all times, I haue euidently perceyued and knowen, and nowe moſt of all in our laſt priuie communication and ſecrete deuiſing, I muſte needes in hart thinke, and with mouth confeſſe and ſay, that you be a ſure friend, a truſty coun|ſellour, a vigilant foreſeer, a verye louer of your Countrey, & a natural Countreyman for which kindneſſe for my part, I moſt louingly render to you my harty thankes now with wordes, heere|after truſting to recompence and remunerate you with deedes, if life and power ſhall ſerue. And ſith at oure laſt communication, you haue diſcloſed, and opened the very ſecretes and priui|ties of youre ſtomacke, touching the Duke of Glouceſter now vſurper of the Crowne, and al|ſo haue a little touched the aduancement of the two noble families of Yorke and Lancaſter: I ſhall likewiſe not only declare and manifeſt vn|to you, al my open actes, attemptes, and doings, but alſo my priuie entents, and ſecret cogitati|ons. To the intent that as you haue vnbuckeled youre bouget of your priuie meanings, & ſecrete purpoſes to me: ſo ſhal all my clowdy workyng, cloſe deuiſes, and ſecrete imaginations, bee (as cleere as the ſunne) reuealed, opened, and made lighteſome to you. And to beginne, I declare: That when King Edwarde was deceaſed, to whome I thought my ſelfe little or nothing be|holden, (although we two hadde maried two ſi|ſters) bycauſe he neither promoted, nor preferred me, as I thought I was worthy, and had deſer|ned, neither fauored nor regarded me, according to my degree and birthe: for ſurely I had by him little authoritie, and leſſe rule, and in effect no|thing at all: which cauſed me leſſe to fauour his children, bycauſe I founde ſmall humanitie, or none in their parent. I then began to ſtudy, and with rype deliberation, to ponder and to conſi|der, howe and in what manner this Realme ſhould be ruled & gouerned. And firſt I remem|bred an olde prouerbe worthy of memorie, that often ruith the Realme, where children rule, and women gouerne. This olde adage ſo ſanke and ſettled in my head, that I thought it a great er|ror, and extreame miſchiefe to the whole realme, either to ſuffer the yong Kyng to rule, or EEBO page image 1396 the Queene his mother to be a gouernoure once him, conſidering that hir breethren, and hir firſte children (although they were not extract of hygh and noble lynage) toke more vpon them, & more exalted themſelues, by reaſon of the Queene, than did the Kings breethren, or anye Duke in his Realme: which in concluſion, turned to their confuſion. Then I beeing perſwaded with my ſelfe in this poynt, thought it neceſſarie both for the publique & profitable wealth of this Realme, and alſo for myne owne commoditie and emo|lument, to take parte with the Duke of Glouce|ſter: whome I aſſure you I thought to bee as cleane without diſſimulation, as tractable with|out iniurie, as merciful without crueltie, as now I know him perfectly to be a diſſembler without veritie, a Tyraunt without pitie, yea, and worſe than the tyraunt Ph [...]leres deſtitute of all trueth and clemencie: and ſo by my meanes, at the firſt Counſayle holden at London, when hee was moſt ſuſpected of that thing that after happened (as you my Lord know well ynough) hee was made Protector and defender, both of the King, and of the Realme, whiche authoritie once got|ten, and the two children partly by policie brou|ght vnder his gouernaunce, bee beeing moued with that gnawing and couetous ſerpente, deſi|red to raigne, and neuer ceaſſed priuily to exhort and require (yea and ſometimes with minatorie tearmes) to perſwade mee and other Lordes, as well ſpirituall as temporall, that hee might take vppon him the Crowne, till the Prince came to the age of foure and twenty yeares, and were able to gouerne the Realme, as a rype and ſufficient King: which thing, when he ſawe mee ſomewhat ſticke at, both for the ſtrangeneſſe of the example (bycauſe no ſuche preſident had bene ſeene) and alſo bycauſe we remembred that men once aſcended to the higheſt tipe of honour and authoritie, will not gladly diſcende againe, hee then brought in inſtruments, autentike doctors, proctors, and notaries of the law, with depoſiti|ons of diuers witneſſes, teſtifying King Ed|wards children to be baſterds, whiche depoſitiõs then I thought to be as true, as now I knowe them to be fayned, and teſtifyed by perſons with rewards vntruely ſubornate. When the ſaid de|poſitions were before vs redde and diligently hearde, he ſtoode vp bareheaded ſaying: Well my lords, euen as I and you ſage and diſcrete coun|ſaylers would that my nephew ſhoulde haue no wrong, ſo I pray you do me nothing but righte. For theſe witneſſes and ſayings of famous doc|tors being true, I am onely the vndubitate heire to Lord Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke, adiudged to bee the verye heire to the Crowne of this Realme, by authoritie of Parliament, whi|che things, ſo by learned men to vs for a veri|tie declared, cauſed me and other to take him for our lawfull and vndoubted Prince and ſoue|raigne Lord. For well wee knew that the Duke of Clarence ſonne, by reaſon of the attaynder [...] his father, was diſabled to inherite, and alſo the Duke himſelfe was named to be a baſterd, as I my ſelfe haue heard ſpoken, and that vpon great preſumptions more times than one: ſo agayne, by my ayde and fauoure, hee of a protector was made a King, and of a ſubiect made a gouernor, at whiche time hee promiſed me on his fidelitie, laying his hande in mine at Baynard Caſtell, that the two yong Princes ſhould liue, and that he would ſo prouide for them, and ſo maynteine them in honorable eſtate, that I and all the Realme ought and ſhoulde bee content. But when he was once Crowned Kyng, and in full poſſeſſion of the whole Realme, he caſt away his olde conditions, as the adder doth hir ſkinne, ve|rifying the olde prouerbe, Honours change man|ners, as the pariſhe Prieſte remembreth that hee was neuer pariſh clearke. For when I my ſelfe ſued to hym for my parte of the Earle of Hare|fords landes whiche his brother King Edwarde wrõgfully deteyned and withheld from me, and alſo required to haue the office of the high Con|neſtableſhip of Englande, as diuers of my noble aunceſters before this time haue hadde, and in long diſcent continued, in this my firſt ſure ſhe|wing his good mind toward me, he did not only firſte delay me, and afterward denay mee, but gaue me ſuch vnkynd words, with ſuch taunts and retauntes, yee in manner checke and checke mate, to the vttermoſt proofe of my pacience, as though I had neuer furthered him, but hindered him, as though I had put him downe, and not ſet hym vp yet all theſe ingratitudes and vnde|ſerued vnkindneſſe I bare cloſely, and ſuffered paciently, and couertly remembred, outwardly diſſimuling that I inwardly thoughte, and ſo with a paynted countenaunce, I paſſed the laſte ſummer in his laſt companie, not without many faire promiſes, but withoute anye good deedes. But when I was credibly enformed of y^e death of the two yong innocents, his owne naturall nephewes contrarie to his faith and promiſe, to the which (God be my iudge) I neuer agreed, nor condiſcended. O Lord, how my veynes panted, how my body trembled, and my heart inwardly grudged, in ſomuch, that I ſo abhorred the ſight, and muche more the companie of him, that I coulde no longer abide in his Courte, excepte I ſhould be openly reuenged. The ende whereof was doubtfull, and ſo I fayned a cauſe to de|part, and with a merrie countenaunce and a de|ſpitefull heart, I tooke my leaue humbly of him, (he thinking nothing leſſe, than that I was diſ|pleaſed) and ſo returned to Brecknock to you. EEBO page image 1397 But in that iourney as I returned, whether it were by the inſpiracion of the holy Ghoſt, or by Melanculous diſpoſition, I had diuers and ſun|dry imaginacions howe to depriue this vnnatu|rall vncle, and bloudy Butcher, from his royal ſeate, and princely dignitie. Firſte I fanteſyed, that if I lift to take vppon me the Crowne, and imperiall Scepter of the Realme, nowe was the time propice and conuenient. For now was the way made playne, and the gate opened, and oc|caſion giuen, which now neglected, ſhoulde per|aduenture neuer take ſuch effect and concluſion. For I ſaw he was, diſdeyned of the Lords tem|porall, execrate and accurſed of the Lords Spi|rituall, deteſted of all Gentlemen, and deſpiſed of all the communaltie: ſo that I ſaw my chaunce as perfectly as I ſaw my own image in a glaſſe, that there was no perſon (if I had bin greedy to attempte the enterpriſe) coulde nor ſhoulde haue wonne the ring, or got the gole before mee. And on this poynt I reſted in imagination ſecretely with myſelfe, two dayes at Tewkeſberie. And from thẽce ſo iourneying, I muſed and thought that it was not beſt nor conuenient to take vpon me as a conquerour, for then I knew that al mẽ and eſpecially the nobilitie, woulde with al their power withſtande me, both for reſcuyng of poſ|ſeſſiõs, and tenours, as alſo for ſubuerting of the whole eſtate, lawes, and cuſtomes of y^e Realm: Such a power hath a conquerour as you know well inough my Lord. But at the laſt, in al this doubtfull caſe there ſprang a newe branche out of my head, which ſurely I thought ſhould haue broughte forthe faire floures, but the ſunne was ſo hote, that they turned to drie weedes, for I ſuddaynely remembred that Lorde Edmonde Duke of Somerſet my Grandfather, was with King Henrye the ſixte in the two and three de|grees, from Iohn Duke of Lancaſter lawfully begotten: ſo that I thought ſure, my mother be|ing eldeſt daughter to Duke Edmond, that I was nexte heire to King Henrye the ſixte of the houſe of Lancaſter. This title pleaſed well ſuche as I made priuie of my counſaile, but muche more it encouraged my fooliſh deſire, and eleua|ted my ambicious intente, in ſomuche, that I cleerely iudged, and in mine owne minde was determinately reſolued, that I was indubitate heire of the houſe of Lancaſter, and therevppon concluded to make my firſte foundation, and e|rect my new buylding. But whether God ſo or|deyned, or by fortune it ſo chanced, while I was in a maze, other to conclude ſuddaynely on thys title, and to ſet it open amongſt the cõmon peo|ple, or to keepe it ſecret a while, ſee the chance: as I rode betwene Worceter and Bridgenorth, I encountred with the Lady Margaret, Counteſſe of Richmond, now wife to the Lorde Stanley, whiche is the very daughter and [...] heyre, to Lord Iohn Duke of Somerſet, my Grandfa|thers elder brother, whiche was as cleane out of my minde, as though I hadde neuer ſeene hir, ſo that ſhee and hir ſonne the Earle of Richmond, be both bulwarke and portecolice betweene mee and the gate, to enter into the maieſtie royal and getting of the Crowne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 And whẽ we had cõmuned a little concerning hir ſonne, as I ſhal ſhew you after, and were de|parted, ſhe to our Ladie of Worceſter, and I to Shrewſbury: I then new changed, and in ma|ner amazed, began to diſpute with my ſelfe, little conſidering that thus my earneſt title was tur|ned to a tittel not ſo good as Eſt Amen. Eftſoo|nes I imagined whether I were beſt to take vp|on me, by the election of the nobilitie and com|munaltie, which me thought eaſie to be done, the vſurper king, thus being in hatred and abhorred of this whole realm, or to take it by power, which ſtandeth in fortunes chaunce, and difficile to bee atchieued and brought to paſſe. Thus tumbling and toſſing in the waues of ambiguitie, betwene the ſtone and ſacrifice, I conſidered firſt the of|fice, dutie, and payne of a King, whiche ſure|ly thynke, I that no mortall man can iuſtly and truly obſerue, except he be called, elected, & ſpeci|ally appoynted by God as king Dauid, and dy|uers other haue bin. But farther, I remembred that if I once tooke on me the ſcepter, and the go|uernaunce of the realme: That of two extreme enimies I was dayely ſure, but of one truſtye frend (which now a days be gone a pilgrimage) I was neither aſſured, nor credibly aſcertayned, (ſuche is the worldes mutation) for I manifeſt|ly perceiued, that the daughters of king Edward and their alyes, and frendes, whiche be no ſmall number, being both, for his ſake muche beloued, and alſo for the greate iniurie and manifeſte ty|rannie done to them by the newe vſurper, muche lamented and pitied, would neuer ceaſſe to barke if they can not byte at the one ſide of me. S [...]|blably, my couſyn the Earle of Richmond, hys aydes and kinſfolke, whiche be not of little po|wer, will ſurely attẽpt lyke a fierce grandhound, eyther to byte or to pierce mee on the other ſide. So that my lyfe and rule, ſhould euer hang by a haire, neuer in quiet, but euer in doubt of death, or depoſition. And if the ſayde two lynages of Yorke and Lancaſter, whiche ſo long haue ſtri|ued for the Imperiall diademe, ſhoulde ioyne in one againſte mee, then were I ſurely mated, and the game gotten. Wherefore I haue cleere|ly determined, and with my ſelfe concluded, vtterly to relinquiſhe all ſuche fantaſticall i|maginations, concerning the obteyning of the Crowne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 But all ſuche plagues calamities & troubles EEBO page image 1398 (which I feared and ſuſpected) might haue chã|ced on me if I had taken the rule and regiment of this Realme, I ſhall with a reredemayne ſo make them rebound to our common enimie that calleth himſelfe King, that the beſt ſtopper that he hath at tenice, ſhall not well ſtoppe without a faulte: for as I tolde you before, the Counteſſe of Richmonde in my returne from the new na|med King, meeting mee in the high way, pray|ed mee firſte for kinred ſake, ſecondarily for the loue that I bare to my Grandfather Duke Hũ|frey, which was ſworne brother to hir father, to moue the King to bee good to hir ſonne Henrye Earle of Richmond, and to licence him with hys fauour to returne agayne into England: and if it were his pleaſure ſo to doe, ſhee promiſed that the Earle hir ſonne ſhoulde marrie one of Kyng Edwardes daughters, at the appoyntmente of the King, without any thing to bee taken or de|maunded for the ſayde eſpouſals, but onely the Kings fauoure, whiche requeſt I ſoone ouerpaſ|ſed, and gaue hir faire wordes, and ſo departed. But after in my lodging, when I called to me|morie with a deliberate ſtudie, and did circum|ſpectly ponder them, I fully adiudged, that the holy Ghoſt cauſed hir to moue a thing (the ende whereof ſhe could not conſider) both for the ſeen|ritie of the Realme, as alſo for the preferment of hir childe, and the deſtruction and finall confuſi|on of the common enimie King Richard, Whi|che thing, ſhe neither then thought (I am ſure) as I by hir wordes coulde make coniecture, nor I my ſelfe caſt not hir deſire to be ſo profitable to the Realme, as I now doe perceyue, but ſuche a Lord is God, that with a little ſparkle, hee kyn|dleth a great fire, and ſo finally to declare to you the very cõcluſion, to the which I am both bent and ſet, my minde is, and my power and purſe ſhall help, that the Erle of Richmond, very heire of the houſe of Lancaſter (in the quarrell of the which linage, both my father and Graundfather loſt their lyues in battayle) ſhall take to wife La|dy Elizabeth eldeſt daughter to King Edward, by the which marriage both the houſes of Yorke and Lancaſter maye bee ioyned, and vnited in one, to the cleere ſtabliſhmente of the title to the Crowne of this noble Realme. To which con|cluſion, if the mothers of both parties, and eſpe|cially the Earle himſelfe, and the Lady will a|gree, I doubt not but the bragging Bore, which with his tuſkes rayſeth euery mans ſkinne, ſhall not only be brought to confuſion as he hath de|ſerued, but that this empire ſhall euer be certaine of an vndubitate heire, and then ſhall all ciuile and inteſtine warre ceaſe, whiche ſo long hathe continued to the paring of many mẽs crownes, and this Realme ſhall be reduced againe to qui|etneſſe, renoune and glory. This inuentiõ of the Duke manye menne thoughte after, that it was more imagined for the inwarde hatred that we bare to King Richard, than for any [...] that he bare to the Earle of Richmond. But of ſuche doubtfull matter, it is not beſt to iudge for [...]ng to farre from the minde and intent of the auctor: But whatſoeuer hee entended, this deuice once opened to King Richard was the very occaſion, that he was rounded ſhorter by the whole head, without attainder or iudgemente. When the Duke hadde ſaid, the Biſhop whiche fauoured e|uer the houſe of Lancaſter, was wonderous ioy|full, and muche reioyſed to heare this deuice, for nowe came the winde about euen as hee woulde haue it, for all his imaginacion tended to thys effect to haue King Richarde ſubdued, and to haue the lines of king Edward, and King Hen|ry the ſixth agayne raiſed and aduaunced. But Lorde howe hee reioyced to thinke howe that by this marriage the linages of Yorke and Lanca|ſter ſhould be conioyned in one, to the very ſted|faſtneſſe of the publique wealth of this Realme.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 And leaſt the Dukes courage ſhoulde ſwage, or his mynde ſhould againe alter, as it did often before, as you may eaſily perceyue by his owne tale. He thought to ſet vp all the ſayles that hee hadde, to the intent that the ſhip of his preten|ſed purpoſe, myghte come ſhortely to ſome ſure port: And ſayde to the duke, My Lorde, ſith by Gods prouiſion and youre incomparable wyſe|dome and policie, this noble coniunction is firſte moued, nowe is it conuenient, yea & neceſſary to conſider what perſonages, & what frends we ſhal firſt make priuie of this high deuice and politike cõcluſiõ. By my truth, quod the duke, we wil be|gin w^t the ladie Richmõd, y^e erles mother, which knoweth where he is, eyther in captiuitie, or at large in Britayn. For I heard ſay, y^t the duke of Britayn reſtored him to libertie, immediatly af|ter the death of king Edward, by whoſe meanes hee was reſtreyned. Sith you will begin that way (ſaid the Biſhop) I haue an old friend with the Counteſſe, a man ſober, ſecret, and well wit|ted, called Reignold Bray, whoſe prudente poli|cie I haue knowen to haue cõpaſſed thyngs of greate importance, for whome I ſhall ſecretely ſend, if it be your pleaſure, and I doubte not hee will gladly come and that with a good will. So with a little diligence, the Byſhop wrote a let|ter to Reignold Bray, requiring him to come to Brecknocke with ſpeede, for great and vrgent cauſes, touching his miſtreſſe: and no other thing was declared in the letter. So the meſſenger rode into Lancaſhire, where Bray was with the Counteſſe, and Lord Thomas Stanley hir huſ|band, and deliuered the letter, which when he had red, he tooke it as a ſigne or preſage of ſome good fortune to come, and ſo with the meſſenger he EEBO page image 1399 came to the Caſtell of Brecknock, where the Duke and the Byſhop declared what thing was deuiſed, both for to ſet the realme in aquires ſted|faſtneſſe; as alſo for the high prefermente of the Erle of Richmond, ſon to his Lady & miſtreſſe: willing hir firſte to compaſſe how to obteyne the good will of Q. Elizabeth, and alſo of hir eldeſt daughter hearing the ſame name: & after fe [...]ely to ſend to hir ſon into Britaine, to declare what high honor was prepared for him, if hee woulde ſweare to marrie the Lady Elizabeth aſſume as he was K. & in royall poſſeſſion of the Realme. Reignold Bray with a glad hearte, forgettyng nothing giuen to him in charge, in greate haſt & with good ſpeede returned to y^e counteſſe his La|dy & miſtreſſe. Whẽ Bray was departed, & thys great doubtful veſſel once ſet abroche, y^e Byſhop thirſting for nothing more thã for libertie: whẽ he ſaw y^e D. pleaſant & wel minded toward him, he told y^e Duke, that if hee were in his yle of E|ly he could make many friẽds to further their en|terpriſe, & if he were there & had but foure dayes warning, he little regarded the malice of K. Ri|chard, his countrey was ſo ſtrõg. The D. knew well al this to be true, but yet loth hee was that the B. ſhoulde departe, for he knew well, that us long as the B. was with him, he was ſure of po|litique aduiſe, ſage counſayle, and circumſpect proceeding. And ſo he gaue the B. faire wordes, ſaying, that hee ſhoulde ſhortly depart, and that wel accompanyed for feare of enimies. The B. being as wittie as the D. was wilie, did not tar|rie till the Dukes company were aſſembled, but ſecretly diſguiſed, in a night departed (to y^e dukes great diſpleaſure) & came to his ſee of Ely, where he found mony and friends, & ſo ſailed into Flã|ders, where hee did the Earle of Richmond good ſeruice, and neuer returned agayne, till the Earle of Richmond after beeing K. ſente for him, and ſhortly promoted him to the ſea of Canterburye. Thus the B. wound himſelfe from the D. when he had moſt neede of his aide, for if he had taryed ſtil, the D. had not made ſo many blabbes of his counſaile, nor put ſo much cõfidẽce in y^e Welch|mẽ, nor yet ſo temerariouſly ſet forward, with|out knowledge of his friendes as hee did, whyche things were his ſuddayne ouerthrowe, as they that knew it did report.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 When Reignold Bray had declared his meſ|ſage & priuie inſtruction to the coũteſſe of Rich|mond his miſtreſſe, no maruell though ſhe were ioyous and glad, both of the good newes and al|ſo for the obteining of ſuche a high friende in hir ſonnes cauſe as the D. was, wherefore ſhe wil|ling not to ſlepe this matter, but to farther it to the vttermoſt of hir power and abilitie, deuiſed a meanes how to breake this matter to Q. Eli|zabeth then beeing in Sanctuarie at Weſt. And the [...], ſhe hauing in hir family at that time for the preſeruatiõ of h [...]r health a certain Welſh|man called Lewes, learned in phiſicke, which for his grauitie and experience, was well knowen, and much eſteemed amongſt great eſtates of the Realm: with whome the vſed ſometime liberal|ly & familiarly to talke, now hauing opportuni|tie and occaſion to breake hir minde vnto him of this weighty matter, declared that the time was come that hir ſonne ſhould be ioyned in mariage with Lady Elizabeth, daughter and heire to K. Edward, and that K. Richard being taken and reputed of all men for the common enimie of the Realme, ſhould out of all honoure and eſtate bee detected, & of his rule & kingdome be cleerely ſpoi|led and expulſed: and required him to goe to Q. Elizabeth (with whome in his facultie he was of counſaile) not as a meſſenger, but as one y^t came friendly to viſite & conſolate hir, and as time and place ſhoulde require, to make hir priuie of thys deuiſe, not as a thing concluded, but as a purpoſe by him imagined. This phiſician did not long [...]ger to accompliſh hir deſire, but with good di|ligence repared to the Q. being ſtil in the ſanctu|ary at Weſt. And whẽ he ſaw time propice and conuenient for his purpoſe, he ſaw vnto hir: Ma|dame, although my imaginatiõ be very ſimple, & my deuice more foliſh, yet for the entier affection that I beare toward you & your childrẽ, I am ſo bold to vtter vnto you a ſecrete & priuie conceit y^t I haue caſt & cõpaſſed in my fantaſtical braine. Whẽ I wel remẽbred and no leſſe conſidered the greate loſſe & dammage that you haue ſuſteyned by the death of your noble and louing huſbande, & the great doloure and ſorow that you haue ſuf|fered and tollerated, by y^e cruell murther of youre innocent children: I can no leſſe do both of boun|den duetie and chriſtian charitie, than dayly to ſtudie, & hourely imagine, not only how to bring your heart to comfort and gladu [...]s, but alſo de|uiſe how to reuẽge the righteous quarell of you & your children on that bloudy bloudſupper, and cruel tyrant K. Richard. And firſt cõſider, what battaile, what manſlaughter, what miſchief hath riſen in this Realme by the diſſention betweene the two noble houſes of Yorke and Lancaſter, which two families (as I haue contriued) if they may bee ioyned in one, I thinke, yea and doubte not, but youre line ſhalbe againe reſtored to the priſtinate eſtate and degree, to your great ioy and cõfort, and to y^e vtter cõfuſion of your mortall e|nimie the vſurper K. You know very well Ma|dame, y^t of the houſe of Lancaſter, y^e erle of Rich|mond is next of bloud, which is liuing, & a luſtie yõg batcheler, & to y^e houſe of York your daugh|ters now are heires: if you could agree and inuẽt the meane howe to couple youre eldeſt daughter with the yong erle of Richmond in matrimonie, EEBO page image 1400 no doubt but the vſurper of the Realme ſhoulde be ſhortly depoſed, and your heire againe to hir right reſtored.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Queene had hearde this friendely motion (which was as farre from hir thought, as the man that the rude people ſay is in y^e Moone) lord how hir ſpirites reuiued, and how hir hearte lept in hir body for ioy and gladneſſe, and fyrſte giuing lawde to Almightie GOD, as the chiefe author of hyr comfort, ſecondarily to ma|ſter Lewes, as the deuiſer of the good newes and tydyngs, inſtantely beſought hym, that as hee hadde bin the fyrſte inuenter of ſo good an enter|priſe, that nowe hee woulde not relinquiſhe nor deſiſt to follow the ſame: requiring hym farther (bycauſe he was apperteyning to the Counteſſe of Richmonde mother to the Earle Henry) that he would with all diligente celeritie reſort to hir, then lodging in hir huſbandes place, within the Citie of London, and to declare on the Queenes behalfe to the Counteſſe, that all the friends and fautors of King Edwarde hir huſband, ſhoulde aſſiſt and take parte with the Earle of Riche|mond hir ſonne, ſo that he would take a corpo|rall othe after the Kingdome obteined, to eſpouſe and take to wife the Lady Elizabeth hir daugh|ter, or elſe Lady Cecyle, if the eldeſt daughter were not then liuing.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Maiſter Lewes with all dexteritie ſo ſped his buſineſſe, that he made and concluded a final end and determination of this enterpriſe, betweene the two mothers, and bycauſe he was a Phiſiti|on, and out of all ſuſpicion, and miſdeeming, hee was the common curter and dayly meſſenger betweene them, ayding and ſetting forth the in|uented conſpiracie againſt King Richarde. So the Lady Margaret Counteſſe of Richmonde, broughte into a good hope of the preferment of hir ſonne, made Reignold Bray hir moſt faith|full ſeruaunt, chiefe ſoliciter and priuie procurer of this conſpiracie, giuing him in charge ſecrete|ly to enuegle and attract ſuch perſons of nobili|tie to ioyne with hir & take hir part, as he knewe to be ingenious, faithfull, diligent, and of actiui|tie. This Reignold Bray within few dayes, brought vnto his lure, (firſte of all taking of e|uery perſon a ſolemne othe, to be true and ſecret) ſir Giles Daubeney, ſir Iohn Cheyney Knight, Richard Guylford and Thomas Rame Eſqui|ers, and diuers other. The Counteſſe of Riche|mond was not ſo diligente for hir parte, but Q. Elizabeth was as vigilant on the other ſide, and made friends, and appoynted Counſellors to ſet forward and aduaunce hir buſineſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 In the meane ſeaſon, the Counteſſe of Rich|monde tooke into hir ſeruice Chriſtopher Vrſ|wike, an honeſt and a wiſe Prieſte, and after an othe of him for to bee ſecrete taken and ſworne, the vttered to him all hir minde and counſayle, adhibiting to hym the more confidence and trueth that hee all his life had fauoured and ta|ken partee with King Henrye the ſixte, and as a ſpeciall iewell put to hir ſeruice by Sir Le|wes hee hir Phiſition. So the mother ſtudious for the proſperitie of hir ſonne, appoynted this Chri|ſtopher Vrſwike to ſayle into Britaine to the Earle of Richmonde, and to declare and to re|ueale to him all pactes and agreementes be|tweene hir and the Queene agreed and conclu|ded: but ſuddaynely, ſhee remembring that the Duke of Burkingham was one of the firſte in|uentors, and a ſecret founder of thys enterpriſe, determined to ſend ſome perſonage of more eſti|mation than hir Chaplayne, and ſo elected for a meſſenger Hugh Conwey Eſquier, and ſente him into Britaine with a greate ſumme of money to hir ſonne, gyuing him in charge, to declare to the Earle the greate loue and eſpeciall fauoure that the moſt part of the nobilitie of the Realme bare towarde him, the louing heartes and beneuolent mindes whiche the whole com|munaltie of theyr owne free will frankely offe| [...]and liberally exhibited to him, willing and aduiſing him not to neglect ſo good an occaſion apparantly offered, but with all ſpeede and dili|gence to addict and ſettle his mind and ful intẽ|tion how to returne home againe into Englãd, where hee was both wiſhed and looked for, gy|uing him farther monicion and councell to take land and arriuall in the principalitie of Wales, where he ſhould not doubt to finde both and, cõ|fort, & friẽds. Richard Guilford leaſt Hugh Cõ|wey mighte fortune to bee taken or ſtopped at Plimmouth, where he intẽded to take his naui|gatiõ, ſent out of Kẽt Tho. Rame with y^e ſame inſtructions: & both made ſuch diligence, and had ſuch wind & weather, y^e one by land frõ Calais, & the other by water from Plimmouth, y^t within leſſe than an houre, both arriued in y^e D. of Bri|taines court, & ſpake with the Erle of Richmõd, which frõ the death of K. Edward, went at hys pleaſure and libertie, & to him counted & manife|ſted y^e cauſe & effect of their meſſage and ambaſ|ſade. When y^e Erle had receiued this ioyful meſ|ſage, whiche was the more pleaſaunt, bycauſe it was vnloked for, he rendred to Ieſu his ſauioure his moſt humble & harty thãkes, being in firme credence & beliefe y^t ſuch things as he with buſie mind & laborious intent had wiſhed and deſired, coulde neuer haue taken any effect, without the help & preferment of almightie God. And nowe being put in comfort of his long longing, he did communicate and breake to the D. of Britaine all his ſecretes, and priuie meſſages, which were to him declared, aduertiſing him that he was en|tered into a ſure and ſtedfaſt hope, to obteyne, EEBO page image 1401 and get the [...]ne a [...]ingdome of the realme of England, deſiring him both of his good wyll and friendly helpe toward the atchieuing of hys officed enterpriſe, promiſing [...] when he came to his intented purpoſe; to render to him againe e|quall kindneſſe and condigne recompence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Although the Duke of Brytaine before that day by Thomas Hutton Ambaſſador from king Richard, had both by money and prayers beene ſolicited and moued to put again into ſafe cuſto|die the Erle of Richmonde, he neuertheleſſe pro|miſed faythfully to ayde him, and his promiſe he truely performed.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 1485Wherevpon the Earle with all diligence ſent into England again Hugh Conway,A [...]. reg. 3. and Tho|mas Rame, whiche ſhould declare his comming ſhortly into England, to the intent that al things which by counſaile might be for his purpoſe pro|uided, ſhould be ſpeedily and diligently done, and that all things doubtfull ſhould of his friends bee prudently foreſeene, in auoyding all engines and ſnares which king Richarde had or might ſet in diſturbance of his purpoſe: and hee in the meane ſeaſon woulde make his abode ſtill in Brytaine, till all things neceſſarie for his iourney were pre|pared and brought in a readineſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon, the chiefraines of the coniuration in Englande, began togither many enterpriſes: Some in conuenient fortreſſes put ſtrong garniſons: ſome kept armed men priui|ly, to the intente that when they ſhoulde haue knowledge of the Earles landing, they woulde beginne to ſtyrre vppe the warre: Other did ſecretly moue and ſolicite the people to riſe and make an inſurrection: Other (amongſt whome Iohn Morton Biſhop of Elie then being in Flã|ders was chiefe) by priuie letters and cloked meſ|ſengers, did ſtirre and moue to this new coniura|tion, al ſuch which they certainly knew to haue a rooted hatred, or to beare a cãkred malice toward king Richard and his proceedings.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Although this great enterpriſe were neuer ſo priuily handled, and ſo ſecretly amongſt ſo cir|cumſpect perſons treated, compaſſed and con|ueyed, yet knowledge thereof came to the eares of king Richard, who with the ſodaine chaunce was not a little moued and aſtonied. Firſt by|cauſe he had no hoſt readie prepared, ſecondly, if he ſhoulde raiſe an army ſo ſodainlye, hee knewe not were to meete his enimies, or whither to go, or where to tary. Wherfore he determined to diſ|ſemble the matter, as though hee knew nothing, till hee had aſſembled his hoſte, and in the meane ſeaſon eyther by y^e rumor of the cõmon people, or by the diligence of his eſpials to ſearch out all the counſailes, determinations, entents and compaſ|ſes of his cloſe aduerſaries, or elſe by policie to in|tercept and take ſome perſon of the ſame coniu|ration, conſidering that there is [...] [...]e nor hid eſ [...]ll, than that which lurketh in diſſi|mulation of knowledge and intelligence, or is hidden in name and [...] of [...] hu|manitie and feyned kindneſſe.The duke of Buckingham conſpireth a|gaynſt King Richard. And bycauſe hee knewe the Duke of Buckingham to be the chiefe heade and ayde of the coniu [...]tion, he thought it moſte neceſſarie to plucke him from that parte, eyther by fayre promiſes, or open water.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Wherevpon he addreſſed his louing letters to the Duke, full of gentle wordes, and [...]oſt friend|ly ſpeech, giuing further in charge to the meſſen|ger that caried the letter, to promiſe the duke on his behalfe, golden hilles, and ſiluer riuers, and with all gentle and pleaſaunt meanes to per|ſwade and exhorte the Duke to come to the Court.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But the Duke as wily as the King miſ [...]|ſting the fayre flattering wordes, and the ga [...]e promiſes to him ſo ſodainly without any cauſe offred, knowing the craftie caſtes of K. Richards bow, which in diuerſe affayres before time he had ſeene practiſed, required the king to pardon hym, excuſing himſelfe that hee was ſo diſeaſed in hys ſtomacke, that ſkant he could eyther take refecti|on or reſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Richarde not being content with thys excuſe, would in no wiſe admit the ſame, but in|continent directed to the duke other letters, of a more rogher and hawtier ſort, not without tan|ting and byting tearmes, and checking wordes, commaunding him (all excuſes ſet apart) to re|payre wythoute any delaye to hys royall pre|ſence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The duke made to the meſſenger a determi|nate anſwere, that hee woulde not come to hys mortall enimie, whom hee neither loued, nor fa|uoured: and immediately prepared open warre againſt him, and perſwaded al his complices and partakers, that euerie man ſhould in his quarter with all diligence rayſe vp the people and make a commotion. And by this meanes almoſt in one moment Thomas Marques Dorſet came oute of Sanctuarie, where hee ſithe the beginning of King Richarde dayes had continued, whoſe life by the onely helpe of ſir Thomas Louell, was preſerued from all danger and perill in this trou|blous worlde, gathered togither a great bande of men in Yorkeſhire.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Sir Edward Courtney, and Peter his brother Biſhop of Exeter, rayſed an other army in De|uonſhire & Cornwall. In Kent Richard Guil|ford and other gentlemen collected a great com|panie of ſouldiers, and openly began warre. But king Richard which in the meane time had gottẽ togither a great ſtrength and puiſſance, thinking it not moſt for his part beneficiall to diſperſe and deuide his greate armye into ſmall braunches, EEBO page image 1402 and particularly to perſecute any one of the con|iutation by himſelfe, determined all other things being ſet aſide, with his whole puiſſaunce to ſette on the chiefe head, which was the Duke of Buc|kingham. And ſo remouing from London, hee tooke his iourney toward Saliſburie, to the entent that in his iourney hee myght ſet on the Dukes armie, if he might knowe him in any place en|camped or in order of battaile arrayed. The king was ſcarce two dayes iourney from Saliſburie, when the Duke of Buckingham accompanied wyth a great power of wilde Welchmen, whom hee beeing a man of greate courage and ſharpe ſpeeche, in maner againſt theyr wilies had rather there to inforced and compelled by Lordly and ſtrayte commaundement, than by liberall wa|ges and gentle reteynour, whiche thing was the verie occaſion why they left him deſolate, and co|wardly forſooke him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 The Duke wyth all his power marched tho|row the Foreſt of Deane, intending to haue paſ|ſed the riuer Seuerne at Glouceſter, and there to haue ioined his armie with the Courtneis, and o|ther Weſterne men of his confederacie and affi|nitie, which if he had done, no doubt but king Ri|chard had beene in great ieopardie, eyther of pri|uation of his Realme, or loſſe of his life, or both. But ſee the chaunce, before hee coulde attaine to Seuerne ſide, by force of continuall rayne and moyſture, the riuer roſe ſo high that it ouerflowed all the Countrey adioyning, inſomuch that men were drowned in their beds, and houſes with the extreme violence were ouerturned, children were caryed about the fieldes ſwimming in Cradels, beaſtes were drowned on hilles, whiche rage of water laſted continually tenne dayes, inſomuch that in the Coũtrey adioyning they call it to this day the great water, or the Duke of Buckinghãs great water. By this floud the paſſages were ſo cloſed,The great water. that neither the duke could come ouer Se|uerne to his complices, nor they to him: during the which time, the Welchmen lingring ydlely, and without money, vytaile, or wages, ſodainly ſcattered and departed: and for all the Dukes fayre promiſes, threatnings, and enforcements, they woulde in no wiſe neither go further nor a|byde. The Duke being thus left almoſt poſt a|lone, was of neceſſitie compelled to flie, and in his flight was with this ſodaine fortune maruei|louſly diſmayde: and beeing vnpurueyed what counſaile he ſhould take, and what way he ſhuld follow, like a man in diſpayre, not knowing what to doe, of verie truſte and confidence con|ueyed himſelfe into the houſe of Humfrey Bana|ſter his ſeruant beſide Shrewſbury, whom he had tenderly brought vp, and whom he aboue al men loued, fauored, and truſted, now not doubting but that in his extreme neceſſitie he ſhould find him faythfull, ſecrete, and truſtie, intendi [...]g [...] co|uertly to lurke, till either he might rayſe aga [...] [...] new army, or elſe ſhortly to ſayle into Brytaine to the Erle of Richmond.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But when it was knowne to his adher [...], which were readie to giue battaile, that his h [...] was ſcattered, and had left him almoſt alone, and was fled, and could not be founde, they were ſo|dainly amaſed and ſtryken with a ſodaine [...], that euery man like perſons deſperate ſhined for himſelfe and fled, ſome went to Sanctuarie, and to ſolitarie places, ſome fled by Sea, whereof the moſt part within a few dayes after arriued ſ [...]|ly in the Duchie of Brytaine. Among which nũ|ber were theſe perſons, Peter Courtney Biſhop of Exceter, & ſir Edmond Courtney his brother, by king Henrie the ſeuenth after created Earle of Deuonth. Thomas Marques Dorſet, Iohn lord Wells, ſir Iohn Bourchier, ſir Edward Wood|uile, a valiant man in armes, brother to Queene Elizabeth, ſir Robert Willoughbie, ſir Gyles Daubeney, ſir Thomas Arũdel, ſir Iohn Chey|ney and his two brethren, ſir William Barke|ley, ſir William Brandon, and Thomas hys brother, ſir Richarde Edgecombe: all theſe for the moſte parte beeing Knightes, Iohn Hal|well, and Edwarde Ponings, a politike cap|taine.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 At this verie ſeaſon, Iohn Morton Biſhop of Ely, and Chriſtofer Vrſwike prieſt, and an o|ther companie of noble men ſoiourned in Flaun|ders, and by letters and meſſengers procured ma|ny enimies agaynſt king Richarde, which vſing a vigilant eye, and a quicke remembrance, being newly come to Saliſburie, hauing perfite notice and knowledge how the duke was fled, and how his complices intended to paſſe out of the realme. Firſt he ſent men of warre to all the next portes and paſſages, to keepe ſtraytly the Sea coaſt, ſo that no perſon ſhould paſſe outwarde, nor take lande within the realme without their aſſent and knowledge. Secondarily he made proclamation, that what perſon could ſhewe and reueale where the Duke of Buckingham was, ſhoulde he high|ly rewarded, if he were a bondman, he ſhoulde be enfranchiſed and ſet at libertie, if he wereof [...] bloud, he ſhould haue a generall pardon, and be rewarded with a thouſand poundes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Furthermore, bycauſe he vnderſtood by Tho|mas Hurtõ, which (as you haue herd) was new|ly returned out of Brytaine, that Frances Duke of Britain, not onely refuſed to keepe the Erle of Richmond as a priſoner, at his contemplation, and for his ſake, but alſo that he was readie to aid and ſuccour the ſayde Earle, with men, money, and all things neceſſarie for his tranſporting in|to England: he therefore rigged & ſent out ſhape of warre, well furniſhed and decked wyth men EEBO page image 1403 and artyll [...]rie, to ſkoure and keepe that parte of the ſea that lyeth ouer agaynſt Brytayne, to the entent [...] that if the Earle of Richmonde woulde adventure to ſayle towarde Englande, either he ſhould be taken captiue, or be beaten and driuen from the coaſt of England.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And moreouer, to the entent that euery coaſt, way, paſſage, and corner, ſhoulde bee diligently watched and kept, he ſet at euery doubtfull and ſuſpected place men of warre, to ſeeke, ſearch, and inquire, if anye creature coulde tell tydings of the Duke of Buckingham, or of any of his con|federation, adherentes, fantours or partakers.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 [...]ey Ba| [...]r ſeruant [...] the Duke [...] Bucking|ham betrayed [...] [...]er.While this buſie ſearche was diligently ap|plyed and put in execution, Humfrey Banaſter (were it more for feare of lyfe and loſſe of goodes, or attracted and prouoked by the auaricious de|ſire of the thouſande poundes) hee bewrayed hys gueſt and maiſter to Iohn Mitton then Sherife of Shropſhire, which ſodainly with a ſtrong po|wer of men in harneſſe apprehended the Duke in a little groue adioyning to the manſion of Hum|frey Banaſter, and in greate haſte and euyll ſpeede, conueyed hym apparayled in a pylled blacke Cloake to the towne of Shrewſburie, where King Rycharde then kepte hys houſe|holde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Whether this Banaſter bewrayed the duke more for feare than couetous, many menne doe doubt: but ſure it is, that ſhortly after he had be|trayed the Duke his maiſter, his ſonne and heyre waxed mad, and ſo died in a B [...] [...]lie, his eldeſt daughter of excellent beautie, was ſodainly ſtry|ken with a foule leaprie, his ſecond ſonne marue|louſly deformed of his limmes, and made lame, his yonger ſonne in a ſmall puddle was ſtrangled and drowned, and he being of extreeme age, ar|raigned, and found guiltie of a murther, and by his cleargie ſaued. And as for his thouſand pound king Richard gaue him not one farthing, ſaying that he which would be vntrue to ſo good a mai|ſter, would be falſe to all other: howbeit ſome ſay that hee had a ſmall office or a farme to ſtop hys mouth withall. The duke being by certaine of the kings counſaile diligently vpon interrogatories examined what things hee knewe preiudiciall to the Kings perſon, opened and declared frankly, & freely all the coniuration wythout diſſembling or gloſing, truſting bycauſe hee had trulye and plainely reuealed and confeſſed all things that were of him requyred, that he ſhould haue licence to ſpeake to the king, whiche (whether it were to ſue for pardon and grace, or whether hee beeing brought to hys preſence, woulde haue ſtycked him with a dagger as men then iudged) hee ſore deſired and required. But when he had confeſſed the whole fact and conſpiracie, vpon Alſoulne day without arraignment or iudgement, hee was at Saliſburie in the open market place,The Duke of Buckingham beheaded. on a newe ſcaffold behedded and put to death.

[figure appears here on page 1403]

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This death (as a reward) the Duke of Buc|kingham receyued at the hands of king Richard, whom he before in his affayres, purpoſes and en|terpriſes, had holpen, ſuſteyned and ſet forwarde, aboue all Gods forbode.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 By this all men may eaſily perceyue, that hee not onely loſeth both his labor, trauaile, and in|duſtrie, and further ſteyneth and ſpotteth his line with a perpetuall ignominie & reproche, which in euill and miſchiefe aſſyſteth and aydeth an euill diſpoſed perſon, conſidering for the moſte part, that hee for his friendly fauour ſhoulde receyue ſome great diſpleaſure or importunate chaunce. Beſide that, God of his iuſtice in concluſion ap|poynteth to him a condigne paine and affliction for his merits and deſerts.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Whyle theſe things were thus handled and ordred in England, Henrie Earle of Richmonde EEBO page image 1304 prepared an army of fiue thouſand manly Bry|tonnes, and fortie well furniſhed ſhips.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When all things were prepared in a readi|neſſe, and the day of departing & ſetting forwarde was appoynted, whiche was the .xij. day of the Moneth of October, the whole armie went on ſhipbourd, and halſed vp their ſayles, and wyth a proſperous wind tooke the ſea: but toward night the wind chaunged, and the weather turned, and ſo huge and terrible a tempeſt ſo ſodainly aroſe, that with the verie power and ſtrength of the ſtorme, the ſhips were diſparcled, ſeuered and ſe|parate a ſunder: ſome by force were driuen into Normandie, ſome were compelled to returne a|gaine into Brytaine. The ſhip wherein the erle of Richmond was, aſſociate onely with one other Barke, was all night toſſed and turmoyled.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the morning after, when the rage of the furious tempeſt was aſſwaged, and the yre of the bluſtring winde was ſome deale appeaſed, about the houre of noone the ſame day, the Erle appro|ched to the South part of the realm of England, euen at the mouth of the Hauen of Pole, in the Countie of Dorcet, where he might plainly per|ceyue all the Sea bankes and ſhores, garniſhed and furniſhed with men of warre and ſouldiers, appoynted and deputed there to defende hys arri|ual and landing (as before is mentioned.) Wher|fore he gaue ſtraight charge, and ſore commaun|demẽt, that no perſon ſhuld once preſume to take lande, and goe to the Shore, vntill ſuche tyme as the whole Nauie were aſſembled and come togither.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And while hee taryed and lyngered, hee ſent out a Shipbote towarde the lande ſide, to knowe whether they which ſtood there in ſuch a number, and ſo well furniſhed in apparell defenſiue, were his foes and enimies, or elſe his friends and com|forters. They that were ſent to enquire, were in|ſtantly deſired of the men of warre keeping the coaſt (which therof were before inſtructed and ad|moniſhed) to diſcend & take lande, affirming that they were appointed by the duke of Buckingham there to awayt and tarie for the arriuall and lan|ding of the Erle of Richmonde, and to conduct him ſafely into the campe, where the Duke not farre of laye incamped with a mightie armie, and an hoſt of great ſtrength and power, to the intent that the Duke and the Earle ioyning in puiſſaunces and forces togither, might proſecute and chaſe King Richarde being deſtitute of men. and in maner deſperate, and ſo by that meanes, and their owne labors, to obteyne the end of their enterprice which they had before begon.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Richmonde ſuſpecting theyr flattering requeſt to be but a fraude (as it was in deede) after hee perceyued none of his ſhippes to appeare in ſight, hee w [...]yed vp his Ancors, hal|ſed vp his Say [...]s, and hauing a pr [...] [...] ſtreynable winde, and a f [...]he [...] God to delyuer him from that pa [...] and [...] [...]|die, arriued ſafe and in all [...]c [...] the D [...]|chie of Normandy, where he [...] and ſ [...]ace hys ſouldiers and people, tooke his recration by the ſpace of three dayes, and clearely determined with part of his companie to paſſe all by la [...] a|gaine into Brytaine. And in the meane ſeaſon he ſent Ambaſſadors to the Frenche king, called Charles the eight which newly ſucceeded his fa|ther king Lewes the eleuenth, not long before de|parted to God, requ [...]ng of him a ſafeconduct & licence to paſſe through his country of Norman|die into Brytaine.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The yong King hauing compaſſion of the miſfortune of the Earle of Richmond, not duely gently graunted and aſſigned to him a paſport, but alſo liberally diſburſed to him a great ſumme of money for his conduct and expences neceſſarie in his long iourney and paſſage. But the Earle truſting in the French kings humanitie, aduen|tured to ſende his ſhippes home into Brytaine, and to ſet forward himſelf by land on his iorney, making no great haſt til his meſſengers were re|turned, which being with that benefit ſo comfor|ted, and with hope of proſperous ſucceſſe ſo enco|raged, marched towarde Brytayne, wyth all dyligence entending there to conſult further with his louers and friendes of his affayres and enterprices.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When hee was returned againe into Bry|tayne, hee was certifyed by credible informa|tion that the Duke of Buckingham had loſte hys heade, and that the Marques Dorcet, and a greate number of Noble men of Englande, had a lyttle before enquyred and ſearched for hym there, and were nowe returned to Van|nes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When he had heard theſe newes thus repor|ted, he firſt ſorrowed and lamented his [...] at|tempt and ſetting forwarde of his friendes, and in eſpecial of the Nobilitie, not to haue more for|tunately ſucceeded. Secondarily, he re [...]ed on the other part, that God had ſent him [...] manye valiant and prudent Captaynes to bee [...] com|paniõs in his martiall enterpriſes, truſting ſure|lye and nothing doubting in his owne opini|on, but that all his buſineſſe ſhoulde hee wiſely compaſſed, and brought to a good concluſion. Wherefore he determining with all diligence to ſet forwarde his new begon buſineſſe, departed to Renes, and ſent certain of his priuie ſeruitors to conduct and bring the Marques and other noble men to his preſence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When they knew that hee was ſafe returned into Brytayne, Lorde howe they reioyced, for before that tyme they myſſed him, and knewe EEBO page image 1405 not in what part of the world to make inquirie or ſearch for him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 For they doubted and no leſſe feared leaſt he had taken lande in Englande, and fallen in the handes of King Richarde, in whoſe perſon they knew well was neyther mercie nor compaſſion. Wherefore in all ſpeedie maner they galoped to|ward him, & him reuerendly ſaluted, which mee|ting after great ioy and ſolace, and no ſmal than|kes giuen and rendred on both partes, they adui|ſedly debated and commoned of their great buſi|neſſe and weightie enterpriſe, in the which ſeaſon the feaſt of the Natiuitie of our Sauiour Chriſt happened, on which day all the Engliſh Lordes went with their ſolemnitie to the chiefe Churche of the Citie, and there eche gaue fayth and pro|miſe to other.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The Erle himſelfe firſt tooke a corporall othe on his honour, promiſing that incontinent after he ſhoulde be poſſeſſed of the Crowne and digni|tie of the Realme of Englande, be would be con|ioyned in matrimonie with the Ladie Elizabeth daughter to king Edwarde the fourth. Then all the companie ſware to him fealtie, and did to him homage as though he had beene that tyme the crowned king, and annoynted Prince, promiſing faythfully, and firmly aſſuring, that they would not onely leaſe theyr worldly ſubſtaunce, but al|ſo be deprited of their lyues and worldly felicitie, rather than to ſuffer king Richarde that tyraunt longer to rule and raigne ouer them. Which ſo|lemne othes made and taken, the Earle of Rich|monde declared and communicated all theſe do|ings to Fraunces Duke of Brytayne, deſyring and moſt heartily requiring him to ayd him with a greater armie to conduct him into his Coun|trey, whiche ſo ſore longed and looked for his re|turne, and to the which he was by the more part of the nobilitie and comunaltie called and deſired, (which with Gods ayde, and the Dukes com|fort) he doubted not in ſhort time to obtaine, re|quiring him farther to preſt to him a conuenient ſum of mony, affyrming that all ſuch ſummes of money whiche hee had receyued of his eſpeciall friends, were ſpent and conſumed in preparation of his laſte iourney made towarde Englande, which ſummes of money after his enterpriſe once atchieued, he in the worde of a Prince, faythful|ly promiſed to repay and reſtore againe. The Duke promiſed hym ayde and helpe, vpon con|fidence whereof hee rigged his ſhippes, and ſette foorth hys Nauye well decked with ordinance, and warlikely furniſhed wyth all things neceſ|ſarie, to the intent to ſaile forward ſhortly, and to loſe no time.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon, king Richard apprehen|ded in diuerſe partes of the realme certain gentle|men of the Erle of Richmonds faction, and con|federation, whiche eyther intended to ſayle into Brytayne towarde him, or elſe at his landing to aſſyſt and ayde him. Amongſt whom ſir George Browne, ſir Roger Clifforde, and foure other were put to execution at London, and ſir Tho|mas Senetliger which had maried the Duches of Exceter the kings owne ſiſter, & Thomas Ram, and dyuerſe other were executed at Exeter. Be|ſide theſe perſons, diuerſe of his houſhold ſeruants whõ either he ſuſpected, or doubted, were by great crueltie put to ſhamefull death.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After this, he called a Parliament,The Erle of Richemond attaynted in Parlament. in the which he attaynted the Erle of Richmond and all other perſons which were fled out of the realme for feare, or any other cauſe, as enimies to him, and to their naturall Countrey, and all their landes, goods, and poſſeſſions, were confiſcate and ſeaſed to the kings vſe. And yet not content with thys pray, whiche no doubt was of no ſmall valour and moment, hee layde on the peoples neckes a great tax and tallage, and ſurely neceſſitie to that acte in maner him compelled. For what wyth purging and declaring his innocencie concerning the murther of his Nephewes toward the world, and what with coſt to obteyne the loue and fa|uour of the comunaltie (which outwardly gloſed, and openly diſſembled with him) he gaue prodi|gally ſo many & ſo great rewards, that now both he lacked, & ſcarce wiſt honeſtly how to borow.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In this troublous ſeaſon, nothing was more maruelled at, thã that the Lord Stanley had not bene taken, and reputed as an enimie to the King, conſidering the working of the La|die Margaret his wife, mother to the Earle of Richmond: but foraſmuch as the enterpriſe of a woman was of him reputed of no regard or eſti|mation, and that the Lord Thomas hir huſband had purged himſelf ſufficiently to be innocent of all doings and attempts by hir perpetrated & cõ|mitted, it was giuen him in charge to kepe hir in ſome ſecrete place at home, without hauing any ſeruant or companie, ſo that from thenceforth ſhe ſhuld neuer ſend letter or meſſenger vnto hir ſon, nor any of his friends or cõfederates, by the which the king might be moleſted or troubled, or anye hurt or preiudice might bee attempted agaynſte his realme and comunaltie. Which commaun|demẽt was a while put in execution and accom|pliſhed according to his dreadfull commaunde|ment. Yet the wilde worme of vengeance wa|uering in his heade, coulde not bee content wyth the death of dyuerſe gentlemen ſuſpected of trea|ſon, but alſo he muſt extende his blondy furie a|gaynſt a poore gentlemã called Collingborne, for making a ſmall rime of three of his vnfortunate counſaylers, which were the Lord Louell, ſir Ri|chard Ratcliffe his miſchieuous Minion, and ſir Williã Cateſby his ſecrete ſeducer, which meetre EEBO page image 1406 or ryme was thus.

Compare 1587 edition: 1

The Cat, the Rat, and Louell our Dogge,

Rule all England vnder an Hogge.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Meaning by the hog, the dreadful wild Bore, which was the kings cogniſance, but bycauſe the firſt line ended in dogge, the Metrician could not obſeruing the regiments of metre, end the ſeconde verſe in Bore, but called the Bore an hog. This Poetical ſcholemaiſter corrector of Breeues and Longs,Collingburne executed. cauſed Collingborne to bee abbreuiate ſhorter by the head, and to be deuided into foure quarters.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Collingborns inditementHere is to be noted, that beſide the rime which is reported by ſome to be the only cauſe for which this gentleman ſuffred, I finde in a regyſter booke of Inditements concerning felonyes and treaſons by ſundrie perſons committed, that the ſayde Collingborne by the name of Wil|lyam Collyngborne late of Lidyarde in the Countie of Wilkſhire eſquier and other his aſſo|ciates were indited in London for that that they about the tenth day of Iulie, in this ſecond yeare of King Richardes raigne in the Pariſhe of Saint Botulphes in Portſoken warde had ſoli|cited and requeſted one Thomas Yate, offring to him for his paynes eyght pounde, to goe ouer into Brytayne vnto Henrie Erle of Richmond, Thomas Marques Dorſet, Iohn Cheyney Eſ|quier, and others (whiche in the laſt Parliament holden at Weſtminſter had beene attainted of ſundrie high treaſons by them practiſed wythin the kings dominion) to declare vnto them that they ſhoulde doe verie well to returne into Eng|lande with all ſuch power as they might get be|fore the feaſt of Saint Luke the Euangeliſt next enſuing, for ſo they might receyue all the whole reuenues of the realme due at the feaſt of Saint Michaell nexte before the ſayde feaſt of Saint Luke, and that if that ſayde Earle of Richmonde and his partakers, following the counſaile of the ſayde Collingborne, would arriue at the hauen of Pole in Dorcetſhire, he the ſayd Collingborne and other his aſſociates, woulde cauſe the people to riſe in armes, and to leuie warre agaynſt king Richarde, taking part wyth the ſayde Earle and his friendes, ſo that all things ſhoulde be at theyr commaundements.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Moreouer, to moue the ſayde Earle to ſende the ſayde Iohn Cheyney vnto the French King, to aduertiſe him that his Ambaſſadours ſent in|to England ſhould be dallyed with, only to driue of the time till the winter ſeaſon were paſt, and that then in the beginning of Sommer king Ri|charde ment to make warre into Fraunce inua|ding that realme with all his puiſſance, and ſo by this meanes to perſwade the French king to ayd the Erle of Richmonde & his partakers in their quarell againſt king Richard. Further that the ſayd William Collingborne beeing confederate with the ſayd Erle & other his adherents, aſwell within the Realme as without, the .xviij. day of Iu [...], in the ſaid ſecond yeare, within the Pariſhe of S. Gregories in Faringdon ward within, had deuiſed certaine bylles and wrytings in tyme, is the ende that the ſame beeing publiſhed, myghte ſtirre the people to a commotion againſt the king and thoſe billes and writings in rime ſo deuiſes & written, the ſame Collingborne the day and yere laſt mentioned, had faſtened and ſet vppon dy|uerſe dooers of the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paule, for the more ſpeedie furthering of hys intended purpoſe. Thus farre the Inditement. But whether he was guiltie in part or in all, I haue not to ſay.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 King Richard being thus diſquieted in [...], and doubtfull for the ſuretie of his owne eſtate, called to remembraunce that confederations, ho|neſt bandes, and pactes of amitie concluded and had betwixt Princes and gouernours, are the ef|ficient cauſe that Realmes and common weal|thes are ſtrengthned with double power, that is with ayde of friendes abroade, and their owne forces at home. Wherevpon he deuiſed howe to conclude a league and amitie with his neigh|bour the King of Scottes, who not long before had made diuerſe incurſions and roades into the Realme of Englande. And although he had not much gotten, yet verily hee loſt not much, and nowe euen as King Richard could haue wiſhed he of himſelfe made ſuyte for peace or truce to be bad betwixt him and king Richarde, who wyl|lingly giuing eare to that ſuyte, Commiſſioners were appoynted to meet aboute the treatie there|of,Pag. 404 405 as in the Hiſtorie of Scotlande it maye ap|peare, at length agreed vpon a truce for three yeares,a truce betwixt England and Scotland. and withall for a further encreaſe of fyrme frindſhippe and ſure amitie (betwixt hym and the King of Scottes) King Richarde en|tered into a treatie alſo of alliaunce for the con|cluding of a maryage betwyxt the Duke of Rotheſay, eldeſt ſonne to the King of Scottes, and the Ladie Anne de la Poole daughter to Iohn Duke of Suffolke and the Duches Anne, Siſter to King Richarde, whiche Siſter hee ſo muche fauoured, that ſtudying by all wayes and meanes poſſible howe to aduaunce hir lynage, hee did not onely thus ſeeke to preferre hir daughter in maryage, but alſo after the death of hys ſonne, hee proclaymed Iohn Earle of Lyncolne hir ſonne and hys Ne|phewe, heyre apparant to the Crowne of Eng|lande, diſinheriting King Edwards daughters, whoſe brethren (as yee haue heard) hee moſte wickedly had cauſed to be murthered and made away.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The King of Scottes ſtanding in neede of EEBO page image 1407 friendes, althoughe not ſo greatlye as King Richarde did willyngly conſent to that motion of maryage, fyrſt droched by King Richarde, in ſomuche that it tooke effect,A marriage [...]cluded be|twixt the [...]ce of Roth [...] and Duke [...]ffolkes king [...]. and by Commiſſi|oners was paſſed and concluded, in maner as in the Hyſtorie of Scotlande it likewyſe appea|reth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But albeit that by this league and amitie thus couenanted and concluded, it mighte bee thought, that all conſpiracies, coniurations, and confederacies agaynſt King Richarde had beene extinct, eſpecially conſidering the Duke of Buc|kingham and his allyes were diſpatched oute of the way, ſome by death, and ſome by flight and baniſhment into farre Countreys, yet King Ri|charde more doubting than truſting to his owne people and friendes, was continually vexed and troubled in mynde for feare of the Earle of Richmondes returne, which dayly dreade and hourely agonie, cauſed him to liue in dolefull miſerie, euer vnquiet, and in maner in conti|nuall calamitie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Wherefore he intending to be relieued and to haue an ende of all his doubtfull daungers, de|termined clearely to extyrpate and plucke vp by the rootes all the matter and grounde of his feare and doubtes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Wherefore after long and deliberate con|ſultation had, nothing was for his purpoſe and intent thought eyther more neceſſarie or ex|pedient than once againe with price, prayer, and rewardes, to attempt the Duke of Brytayne, in whoſe territorie the Earle of Richmonde then abode, to delyuer the ſayde Earle into his hands, by which onely meanes he ſhoulde be diſcharged of all feare of perill, and brought to reſt and qui|etneſſe both of bodie and mynde. Wherefore in|continent he ſent certayne Ambaſſadours to the Duke of Brytayne, whiche tooke vpon them, (beſyde the greate and ample rewardes that they brought wyth them into Brytaynt) that king Richarde ſhoulde yearely pay and aunſwere the Duke of all the reuenues rentes, and profites of the ſeigniories, landes, and poſſeſſions, as well belonging and apperteyning to the Earle of Richmonde, as to any other Noble or Gentle|man, which then were in the Earles companie, if hee after that tyme woulde keepe them in con|tinuall Pryſon, and reſtrayne them from ly|bertie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Ambaſſadors furniſhed with theſe and other inſtructions, arryued in Brytain, and came to the Dukes houſe, where with him they coulde haue no matter of communication concernyng their weightie affayres, by reaſon that hee beeyng faint and weakned by a long and dayly infirmi|tie, began a little ſo war ydle and weake in hys wit and remembrance. For whiche cauſe Peter Lan [...]yle his chiefe Treaſorer, a man [...]oth of pregnant wit and great authority, ruled and ad|iudged all things at his pleaſure and commaun|dement, for which cauſe (as men ſet into autho|rity bee not beſt beloued) he excited & prouoked a|gaynſt him the malice and euill will of the nobi|litie of Brytaine, which afterward for diuers great offences by him duryng his authoritie perpetrate committed, by their meanes was brought to death and confuſion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Engliſh Ambaſſadors moued their meſ|ſage and requeſt to Peter Landoyſe,Peter Landol [...] and to him declared their maiſters commaũdement, inſtant|ly requiring, and humbly deſiring him (in whoſe power it lay to do all things in Brytayn) that he woulde friendly aſſent to the requeſt of King Richarde, offring to hym the ſame rewardes and landes, that they ſhoulde haue offred to the Duke.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This Peter whiche was no leſſe diſdeyned than hated almoſt of all the people of Brytayne, thought that if he did aſſ [...] and ſa [...]ſfie king Ri|chardes petition and deſire, he ſhould be of power and abilitie ſufficiently to withſtande and re [...]e [...] the malicious attempts and diſdainfull inuenti|ons of his enuious aduerſaries. Wherefore hee faithfully promiſed to accompliſh king Richards requeſt and deſire, ſo that he kept promiſe wyth him, that he might be able to withſtand the can|kerd malier of his ſecrete enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This act that he promiſed to doe, was not for any grudge or malice that he bare to the Erle of Richmond: for (as you haue heard before) he deli|uered him from the perill of death at S. Malos, when he was in great doubt of life, and ieopardy [...] but as cauſe riſeth we euer offende, and that cur|ſed hunger of golde, and execrable thyrſt of lucre, and inwarde feare of loſſe of authoritie, driueth the blinde mindes of couetous men, and ambiti|ous perſons to euilles and myſchiefes innume|rable, not remembring loſſe of name, obloquie of the people, nor in concluſion the puniſhment of God for their merites and deſerts.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But fortune was ſo fauourable to the pub|lique wealth of the Realme of Englande, that this deadly and dolorous compact tooke none ef|fect or place) For while Poſtes ranne, and let|ters were ſent to and fro for the finiſhing of this greate enterpryce betweene King Richarde and Peter Landoyſe, Iohn Morton Biſhop of Ely ſoiourning then in Flaunders, was of all this craftie conueyaunce certifyed by hys ſecrete and ſure friendes: Wherefore hee ſent Chriſtopher Vrſwike (whiche at that verie ſea|ſon was come out of Brytayne into Flaunders) to declare to the Earle of Richmonde howe all the deceyte and craftie working was conueyed and compaſſed, giuing him in charge to coun|ſayle EEBO page image 1408 and aduiſe the Earle in all haſte poſſible with all his companie to retire out of Brytayne into Fraunce.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When theſe newes were brought to the erle, he then kept houſe in Vannes, and incontinent diſpatched again Chriſtofer Vrſwike, to Charles the French king, requiring him that hee and his, might ſafely paſſe into Fraunce, which deſyre be|ing obteyned, the meſſenger ſhortly returned to his Lorde and Prince. The Erle well percey|uing that it was expedient and neceſſarie, wyth all ſpeede and diligence, to looke to this weighty matter, calling verie fewe to counſaile, hee made inquirie and ſearche of all ſecrete and bywayes, and ſent before all his noble men, as though for a certaine familiaritie and kindneſſe they ſhoulde viſite and comfort the Duke, which then for re|creation and chaunge of ayre, lay on the borders and confines of Fraunce. And ſecretely hee gaue charge to the Earle of Pembroke whiche was the leader and conductor of his companie, that when they approched the Marches and limittes of Brytayne, they ſhoulde diuert and take the next way into Fraunce.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The noble menne ſomewhat ſuſpitions of things newly imagined, withoute any tarying, ſkouring the wayes as faſt as theyr horſes could runne, came out of the Duchie of Brytayne, in|to y^e Duchy of Aniou in the dominion of France, where they taryed the Earles comming, which two dayes after departed out of Vannes, onely accompanied with fiue ſeruitours, as though hee had gone ſecretly to viſite a familiar friend of his, in a ſmall village adioyning. No man ſuſpec|ted that he would depart, conſidering that a great multitude of Engliſhe men were left and conti|nued in the Citie, but after that he had paſſed di|rectly fiue miles forwarde, he ſodainly turned in|to a ſolitarie woodde next adioyning, where clo|thing himſelfe in the ſimple coate of his poore ſer|uant, made and appoynted his ſayd miniſter, lea|der and maiſter of his ſmall companie, and he as humble page diligently followeth and ſerueth his counterfeyte gouernour, neyther reſting nor themſelues refreſhing, except the bayting of their horſes, tyll they by wayes vnknowne, now thys way, now turning that way, came to their com|panie, abiding them in Angiers.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The fourth day after the Erle of Richmonde was thus departed, that craftie marchant Peter Landoyſe, thruſting ſtill after his pray, promiſed by king Richarde, was readie to ſet forward hys crew of ſouldiors, which he priuily had conſigned with certaine truſtie captaines for that only pur|poſe appoynted and elected, to performe and at|chieue his pretenſed enterpriſe, diſſembling and feyning them to be conducted and hyred by hym to ſerue the Earle of Richmonde, and hym to conduct in hys returne towarde his natiue coun|trey, meaning none other thing but to ap|prehende him, and the other noble men in hys con|tinue, which no ſuche fraude ſuſpected, nor [...] any treaſon ymagined, vnware and vnproui|ded, and deſtitute of al ayde, and them to caſt and commit ſodainly into continuall captiuitie and bondage, to the intent that by this his wretched & naughtie acte, he myght ſatiſfie the charitable re|queſt, and louing deſire of good king Richarde, more for his owne profite than king Richardes gaine.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But when this craftie diſſembler Peter Lan|doyſe, which was no wilier than an olde Foxe, perceyued that the Earle was departed, (thin|king that to bee true that he ymagined) Lorde howe currours ranne into euery coaſt, how light horſemen galloped in euery ſtreete, to follow and deteyne him, if by any poſſibilitie he could be met with and ouertaken, and him to apprehende and bring captiue into the Citie of Vannes. The horſemen made ſuche diligence, and with ſuche celeritie ſet forwarde theyr iourney, that nothing was more likely than they to haue obteyned, yea and ſeaſed theyr pray. For the Earle of Rich|monde was not entered into the Realme of Fraunce, ſcarce one houre, but the folowers came to the limits and confines of Brytaine, and durſt aduenture no further, but vainly without their deſire ſorrowfully returned.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 At which ſeaſon were left at Vannes aboute the number of three C. Engliſh men, which not being called to counſaile, & vnware of this enter|priſe, but knowing of the Earles ſodaine depar|ture, were ſo incontinently aſtonied, that in ma|ner they were al in diſpayre both of him and their owne ſuretie and ſauegarde. But fortune tur|ned hir ſaile, and otherwiſe it happened than their feare them encombred. For the Duke of Bry|tayne nowe being ſomewhat recouered, was ſore diſpleaſed, and nothing contented that the Earle of Richmond was in his dominion ſo vncourte|ouſly tracted and entreated, that he ſhoulde be by fraud and vntruth compelled to leaue and flie out of his Duchie and Countrey, contrary to his ho|nour. Wherefore he tooke great diſpleaſure with Peter Landoyſe his Treaſorer, to whome (al|though he knew not and was ignoraunt that all the drift was driuen and deuiſed by him) he layde the fault and imputed the crime. Wherefore he ſent for Edward Wooduile, and Edwarde Po|nings valiaunt Eſquiers of Englande, and dely|uered vnto them money ſufficient for theyr con|duct, willing them to cõuey the reſt of the Eng|liſh men being in Brytaine, to the Erle of Rich|monds preſence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Erle was thus furnished, and appoynted with his trustie companie, & was escaped all EEBO page image 1409 all the daungers, Labirinthes, and snares that were set for him, no maruayle though hee were iocund and glad of the prosperous successe that happened in his affayres. Wherefore, least hee should seeme to be blotted with the note of ingratitude, hee sent diuers of his Gentlemen to the Duke of Britayne, the which should publish and declare to him on the behalfe of the Earle, that he and his, were onelye by his benefite and fauour conserued and deliuered from the imminent dau(n)ger that they were lyke to be trapped in. Wherefore at that time he rendred to him his most hartie thankes in wordes, trusting and not doubting but in time to come liberally to recompence him with actes and deedes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After this the Earle tooke his iourney to Charles the French king, lying then at Langes vpon the ryuer of Leyre, to whom after greate thankes giuen for manifolde pleasures by him to the Earle shewed, he disclosed and manifested the cause and occasion of his accesse and repayre to his person.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that, he required of him helpe and ſucces, to the intent that by his immortall benefit to him at that time ſhewed, hee might ſafely returne in the nobilitie of his realm, of whõ he was general|ly called to take vpon him the crowne and ſ [...]p|ter of the Realme, they much hated and abho [...] the tyrannie of king Richarde. King Charles promiſed him ayde and comfort and haue him [...] of good courage, and make good cheere, for he aſ|ſured him that he would gladly ſhew to [...]are hys beneuolent minde & bountifull liberalitie. Which king from thence remoued to Mounta [...]gis, lea|ding with him the Erle of Richmond, and all the noble perſonages of his retinne and faction.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While the Earle was thus attendant in the French court, Iohn Vere Erle of Oxforde which as you haue heard before was by king Edward kept in priſon within the Caſtell of Hammes) ſo perſwaded Iames Blunte Captaine of the ſame Fortreſſe, and ſir Iohn Forteſcew Porter of the towne of Calays, that he himſelfe was not one|ly diſmiſſed and ſet at libertie, but they alſo aban|doning and leauing theyr fruitful offices, condiſ|cended to go with him into Fraunce to the Earle of Richmonde, and to take his part. But Iames Blunt, like a wiſe captain bicauſe he left his wife remayning in the Caſtell before his departure, he fortified the ſame both with new munitions and newe Souldiours.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Erle of Richmonde ſaw the Earle of Oxforde, hee was rauiſhed with an incredible gladneſſe, that he being a man of ſo high nobility, at ſuch knowledge & practiſes in feates of warre, and ſo conſtant, truſtie and aſſured (which alway had ſtudied for the maintenance and preferment of the houſe of Lancaſter) was nowe by Gods prouiſion deliuered out of captiuitie and impri|ſonment, and in time ſo neceſſarie and conueni|ent [...]ome to his ayde, ſuccour and aduancement, in whom more ſince than any other he might put his truſt and confidence, and take leſſe paine and trauaile in his owne perſon. For it was not hyd from him, that ſuche as euer had taken parte with King Edwarde before thys tyme, came to [...] ſeruice, eyther for malice that they bare to King Richarde, or elſe for feare to liue vn|der hys [...]ell rull and [...]rannous gouernance.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Not long after the French King returned a|gaine to Paris, whom the Earle of Richmond followed, [...]ding there to ſolicite his matter to the concluſion. Wherevpon hee beſought King Charles to take vpon him the whole tuition and de [...] [...] him and his cauſe, ſo that hee and hys comp [...] [...] by his meanes ayded and com|forted, ſhoulde confeſſe and ſaye, theyr wealth, victorie and aduancement to haue flowed & bud|ded forth of his bountifulneſſe & liberalitie, which they would God willing ſhortly re [...]ite.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon diuerſe Engliſh men which eith [...] fled out of Englãd for feare, or were at Paris to learne and ſtudie good literature and betweene doctrine, [...] voluntarily and ſubmit|ted themſelues to the erle of Richmonde, & vowed and ſware to take his [...]. Amongſt whom was Richard For a prieſt [...] of great wit and no leſſe learning, whom the Earle [...] recei|ued into ſecret familiaritie, and in bri [...] time e|rected and aduaunced him to high dignities and promotions, and in concluſion he made hide Bi|ſhop of Wincheſter.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon, king Richarde was cre|dibly aduertiſed, what promiſes and othes the Erle and his confederates had made and ſworne togither at Reunes, & how by the Erles meanes all the Engliſh men were paſſed out of Brytain into France. Wherefore being ſore diſmayd, and in a maner diſperate, bicauſe his craftie chieuance tooke none effect in Brytayne, ymagined and de|uiſed how to infringe and diſturbe the Erles pur|poſe by another meane, ſo that by the mariage of Ladie Elizabeth his Neece, he ſhould pretend no clayme nor tytle to the crowne. For he thought if that mariage fayled, the Erles chiefe combe had bene clearly cut. And bycauſe that he being blin|ded with the ambitious deſire of rule before thys tyme in obteyning the kingdome, had commyt|ted and done manye cu [...]fed actes, and deteſtable ty [...]ies, yet according to the o [...]. Prouerbe, let him take the Bull that ſtale a way the Calfe, he thought all factes by him committed in times paſſed to be but of ſmall moment and not to bee regarded in compariſon of that miſchieuous ima|gination, which he now newly began & attẽpted.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 There came into his vngracious mind a thing EEBO page image 1410 not onely beteſtable to be ſpoken of in the remem|brance of man but much more cruell and abho|minable to be put in execution. For when he re|uolued in his wauering mind, how greate foun|taine of miſchiefe towarde him ſhoulde ſpring, if the Earle of Richmonde ſhoulde bee aduaunced to the mariage of his nere, which thing he heard ſay by the rumour of the people, that no ſmall number of wiſe and wit [...] perſonages [...] [...]ry|ſed to compaſſe and bringed to concluſi [...], he there|ly determined to reconcile to his fauour his bro|thers wife Queene Elizabeth, eyther by fayre wordes, or liberall promiſes, firmely beleeuing hir fauour once obteynes, that ſhee woulde not ſticke ſo commit (and louingly credite) to hym the rule and gouernance both of hir & hir daugh|ter,A ſubtil and lewde practiſe of king Ri|chard. and ſo by that mennes the Erle of Richmõd of the affinitie of his Nece, ſhoulde be vtterly de|frauded and beguiled.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And if no ingenerous remedie could bee other|wiſe inuented, to ſaue the innumerable miſchiefs which were euen at hande, and like to fall, if it ſhoulde happen Queene Anne his wife to depart out of this preſent life, then hee himſelfe woulde rather take to wife his couſin and Nece the La|die Elizabeth, than for lacke of that aff [...]e the whole Realme ſhoulde runne to ruine, a [...] who ſayde, that if he once fell from his eſtate and dig|nitie, the ruine of the Realme muſt needes ſhort|ly enſue and follow. Wherefore hee ſent to the Queene being in Sanctuarie, dyuerſe and often meſſengers, which firſt ſhoulde excuſe and purge him of all things before agaynſt hir attempted or procured, and after ſhoulde ſo largely promiſe promotions innumerable, and benefites, not onelye to hir, but alſo to hir ſonne Lorde Tho|mas Marques Dorcet, that they ſhoulde bring hir, if it were poſſible into ſome wanhope, or as men ſay, into a fooles Paradiſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Meſſengers being men both of wit and grauitie, ſo perſwaded the Queene with greate and pregnant reaſons, what with fayre & large promiſes, that ſhe began ſomewhat to relent, and to giue to them no deafe eare, inſomuch that ſhee faythfully promiſed to ſubmitte and yeelde hir|ſelfe fullye and frankely to the Kings will and pleaſure.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And ſo ſhe putting in obliuion the murther of hir innocent children, the infamie and diſhonor ſpoken by the king hir huſband, the lyuing in ad|nontrie layde to hir charge, the baſtarding of hir daughters, forgetting alſo the faythfull promiſe and open othe made to the Counteſſe of Rich|monde mother to the Earle Henrie, blynded by auaricious affection, and ſeduced by flattering words,The [...] con|ſtauncie of Queene Eliza|beth. firſt deliuered into King Richards hands hir fiue daughters, as Lambes once againe com|mitted to the cuſtodie of the rauenous Woolfe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After she sent letters to the Marques hir sonne being then at Paris with the Erle of Richmond, willing him in any wyse to leaue the Earle, and without delay to repayre into Englande, where for him were prouided great honours, and honourable promotions, ascerteyning him further, that all offences on both parties were forgotten and forgyuen, and both he and shee highly incorporated in the Kings heart. Surely the inconstancie of this woman were muche to bee marueyled at, if all women had beene founde constant, but let men speak, yet women of the very bond of nature will follow their owne kinde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that king Richarde had thus with glorious promises and flattering wordes, pleased and appeased the mutable mynde of Queene Elizabeth, which knewe nothing lesse than that hee most intended, he caused all his brothers daughters to be conueyed into hys Palayce wyth solemne receyuing, as though with his nowe familiar and louing interteynment they shoulde forget, and in theyr myndes blotte oute the olde committed iniurie, and late executed tyrannie. Nowe nothing was contrariant and obstacle to his deuilishe purpose, but that his mancion was not voyde of his wife, whiche thing hee in anye wise adiudged necessarie to be done. But there was one thing that so muche feared and stayed him from committing thys abominable murther, bycause (as you haue heard before) hee beganne to counterfeyte the Image of a good and well disposed person, and therefore hee was afearde least the sodaine death of his wyfe once openly knowne, he shoulde lease the good and credible opinion which the people had of him, without desert, conceyued and reported.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But in concluſion, euill Counſayle preuay|led in a wytte lately mynded to myſchiefe, and turned from all goodneſſe. So that hys bu [...]ea|cious deſire ouercame hys honeſt feare, And fyrſt to enter into the gates of hys imagined en|terprice, he abſteyned doth from the be [...] and com|panie of his wife.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After he complayned to diuerſe noblemen of the realme, of the infortunate ſterilitie and harmo|neſſe of his wife, bycauſe ſhee brought forth no fruite and generation of hir bodie. And in eſpeci|all he recounted to Thomas Rotheram Archbi|ſhop of Yorke (whome lately hee had delyuered out of warde and captiuitie) theſe impe [...]mentes of his Queene and diuerſe other, thinking that he woulde reueale to hir all theſe things, truſhing the ſequele hereof to take hys effect, that ſhee hearing this grudge of hir huſband, and taking therefore an inward thought, would not long liue in this world.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Of this the Biſhop gathered (whiche well knewe the complexion and vſage of the King) EEBO page image 1411 that the Queenes dayes where ſhort, and that he declared to certaine of his ſecret friendes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 [...] ſpred [...]e a the [...]es deathAfter this be procured a common rumor, but he would not haue the authour knowne, to bee publiſhed and ſpred abroade a [...]ng the common people, that the Queene was deade, to the [...]ent that ſhee taking ſome conceyte of this ſtraunge fame, ſhoulde fall into ſome ſodaine ſickneſſe or grieuous maladie, and to proue if afterward ſhee ſhoulde fortune by that or anye other wayes to leaſe hir life, whether the people would impute hir death to the thought or ſickneſſe, or thereof would lay the blame to him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 When the Queene heard tell that ſo horrible a rumor of hir death was ſprung amongeſt the comunaltie, ſhe ſore ſuſpected & iudged the wor [...] to be almoſt at an ende with hir, and in that ſo|rowful agonie, ſhe with lamentable countenance and ſorrowfull cheare, repayred to the preſence of the king hir huſband, demaunding of him, what it ſhoulde meane that hee had iudged hir worthes to die. The king anſwered hir with fayre words, and with ſmiling and flattering leaſings com|forted hir, and bidde hir bee of good cheare, for to his knowledge ſhe ſhould haue none other cauſe: But howſoeuer that it fortuned, either by inward though and penſiueneſſe of heart, or by infection of poyſon (which is affyrmed to bee moſt likely) within few dayes after the Queene departed and of this tranſitorie life, [...]e Queene [...]e [...] King [...] the [...] ſodainely [...] and was with due ſolem|nitie buried in the Church of S. Peter at Weſt|minſter.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This is the ſame Anne, one of the daughters of the Earle of Warwicke, which (as you ha [...] heard before) at the requeſt of Lewes the French king, was maried to Prince Edwarde, ſonne to king Henrie the ſixth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 The king thus (according to his long deſire) loſed out of the bandes of matrimonie, began to caſt a fooliſh fantaſie to Ladie Elizabeth his nece, making much ſuyte to to haue hir ioyned wyth him in lawfull matrimonie. But bycauſe al men and the mayden hirſelfe moſt of all, deteſted and abhorred, this vnlawfull, and in maner vnnatu|rall copulation, hee determined to prolong and deferre y^e matter, till he were in a more quietnes. For all that verie ſeaſon he was oppreſſed wyth great, we [...]ightie, and vbrgene cauſes, and buſineſ|ſes on euerie ſide, conſidering that dayly par [...] of the Nobilitie myled into Fraunce to the Earle of Richmond: Other priuily fauoured and arden certaine of the coniuration, ſo that of hys ſhorte ende, fewe or none were in doubt. And the com|mon people for the moſte part were brought to ſuch deſperation, that many of them had rather be reputed and taken of him in the number of hys enimies, than to abyde the chaunce and hazarde to haue theyr goodes taken as a ſpoyle of victo|rie by his enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Amongſt the noble men whom he moſt miſ|truſted thoſe were the principall, Thomas lord Stanley, ſir William Stanley his brother, Gil|bert Talbot, was [...] hundred other, of whoſe pur|poſes although king Richard wer not ignorant, yet he gaue neyther conference nor credence to a|nye one of them, and leaſt of all to the Lorde Stanley, bycauſe hee was ioyned in matrimonie with the Ladie Margaret, mother to the Earle of Richmonde, as afterwarde apparantly yee may perceyue. For when the ſayde Lord Stan|ley woulde haue departed into his Countrey to viſite his familie, and to recreate and refreſh his ſpirites (as he openly ſayde) but the truth was, to the intent to be in a perfite readineſſe to receyue the Earle of Richmond at his firſt arriuall in Englande: the king in no wiſe woulde ſuffer him to depart, before he had left as an hoſtage in the Court, George Stanley Lorde Straunge, his firſt begotten ſonne and heyre.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While king Richard was thus troubled and vexed with imaginations of the troublous tyme that was like to come: Lo euen ſodenly he heard newes that ſite was ſpring oute, of the ſmoke, and the warre freſhly begonne, and that the Ca|ſtell of Hermines was deliuered into the handes of the Earle of Richmonde, by the meanes of the Earle of Oxford, and that not onely he, but alſo Iames Blunt Captaine of the Caſtell, were [...] into Fraunce to ayde the Earle Henrie. Where|fore he thinking it great policie to withſtande the fleſhbrunt, ſent the moſt part of the garniſon of Calais, to recouer againe by force the Caſtell of Hammes. They which were in the Caſtel per|ceyuing theyr aduerſaries to approche, prepares munitions and Engines for theyr defence, and ſent alſo to the Earle of Richmonde, to aduertiſe him of their ſodaine inuaſion, requiring him of haſtie ayde and ſpeedie factor.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Eaſt ſleeping not this firſt begonne aſ|ſault, ſent the Earle of Oxforde, wyth an elec|ted companie of Souldiours to rayſe the ſiege, and reſh [...] the Caſtell: whiche at theyr fyrſts arriuing, [...]hed their campe not farre from there enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And while king Rychardes men gaue [...]g [...]|lant eye, wayting leaſt the Earle of Oxford ſhoulde take any aduauntage of them that laye on that ſyde of the Caſtell, Thomas Brandon with thirtie approued men of warre by a mariſh whiche laye on the other ſide, entered into the Caſtell.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Souldiours within greatly encoura|ged, and muche comforted by thys newe ſuc|cour and ayde, grieued the enimyes, by ſhooting from the walles more than they were accuſto|med to doe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 EEBO page image 1412And they of the Caſtell vexed theyr enimies on the fore part: the Earle of Oxforde no leſſe moleſted and vnquieted them on the other part, whiche was the occaſion that King Richardes men offered of theyr owne mere motion, licence to all being within the Caſtel to depart in ſafety, with bagge and baggage, nothing excepted: whiche condition the Earle of Oxforde com|ming onelye for that purpoſe to delyuer his lo|uing friendes out of all perill and daunger, and chiefely of all, his olde Hoſteſſe Iane Blunte, wife to Iames Blunte the Captaine, woulde in no wiſe forſake or refuſe: and ſo leauing the ca|ſtell bare and vngarniſhed, both of vitaile and Artelerie, came ſafely to the Earle of Richmond ſoiourning in Paris.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 During this time, King Richarde was cre|dibly infourmed of his inquiſitours and eſpialles, that the Earle of Richmond was with long ſute in the Court of Fraunce ſore wearied, and deſy|ring great ayde, coulde obteyne ſmall reliefe: In ſomuch that all things went ſo farre backwards, that ſuche things as were with great diligence, and no leſſe deliberation purpoſed, and determi|ned to be ſet forwarde, were nowe daſhed and o|uerthrowne to the grounde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 King Richarde either being to light of cree|dence, or ſeduced and deluded by his craftie tale|tellers, greatly reioyced as though he had obtey|ned the ouer hande of his enimies with trium|phant victorie, and thought himſelfe neuer ſo fearely deliuered of all feare and dreadfull imagi|nations, ſo that hee needed nowe no more once for that cauſe eyther to wake, or to breake his golden ſleepe. Wherefore hee called home againe his Shippes of warre, whiche hee had appoynted to keepe the narrowe Seas, and diſ|patched all ſuche ſouldiours as he had deputed to keepe certaine garniſons, and to ſtoppe certaine paſſages (as you haue hearde before.) Yet leaſte he might for lacke of prouiſion be ſodainly trap|ped, he ſtraightly charged and gaue in commaũ|dement to all noblemen, and eſpecially ſuche as inhabited neare to the ſea coaſt, and on the fron|tiers of Wales, that according to the vſage of the Countrey, they ſhoulde keepe diligent watche and ſtrong warde, to the intent that his aduer|ſaries in no wiſe ſhould haue any place oportune, eaſily to take lande, without defence or rebutting backe. For the cuſtome of y^e Countrey adioining neare to the Sea is, (eſpeciallye in the tyme of warre) on euery hill or high place to erect a Bea|ken with a great Lanterne in the toppe, whiche may bee ſeene and diſcerned a great ſpace of. And when the noyſe is once bruyted that the enimies approche neare the lande, they ſodainelye putte fyre in the Lanternes, and make ſhoutes and outcryes from Towne to Towne, and from Village to Village. Some [...] in [...] place to place, admoniſhing the people to be rea|die to reſiſt the [...]eop [...]rdie, and defend [...] the perill. And by this policie the ſame is ſome [...] to merie Citie and Towne, inſomuch that [...] the Citizens as the rurall people bee in more [...] aſſembled and armed to repulſe and put backe the newe arriued enimies.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Nowe to returne to our purpoſe, King Ry|chard thus ſomewhat eaſed of hys accuſt [...] penſiueneſſe, beganne to be ſomewhat more me|ryer, and tooke leſſe thought and care for outward enimies than he was woont to doe, as who ſay, that hee with politique prouiſion ſhoulde with|ſtande the deſtinie whiche b [...]ng ouer his heade, and was ordeyned in briefe tyme ſodainly to fall. Such is the force and puiſſance ordaine iuſtice, that euery man ſhall leſſe regarde, leſſe prouide, leſſe be in doubt of all things, when he [...] neareſt puniſhment, and next to his in [...]nce for his offences and crymes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 About this ſeaſon, while the Earle of Rich|monde was deſiring ayde of the Frenche kinge, certeyne noble men were there appoynted to [...] the realme of Fraunce during the minoritie of King Charles, which amongſt themſelues were not of one opinion. Of which diſſ [...], Le|wis Duke of Orleans was the chiefe [...]er, which bycauſe hee had maryed Ladie Ioane [...]|ſter to the French king, tooke vpon him aboue o|ther the rule and adminiſtration of the [...] Realme. By reaſon of which controuerſie, [...] one man was ſuffered to rule all [...] the Earle of Richmonde was compelled to [...] ſuyte to euery one of the Counſaile ſeuerally one after another, requyring and deſiring them of [...] and reliefe in his weightie buſineſſe, and ſo by|cauſe was prolonged and deferred.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 During which time, Thomas Marques Dor|cet, which was (as you haue heard) [...] by his mother to returne againe into Englande partly diſpayring in the good ſucceſſe of the Earle of Richmond, and partly ouercome and vanquiſhed with the fayre gloſing promiſes of king Richarde ſecretely in the night ſeaſon ſt [...]le co [...] of Paris, and with all diligent expedition, tooke his iour|ney towarde Flaunders.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When relation of his departure was [...] to the erle of Richmond, and the other noble [...] no marualle though they were affo [...] & great|ly amaſed. Yet that notwithſtanding, they re|quired of the French king, that it myght bee [...]|full to them in his name, and by his commaun|dement, to take and ſtay their companion, confe|derate, and partaker of all their counſaile, in what place within his realm and territorie ſo euer they coulde finde him. Which petition once obtey|ned, they ſent out Currours into euerye parte, EEBO page image 1413 amongſt whom Humfrey Eh [...]ary playing the part of a good Bloudhound, followed the tra [...] of the flier ſo euen by the ſent, that he ouertooke and apprehended him not farre from Co [...]pligue, and ſo what with reaſon, and what with fayre promiſes, being perſwaded, he returned againe to his companions.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Richmonde vnburdened of this miſaduenture leaſt by lyngering of dayes, and prolonging of tyme, he might leaſe the great oportunitie of things to him offered and mini|ſtred: alſo leaſt hee ſhoulde further wounde and moleſt the myndes of hys faythfull and aſſured friendes, whiche dayly dyd [...] and [...]ie for his comming, determyned no longer to pro [...]ra [...] and deferre the tyme, but wyth all diligence and celeritie to attempt hys begonne enterprice: and ſo obteyning of King Charles a ſmall [...] of men, and borrowing certaine ſummes of mo|ney of him, and of dyuerſe other hys pryuate friendes, (for the whiche hee left as debter, or more likelyer as a pledge or hoſtage) Lord Tho|mas Marques Dorſet (whome he halfe [...]a [...] ru|ſted) and ſir Iohn Bourchier, hee departed from the Frenche Courte, and came to the Citie of Roan.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 While he taried there making prouiſion at Harflete in the mouth of the riuer of Seyne for all thinges neceſſary for his nauye, tidinges were brought to him that king Richarde being with|out children, and now Widower, entended ſhort|ly to marye the Ladie Elizabeth his brothers daughter, and to preferre the Ladie Cicile hir ſiſter to a manne founde in a Clowde, and of an vnknowne lynage and familie. Hee tooke theſe newes as a matter of no ſmall moment (and ſo all things conſidered) it was of no leſſe impor|taunce than he tooke it for. For this thing one|ly tooke away from him and al his Companions theyr hope and courage, that they had to ob|teyne an happie enterpriſe. And therefore no marueyle though it nipped him at the verie ſto|macke: when he thought that by no poſſibilie hee might attaine the maryage of any of King Ed|wardes daughters, whiche was the ſtrongeſt foundation of his buylding, by reaſon whereof he iudged that al his friendes in England would abandon and ſhrinke from hym. Wherefore ma|king not many of his counſaile, after diuerſe con|ſultations he determined not yet to ſet forwarde, but to tary and attempt howe to get more ayde, more friends, and more ſtronger ſuccors.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And amongſt all other, it was thought moſt expedient to allure by affinitie in his ayde as a companion in armes, ſir Walter Herbert, a man of an auncient ſtocke, and great power amongſt the Welchmen, whiche had with hym a fayre Lady to hys ſyſter, of age ripe to be coupled with him [...]m [...]imonie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 And for the atchieuing of this purpoſe, meſ|ſengers were ſecretly ſent to Henrie erle of Nor|thumberlande (which had before maried another ſiſter of ſir Walter Herbertes) to the intent that he ſhould ſet forward all this deuice and purpoſe, but the wayes were ſo narowly watched and ſo many ſpyes [...]ayed, that the Meſſenger procee|ded not in his iourney and buſineſſe. But in the meane ſeaſon, there came to the Earle a more ioyfull meſſage from Morgan Kidwelly, lear|ned in the temporall law, whiche declared that Rice an Thomas, a man of no leſſe valiaunt|neſſe than affinitie, and Iohn Sauage an ap|proued Captaine, woulde with all theyr power be partaker of his quarell. And that Reigno [...]de Bre [...] collected and gotten togither no ſmall ſumme of money for the payment of the wages to the Souldiours and men of warre admoni|ſhing him alſo to make quicke expedition, and to take his courſe directly into Wales.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Richmonde bycauſe he would no longer lynger and wearie his friendes, liuing continually betweene hope and feare, determined in all conuenient haſt to ſet forwarde, and cauſed to his ſhips armor, weapons, vitaile, and al other ordinances expedient for warre.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that all, thing was in a readineſſe, the Earle being accompanied onely with two thou|ſande men, and a ſmall number of ſhippes, weyed vp his Ancors, and halfed vppe his ſayles in the Moneth of Auguſt, and ſayled from Harfleete with ſo proſperous a winde, that the ſeuenth day after his departure, hee arriued in Wales in the Euening, at a place called Mylforde Hauen,Mylford Hauen and incontinent tooke lande, and came to a place called Dalle, where he heard ſay that a cer|taine companie of his aduerſaries were layde in garriſon to defend his arriuall all the laſt winter. And the Earle at the Sunne riſing remoued to Herford weſt, being diſtant from Dalle not fully ten myles, where he was ioyfully receyued of the people, & he arriued there ſo ſodainly, that he was come and entred the Towne at the ſame time when the Citizens had but knowledge of hys comming.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Here he herd newes which were as vntrue as they truely were reported to him in Normandy, that Rice ap Thomas, and Iohn Sauage with bodie and goodes, were determined to ayde king Richard.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While he and his companie were ſomewhat aſtonied of theſe newe tydyngs, there came ſuch meſſage from the Inhabitauntes of the towne of Pembrooke, that refreſhed and reuiued theyr frozen heartes and daunted courages. For Ar|nolde Butler a valiaunt Captaine, whiche fyrſt aſking pardon for hys offences before tyme EEBO page image 1414 committed agaynſt the Earle of Richmonde, and that obteyned, declared to hym that the Pembrochians were readie to ſerue and gyue theyr attendaunce on theyr naturall and imme|diate Lorde, Iaſper Earle of Pembrooke. The Earle of Richmonde hauing his armie thus en|creaſed, departed from Herford well to the [...] of Cardigan beeing fiue miles diſtance from thence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While the ſouldiours were refreſhing and trim|ming themſelues in their campe, ſtraunge things ſprong among them without any certain autho|ur, [figure appears here on page 1414] that ſir Walter Herbert whiche lay wyth a great crewe of men at Carmarden, was nowe with a greate armie readie to approche and byd them battaile. With whiche newes the armie was ſore troubled, and euerie man aſſayed hys armure and prooued his weapon, and were preſt to defende theyr enimies. And as they were in this fearefull doubt, certaine horſemen which the Earle had ſent to make inquirie and ſearche, re|turned and reported all the Countrey to be quiet, and no let nor impediment to be layde or caſt in their iourney.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 And euen at the ſame time, the whole armie was greatlye recomforted, by reaſon that the comming of Richarde Griffyth, a man of great nobilitie, the which notwithſtãding that he was confederate with ſir Walter Herbert, and Ri|charde ap Thomas, yet at that verie inſtant he came to the Erle of Richmond with all his com|panie whiche were of no great number. After him the ſame day came Iohn Morgan with hys men.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 Then the Earle aduaunced forward in good haſt, making no repoſe or abode in any one place. And to the entent to paſſe forward with ſure and ſhorte expedition, he aſſaulted euerie place where his enimies had ſet any men of warre, whiche with ſmal force, and leſſe difficultie he briefly did ouercome and vanquiſhe. And ſodainly he was by his eſpials aſcertayned, that ſir Walter Her|bert, and Rice ap Thomas were in harneſſe be|fore him, readie to encounter with his armie, and to ſtoppe theyr paſſage. Wherfore like a va|liant Captain, he firſt determined to ſet on them, and eyther to deſtroy or to take them into his fa|uour, and after with all his power and paiſſance to giue battaile to his mortal enimie K. Richard. But to the intent his friendes ſhoulde knowe in what readineſſe he was, & how he proceeded for|ward, he ſent of his moſt ſecret & faithfull ſeruãts with letters and inſtructions to the Ladie Mar|garet his mother, to the lord Stanley & his bro|ther, to ſir Gilbert Talbot, and to other his truſty friends, declaring to them that he being ſuccored and bolpen with the ayd and reliefe of his friends, intended to paſſe ouer the Riuer of Seuerne at Shreweſburie, and ſo to paſſe directly to the Ci|tie of London, requiring them, as his ſpecial truſt and confidence was fixed in the hope of their fi|delitie, that they woulde meete him by the way with all diligent preparation, to the entent that he and they at time and place conuenient, myght communicate togither the deepeneſſe of all hys doubtfull and weyghtie buſineſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Meſſengers were diſpatched with theſe commaundements and admonitions, hee marched forward towarde Shrewſburie, and in his paſſing, there met and ſaluted him Rice ap Thomas with a goodly bande of Welchmen, which making an oth and promiſe to the Earle, ſubmitted himſelfe wholy to his order and com|maundement. For the Earle of Richmond two days before made to him promiſe, that if he wold ſweare to take his part and be obedient to him, he wold make him chief gouernor of Wales, which part as hee faythfully promiſed and graunted, EEBO page image 1415 ſo after that hee had obteyned and poſſeſ [...]d the realme and Diademe, hee liberally perfourmed and accompliſhed the ſame.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane time, the Meſſengers that were ſent diligently executed theyr charge, and hiden with rewardes of them ſo whom they were ſent, returned to him the ſame day that hee entred into Shrewſburie, and made relatiõs to him that his friends were readie in all poynts to do all things for him, which eyther they ought or might [...].

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Erle Henrie brought in good hope with his pleaſant meſſage, continued forth his inten|ded iourney, and came to a little Towne cal|led Newporte, and pytching hys Campe on a little hyll adioyning, repoſed himſelfe there that night.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In the Euening the ſame day, came to him ſir Gylbert Talbot, with the whole power of the yong Earle of Shrewſbury than being in ward, whiche were accounted to the number of two thouſande men. And thus his power encrea|ſing, he arryued at the Towne of Stafforde, and there pawſed. To whome came ſir William Stanley, accompanied with a fewe perſons: and after that the Earle and hee had communed no long time togither, he reuerted to his Souldiers which he had aſſembled togither to ſerue the erle, which frõ thẽce departed to Lichfield, & lay with|out the walles in his campe all the night. The next morning he entred into the towne, and was with all honor like a prince receyued.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 A day or two before, the Lorde Stanley ha|uing in his hande almoſt fiue thouſand men, lod|ged in the ſame towne, but hearing that the erle of Richmonde was marching thitherward, gaue to him place, diſlodging him and his, and repay|red to a towne called Aderſtone, there abiding the comming of the Earle, and this wilye Foxe did this acte to auoyde all ſuſpition, being afrayde leaſt if he ſhould be ſeene openly to bee a fa [...]our or ayder to the Earle his ſonne in lawe before the day of the battayle, that king Richard, which yet did not vtterly putte in him diffidence and nuſtruſt, woulde put to ſome cruell death hys ſon and heyre apparant George Lord Strange, whome King Richarde (as you haue hearde before) kept wyth him as a pledge or hoſtage, to the intent that the Lorde Stanley hys fa|ther, ſhoulde attempt nothing preiudiciall to him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Richarde at this ſeaſon keeping hys houſe in the Caſtell of Notingham, was infor|med that the Earle of Richmonde, with ſuch ba|niſhed men as fled out of Englande to him, were nowe arryued in Wales, and that all things ne|ceſſary to his enterprice were vnprouided, vnpur|ueyed, and verie weake, nothing meete to with|ſtande the power of suche as the King had appoynted to meete him.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 This rumor so inflated his minde, that in maner disdayning to heare speake of so small a companie, determined at the firs to take little or no regarde to this so small a sparcle, declaring the Earle to be innocent and vnwise, bycause that he rashly attempted such a great enterprise, with so small and thinne a number of warlike persons, and therefore he gaue a definitiue sentence, that when he came to that poynt that he should bee compelled to fight agaynst this wyll, he eyther should be apprehended aliue, or else by all likelyhoode he shoulde of necessitie come to a shameful confusion: and that he trusted to bee shortly done by sir Walter Herbert, and Rice ap Thomas, which then ruled Wales with egall power and like authoritie. But yet he reuoluing and casting in his minde, that a small warre begonne and winked at and not regarded, may turn to a great broyle and trouble, and that it was prudent policie not to contemne and disdaine the little small power and weaknesse of the enimie, be it neuer so small, thought it necessarie to prouide for afterclaps that myght happen and chaunce. Wherefore hee sent to Iohn Duke of Norffolke, Henry Earle of Northumberlande, Thomas Earle of Surrey, and to other of his especiall and trustie friendes of the Nobilitie, which he iudged more to preferre and esteeme his welth and honor than theyr owne ryches and pryuate commoditie, wyllyng them to muster and view all theyr seruauntes and tenants, and to elect and choose the most couragious and actiue persons of the whole number, and with them to repayre to his presence with all speede and diligence. Alſo hee wrote to Robert Brukenburie Lieutenant of the Tower, commaunding him with his power to come to his armie, and to bring with him as fellowes in armes, Sir Thomas Bourchier, and ſir Walter Hungerford, and diuerſe other knights & eſquiers in whom be caſt no ſmall ſuſpi [...]ion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While he was thus ordering his affayres, [...]y|dings came that the Earle of Richmonde was paſſed Seuerne, and come to Shrewſburie with|out any de [...]nt or encom [...]. At which meſſage he was ſore mooued and broyled wyth Melancholie and [...]olour, and cryed out, aſking vengeance of them, that contrarie to theyr othe and promiſe had ſo deceyued him. For whiche cauſe he began to haue diffidence in other, inſo|much that he determined himſelfe oute of hande the ſame day to meete with and reſiſt hys ad|uerſaries. And in all haſte ſente out eſpialles to view and eſpie what waye his enimies kept and paſſed. They diligentlye doing theyr duetie, ſhortly after returned, declaring to the king that the Earle was encamped at the towne of Lich|fielde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 EEBO page image 1416When hee had perfite knowledge where the Earle with his armie was ſo [...]oiourning, be hauing continuall repayre of his ſubiectes to him, began incontinently without delay to marſhal and put in order his battayles (like a valiaunt Captayne and politike leader) and firſt he made his battails to ſet forward, fiue and fiue in a ranke, marching towarde that way where his enimies (as was to him reported) entended to paſſe. In the middle part, of the [...] [...]ee appoynted the [...]ea [...]e and cariage apperteyning to the enimie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Then he (enuironed wyth hys Garde) with a frowning countenaunce and cruell vyſage, mountes on a greate whyte Courſer, and follo|wed with his footesmenne, the wings of Horſe|men coaſting and raunging on euerie ſyde, and keeping this array, hee with great pompe entred the Towne of Leyceſter after the Sunne ſet.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The Earle of Richmonde rayſed his campe, and departed from Lichfielde to the Towne of Tamworth thereto neare adioyning and in the midde way paſſing, there ſaluted him ſir Wal|ter Hungerforde, and ſir Thomas [...]ouerchier, knightes, and dyuerſe other whiche yeelded and ſubmitted them to his pleaſure. For they beeing aduertiſed that king Richarde had thẽ in ſuſpitiõ and ieaolouſie, & little beyonde ſtonie Stratforde left and forſooke priuily their Captaine Robert Brakenburie, and in wandring by night, and in maner by vnknowne pathes & vncertaine wayes ſearching, at the laſt come to Erle Henrie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 A ſtraunge chaunce that happened to the Earle of Richmonde.Diuerſe other noble perſonages, which in|wardly hated king Richard worſe than a Toad or a Serpent, did likewiſe reſort to him with all their power and ſtrength.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 There happened in this progreſſion to the erle of Richmond a ſtrange [...]ance worthie to be no|ted: for albeit he was a man of valiant courage, and that his armie encreaſed, and dayly more and more be waxed mightier & ſtronger, yet hee was not a little afeard, bicauſe he in no wiſe coulde be aſſured of his father in law Thomas Lord Stã|ley, which for feare of the deſtruction of the Lord Straunge his ſonne (as you haue heed) as yet in|clined to neither partie. For if he had gone to the Earle, and that notified to king Richarde, hys ſonne had beene ſhortly executed. Wherefore he accompanyed wyth twentie lyght horſemen lyngered in hys iourney, as a manne muſing and ymagyning what was beſt to bee done. And the more to aggrauate his penſiueneſſe, it was ſhewed hym, that King Richarde was at hande, with a ſtrong power and a greate armie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 While he thus heauily dragged behinde hys hoſt, the whole armie came before the Towne of Tamworth, and when hee for the deepe darke|neſſe could not perceyue the ſteppes of them that paſſe [...] before, and had wandred hither and thither, ſeaking after his companie, and yet not once hearing any noyſe or whiſpe [...]g of th [...] [...] turned to a verie little Village, being about three myles from his armie, taking great [...], and muche fearing leaſt he ſhoulde be aſ [...]ed, [...] trapped by king Richardes aſk oute watch. There hee taryed all nyght, not once aduauncing to aſke or demaunde a queſtion of any [...], hee [...]eing no more amazed with the ieopardie and perill that was paſſed, than with thys pre|ſent chaunce, ſore feared that it ſhoulde be a pr [...]|gnoſtication or ſigne of ſome infortunate plagu [...] afterwarde to ſucceede. As hee was not m [...] being abſent from his armie, likewiſe hys [...] much marueyled, and no leſſe mourned for hys ſodaine abſence.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 The next morning early in the dawning if the day he returned and by the conduct of g [...] fortune, eſpied and came to his armie, excuſing himſelfe, not to haue gone out of the way by ig|norance, but y^e for a policie deuiſed for the [...]oyce, he went from his campe to receyue ſome glad meſſage from certaine of hys priuie friendes and ſecret alyes.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This excuſe made, he priuily departed again from his hoſt to the Towne of A [...]erſtone, where the Lorde Stanley and ſir William his brother with their handes were abyding. There the Earle came firſt to his father in lawe, in a lyttle Cloſe where he ſaluted him, and ſir William his brother, and after dyuerſe and many friendlye embracinges, eche reioyced of the ſtate of other, and is dainly were ſurpriſed with great ioy, com|fort, and hope of fortunate ſucceſſe at all their af|fayres and doings.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Afterwarde, they conſulted togyther howe to giue battayle to king Richarde if he would a|bide, whom they knew not to be farre off with an huge hoſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the Euening of the ſame day, Sir Iohn Sauage, ſir Brian Sanforde, Sir Simon Dig|by, and many other, leauing King Richard, tur|ned and came to the part of the Earle of Riche|monde, with an elect companie of men. Which refuſall of King Richardes parte, by menne of ſuche experience, did augment and increaſe both the good hope, and the puiſſaunce of the Earle of Richmond.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon, King Richard (which was appoynted now to finiſh his laſt labour by the verie diuine iuſtice and prouidence of God, which called him to condigne puniſhment for his miſchieuous deſertes) marched to a place [...]te for two battails to encounter, by a village called Boſworth, not farre from Leyceſter, and there he pitched his field on a hill called Anne Beame, re|freſhed hys Souldiours and tooke his reſt.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 EEBO page image 1417 The dreame of King Ri|chard the thirde.The fame wente, that he had the ſame night a dreadfull and a terrible dreame, for it ſeemed to him beyng a ſleepe, that he did ſee dyuers y|mages lyke terrible deuyls, whyche pulled and haled hym, not ſuffering him to take any quiet or reſt. The whiche ſtraunge viſion not ſo ſo|daynly ſtrake his hearte wyth a ſodayne feare, but it ſtuffed his heade and troubled his mynde wyth many buſy and dreadfull imaginations. For incontinent after, his heart beyng almoſte damped, he pronoſticated before the doubtefull chaunce of the battayle to come, not vſing the a|lacritie and mirth of mynde and of countenance as he was accuſtomed to doe before he came to|ward the battayle. And leaſt that it myghte bee ſuſpected that he was abaſhed for fear of his eni|mies, and for that cauſe looked ſo piteouſly, hee recited and declared to his familiar friends in the mornyng, his wounderfull viſyon and fearefull dreame. But I thynke thys was no dreame, but a punction and pricke of hys ſinfull conſci|ence, for the conſcience is ſo muche more char|ged and aggrauate as the offence is greater and more heynous in degree, whyche pricke of con|ſcience, although it ſtryke not alway, yet at the laſte daye of extreme lyfe, it is wonte to ſhewe and repreſente to vs oure faultes and offences, and the paynes and puniſhementes whych hang ouer our heads for the committing of the ſame, to the intente that at that inſtant, wee for oure deſertes beyng penitent and repentaunt, maye be compelled lamenting and bewayling our ſins lyke forſakers of this worlde, iocunde to depart out of this miſerable lyfe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Nowe to returne agayne to our purpoſe, the nexte daye after, kyng Richard beyng furniſhed with men and all abiliments of warre, bringing all his men out of their campe into the playn, or|dered his fore warde in a meruaylous lengthe, in whyche he appointed both horſemen and foot|men, to the intent to imprinte in the harts of thẽ that looked a farre off, a ſodaine terror and dead|ly feare, for the greate multitude of the armed ſouldiours: and in the fore fronte hee placed the Archers, lyke a ſtrong fortifyed trenche or bul|warke: Ouer this battayle was captaine, Iohn duke of Norffolke, with whome was Thomas Erle of Surrey his ſonne. After this long vent|garde, folowed king Richarde hymſelfe, with a ſtrong companie of choſen and approued men of warre, hauing horſemen for wings on both the ſides of his battayle.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 After that the Earle of Richmonde was de|parted from the communication of his friendes, as you haue heard before, he began to be of a bet|ter ſtomacke, and of a more valiante courage, and with all diligence, pitched his field iuſt by the camp of his enimies, and there he lodged y^e night.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 In the morning betime, he cauſed his men to put on theyr armoure, and apparrell themſelues ready to fight and giue battayle, and ſent to the Lord Stanley (which was now come with hys hand in a place indifferent betweene both the ar|mies) re [...]uiring him with his men to approche neere to his army, and to helpe to ſet the ſoldiers in array hee anſwered that the Earle ſhoulde ſet his owne men in a good order of battaile, whyle he would array his company, and come to hym in time conuenient. Whiche aunſwere made o|therwiſe than the Earle thought or would haue iudged, conſidering the oportunitie of the tyme, and the weight of the buſineſſe, and although hee was therewithal a little vexed, began ſomewhat to hang the head, yet he without any time delay|ing, compelled of neceſſitie, after this manner in|ſtructed and ordered his men. He made his for|ward ſomewhat ſingle and ſlender, according to the ſmall number of his people.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 In the frount he placed the archers of whome he made Captayne Iohn Earle of Oxford. To the right wing of the battaile, he appoynted Sir Gilberte Talbot to be the leader. To the lefte wing, hee aſſigned Sir Iohn Sauage, who had broughte thither with him a crewe of righte able perſonages, cladde in white coates and hoodes, whiche muſtered in the eyes of their aduerſaries right brimly. The Earle of Richmond himſelfe, with the ayde of the Lorde Stanley, gouerned the battaile, accompanyed with the Earle of Pembroke, hauing a good companie of horſemẽ, and a ſmall number of footemenne: For all hys whole number exceeded not fiue thouſand men beſide the power of the Stanleys, whereof three thouſand were in the fielde, vnder the Standert of Sir William Stanley: The Kings number was double ſo much and more. When bothe theſe armies were thus ordered, and all men rea|dy to ſet forward, king Richard called his chief|taines togither, and to them ſaide:The Oration of K. Richard the third. Moſt faithful and aſſured fellowes, moſt truſtie and wel belo|ued friendes, and elected Captaynes, by whoſe wiſedome and policye, I haue obteyned the Crowne, and type of this famous Realme, and noble region by whoſe puiſſance and valiantnes I haue enioyed and poſſeſſed the ſtate royall and dignitie of the ſame, mangre the ill will, and [...]|dicions attemptes of all my cancred enimies, and inſidious aduerſaries, by whoſe prudent and politike coũſaile, I haue ſo gouerned my realme, people, & ſubiectes, that I haue omitted nothing apperteyning to the office of a iuſt Prince, nor you haue pretermitted nothing belonging to the duetie of wiſe and ſage counſailers. So that I may ſay, and truely affirme, that your approued fidelitie and tried conſtancy, maketh mee to be|leeue firmely, and thinke that I am an vndoub|ted EEBO page image 1418 King, and an indubitate Prince. And al|though in the adeption and obteyning of y^e Gar|land, I beeyng ſeduced, and prouoked by ſiniſter counſaile, and diabolicall temptation, did com|mit a wicked and deteſtable acte. Yet I haue with ſtraite penaunce and ſalt teares (as I truſt) expiated and cleerely purged the ſame offence, which abhominable crime I require you offrẽd|ſhip as cleerely to forget, as I dayly remember to deplore and lament the ſame. If ye will nowe diligently call to remembraunce in what caſe & perplexitie we now ſtand, and in what doubt|full perill we be nowe intricked? I doubt not, but you in heart will thinke, and with mouthe con|feſſe, that if euer amitie and faith preuailed be|tweene Prince and ſubiects, or betweene ſubiect and ſubiect: or if euer bond of alegiãce obliged the vaſſall to loue and ſerue his naturall ſoueraigne Lord, or if any obligation of duetie bounde anye Prince to aide and defend his ſubiects? All theſe loues, bondes, and dueties of neceſſitie are now thys daye to bee tryed, ſhewed and put in expe|rience. For if wiſe men ſaye true, there is ſome policie in getting, but muche more in keeping, the one being but fortunes chaũce, and the other high witte and policie, for whiche cauſe, I with you, and you with me, muſt needs this day take labour and payne, to keepe & defend with force, that preheminence and poſſeſſion, which by your prudente deuiſes I haue gotten and obteyned. I doubt not but you know, how the Deuill conti|nuall enimie to humane nature, diſturber of cõ|cord, and ſower of ſedition, hath entred into the heart of an vnknowen Welchman whoſe fa|ther I neuer knew, nor him perſonally ſaw) ex|citing him to aſpire and couet oure Realme, Crowne, and dignitie, and thereof cleerely to de|priue and ſpoyle vs and our poſteritie: ye ſee far|ther, howe a companie of traytors, theefes, out|lawes, and runnegates of our owne nation, bee aiders and partakers of his feate and enterpriſe, ready at hand to ouercome and oppreſſe vs: You ſee alſo, what a number of beggerly Britaines and faint harted frenchmen be with him arriued to deſtroy vs, our wiues and children. Whyche imminent miſchiefes and apparante inconueni|ences, if we wil withſtand and refell, wee muſte liue togither like breethren, fighte togither lyke Lions, and feare not to die togither like menne. And obſeruing and keeping this rule and pre|cept, beleeue mee, the fearefull hare neuer fled fa|ſter before the greedy greyhounde, nor the ſillie larke before y^e ſparowhanke, nor the ſimple ſheepe before the rauenous wolf, than your proud brag|ging aduerſaries aſtonied and amaſed with the only ſight of your manly viſages, wil flee, runne, and ſkyr out of the field. For if you conſider and wiſely ponder all things in your minde, you ſhal perceyue, that we haue manifeſt cauſes, and ap|parant tokens of triumph and victory.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 And to begyn with the Earle of Richmonde capitayne of this rebellion, he is a Welſh mi [...]|ſoppe, a man of ſmall courage and of leſſe expe|rience in martiall actes and feates of Warre, broughte vp by my brothers meanes and myne lyke a captiue in a cloſe cage in the court of Frã|cis duke of Britayn, and neuer ſawe armie, nor was exerciſed in martiall affayres, by reaſon whereof he neyther can nor is able by his owne will or experience to guyde or rule an hoſte. For in the witte and policie of the capitayn, conſiſteth the chiefe adeption of the victorie & ouerthrow of the enimies. Secondarily feare not, and put a|waye all doubtes, for when the traytoures and runagates of our realme, ſhall ſee vs with ban|ner diſplayed come againſt them, remembryng their othe promyſe and fidelitie made vnto vs, as to their ſoueraigne lorde and anoynted king, they ſhal be ſo pricked & ſtimulate in the bottome of their ſcrupulous conſciences, that they for very remorſe and dread of the diuine plague, wil either ſhamefully flee, or humbly ſubmit themſelues to our grace and mercie. And as for the Frenchmẽ and Britons, their valiantneſſe is ſuch, that our noble progenitors, and your valiant par [...] [...]s haue them oftner vanquiſhed & ouercome in one mo|neth, thã they in the beginnining imagined poſ|ſible to cõpaſſe and finiſh in a whole yere. What wil you make of them, braggers without auda|citie, drunkards without diſcretiõ, ribalds with|out reaſon, cowards without reſiſting, & in cõ|cluſion, the moſt effeminate and laſciuious peo|ple, y^t euer ſhewed themſelues in front of batail, tentymes more couragious to flee & eſcape, than once to aſſault the breaſt of our ſtrõg & populous armie. Wherfore conſidering all theſe auaunta|ges, expell out of your thoughts all doubts, and auoyd out of your mynds all feare, and like vali|ant champions anounce forth your ſtanderdes, and aſſay whether your enimies can decide and try the title of battaile by dint of ſword, auance (I ſay agayne) forward my captains, in whom lacketh neither policie, wiſedome, nor puiſſance. Euery one giue but one ſure ſtripe, and ſurely the iourney is ours What preuayleth a hãdful to a whole realm? deſiring you for the loue that you beare to me, and the affection that you haue to your natiue and naturall countrey, & to the ſafe|gard of your Prince and your ſelf, that you wyl this day take to you your accuſtomed corage & couragious ſpirites, for the defence and ſafegard of vs al. And as for me, I aſſure you, this day I wil triumph by glorious victorie, or ſuffer death for immortal fame. For they be maymed & oute of the palace of fame diſgraded, dying withoute renoune, which do not aſmuche preferre and ex|alte the perpetuall honour of theyr natiue coun|trey, as their owne mortall and tranſitorie lyfe. EEBO page image 1419 Now ſent George to borow, let vs ſet forwarde and remember well, that I am hee whiche ſhall with high aduancementes, rewarde and preferre the valiaunt and hardy champions, and puniſhe and torment the ſhamefull cowards and dread|full daſtardes. This exhortation encouraged all ſuch as fauoured him, but ſuche as were preſence more for dread than loue, kiſſed them openly, whome they inwardlye hated, other ſware out|wardly to take part with ſuch, whoſe death they ſecretely compaſſed, and inwardly imagined, o|ther promiſed to inuade the Kinges enimies, whiche fledde and fought with fierce courage a|gainſt the King: other ſtande ſtill and looked on, intẽding to take part with the victors and ouer|commers. So was his people to him vnſure and vnfaithful at his end, as he was to his nephewes vntrue and vnnaturall in his beginning.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Earle of Richmond knew by hys forriders that the King was ſo neere embattay|led, he rode about his army, from ranke to ranke, from wing to wing, giuing comfortable words to all men, and that finiſhed (being armed at all peeces ſauing his helmette) mounted on a little hill, ſo that all his people mighte ſee and beholde him perfectly, to their greate reioycing: For hee was a mã of no great ſtature, but ſo formed and decorated with all giftes and liniaments of na|ture, that he ſeemed more an Angelicall creature, than a terreſtriall perſonage, his countenaunce and aſpect was cheerefull and couragious, hys heare yellow like the burniſhed golde, hys eyes gray ſhining and quicke, prompte and ready in aunſwering, but of ſuche ſobrietie, that it coulde neuer be iudged whither he were more dull than quicke in ſpeaking (ſuch was his temperaunce.) And when he had ouerlooked his army ouer eue|ry ſide, he pawſed awhile, and after with a lowde voyce and bolde ſpirit, ſpake to his companyons theſe or like words following.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 The Oration [...] King Hen| [...] the ſeuẽth.If euer God gaue victorie to men fighting in a iuſt quarrell, or if he euer aided ſuche as made warre for the wealth and tuition of theyr owne naturall and nutritiue Countrey, or if hee euer ſuccoured them whiche aduentured their lyues for the reliefe of innocentes, ſuppreſſing of male|factors and apparante offendors, no doubte my fellowes and friendes, but hee of his bountifull goodneſſe, will this day ſend vs triumphant vic|torie, and a luckie iourney ouer our proude ene|mies, and arrogant aduerſaries: for if you remẽ|ber and conſider the very cauſe of our iuſt quar|rell, you ſhall apparantly perceyue the ſame to be true, godly, and vertuous. In the whiche I doubt not, but God will rather ayde vs (yea and fight for vs) than ſee vs vanquiſhed and ouer|throwẽ by ſuch as neither fear him nor his laws, nor yet regard iuſtice or honeſtie. Our cauſe is ſo iuſt, that no enterpriſe can be of more vertue, both by the lawes diuine and ciuill, for what can be a more honeſt, goodly, or godly quarrell, than to fight againſt a Captaine, being an homicyde and murtherer of his owne bloud or progenie, an extreame deſtroyer of his nobilitie, and to hys and our Countrey and the poore ſubiectes of the ſame, a deadly malle, a fyrie brand, and a burthen vntollerable the beſyde him conſider, who bee of hys band and company, ſuch as by murther and vn|trueth committed againſt their owne kinne and linage, yea againſt their Prince and ſoueraigne Lord, haue diſherited mee and you, and wrong|fully deteyne and vſurp our lawfull patrimonie and lyneall inheritance. For he that calleth hym ſelfe King, keepeth from me the Crowne and re|gimente of this noble Realme and Countrey, contrarie to all iuſtice and equitie. Likewiſe, hys mates and friendes occupie youre landes, cutte downe your woods, and deſtroy your manours, letting your wiues and children raunge abroade for theyr liuing: which perſons for their penance and puniſhmente I doubt not, but God of hys goodneſſe will eyther deliuer into our hands, as a greate gaine and booty, or cauſe them beeyng greeued and compuncted with the pricke of theyr corrupt conſciences cowardly to flie, and not a|bide the battaile: beſide this I aſſure you, that there be yonder in the great battaile, men brou|ght thither for feare, and not for loue, ſouldyers by force compelled, and not with good will aſ|ſembled, perſons which deſire rather the deſtruc|tion than ſaluation of theyr maiſter and Cap|tayne: And finally a multitude, whereof y^e moſt part will be our friends, and the leaſt part our e|nimies. For truely I doubt which is greater, the malice of the Soldyers toward theyr Captaine, or the feare of him conceyued of his people: for ſurely this rule is infallible, that as ill men day|lye couet to deſtroy the good, ſo God appoin|teth the good men to confound the ill, and of all worldly goodes the greateſt is, to ſuppreſſe Ty|rants, and relieue innocents, whereof the one is as much hated, as the other is beloued. If thys be true (as Clearkes Preache) who will ſpare yonder Tyrant Richarde Duke of Glouceſter, vntruely calling himſelfe King, conſidering that hee hath violated, and broken both the lawe of God and man? what vertue is in him whyche was the confuſion of his brother, and murtherer of his nephewes? what mercy is in him that [...]e [...]|eth his truſtie friends as well as his extreame e|nimies? Who can haue confidence in hym wh [...]|che putteth diffidence in all menne? If you [...]e not red, I haue heard of Clearkes ſay, y^t Tar|quine the proude for the vice of the body loſt the Kingdome of Rome, and the name of Tarquine baniſhed the Citie for euer: yet was not hys EEBO page image 1420 faulte ſo deteſtable as the facte of cruell Nero, whiche ſlewe his owne mother, and opened hyr entrayles, to beholde the place of his conception. Behold yõder Richard, which is both Tarquine and Nero: Yea a Tyrant more than Nero, for he hath not only murthered his nephewe beeyng his King and ſoueraigne Lorde, baſtarded hys noble breethren, and defamed the wombe of hys vertuous and womanly mother, but alſo com|paſſed all the meanes and wayes that he coulde inuent, howe to defile and carnally knowe hys owne neece, vnder the pretence of a cloked ma|trimonie, whiche Lady I haue ſworne and pro|miſed to take to my make and wife, as you all knowe and beleeue. If this cauſe be not iuſt, and this quarrell godly, let God the giuer of victory, iudge and determine. We haue (thankes bee gy|uen to Chriſt) eſcaped the ſecret treaſons in Bri|taine, and auoyded the ſubtill ſnares of our frau|dulent enimies there, paſſed the troublous Seas in good and quiet ſafegard, and without reſiſtãce haue penetrate the ample region and large coũ|trey of Wales, and are now come to the place, whiche wee ſo muche deſired, for long wee haue ſoughte the furious Bore, and nowe wee haue found him. Wherefore let vs not feare to enter into the toyle where we may ſurely ſley him, for God knoweth that we haue liued in the vales of miſerie, toſſing oure Shippes in daungerous ſtormes: lette vs not nowe dread to ſet vp oure ſailes in faire weather, hauing with vs both him and good fortune. If wee hadde come to conquer Wales and had atchieued it, our prayſe had bin great, and our gayne more: but if wee win thys battayle, the whole riche Realme of Englande, with the Lords and rulers of the ſame, ſhall bee ours, the profit ſhall be ours, and the honour ſhall be ours. Therefore laboure for youre gaine, and ſweate for youre right: while wee were in Bry|tayne, we had ſmall liuings, and little plentie of wealth or welfare, nowe is the time come to get abundance of riches, and copy of profit, whyche is the reward of your ſeruice, and merit of youre payne. And this remember with your ſelues, that before vs be our enimies, and on eyther ſyde of vs be ſuche, as I neyther ſurely truſte, nor greatly beleeue, backwarde we cannot flie: So that heere wee ſtand lyke Sheepe in a folde, cir|cumcepted and compaſſed betweene our enimies and our doubtfull friends. Therefore let all feare bee ſet aſide, and like ſworne breethren, lette vs ioyne in one, for this day ſhall bee the end of oure trauayle, and the gaine of our laboure, eyther by honorable deathe or famous victorie: And as I truſt, the battayle ſhall not bee ſo ſowre, as the profit ſhall bee ſweete. Remember that victorie is not gotten with the multitude of menne, but with the courages of heartes and valiantneſſe of mindes. The ſmaller that our number [...] y^e mo [...] glory is to vs if we vanquiſh, if we be ouercome, yet no lande is to bee attributed, to the victors, conſidering that ten men foughte againſte one: and if wee ſo die ſo glorious a death in ſo g [...] a quarrell, neyther freting tinne, nor ran [...]dyng obliuion, ſhall bee able to darken or thee o [...]e of the booke of fame either oure names, or oure godly attempt. And this one thing I aſſure you, that in ſo iuſt and good a cauſe, and ſo notable a quarrell, you ſhall finde mee this daye, rather a dead carrion vpon the colde grounde, than a free priſoner on a carpet in a Ladyes chamber. Let vs therefore fight like inuincible Giants, and ſet on our enimies like vntimorous Tygers, and baniſhe all feare like ramping Lyons. And now aduance forwarde true men againſt [...]ra [...]ors, pitifull perſons againſt murtherers, true inhe|ritors againſte vſurpers, the ſcourges of God a|gainſte tyraunts, diſplay my baner with a good courage, march forth like ſtrong and robuſtious champions, and begin the battaile like hardye conquerors: the battaile is at bande, and the vic|torie approcheth, and if we ſhamefully recule, or cowardly flee, we and all our ſequele be deſtroy|ed, and diſhonored for euer. This is the daye of gayne, and this is the time of loſſe, get this daye victorie, and bee conquerers, and leſe this dayes battayle and bee villaynes, and therefore in the name of God and Saint George, let euery man couragiouſly aduance forth his ſtandeth.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Theſe cheerefull words he ſet forth with ſuch geſture of his body, and ſmiling countenaunce, as though already he hadde vanquiſhed his eni|mies, and gotten the ſpoyle.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 4 He hadde ſcantly finiſhed his ſaying,The battayle betweene [...] Richard, a [...] King Hen|rie the ſen [...]. but the one army eſpyed the other, lord howe haſtely the ſoldiers buckled their healmes, howe quickly the archers bente their bowes and fruſhed their fea|thers, how readily the bilmen ſhoke their billes, and proued their ſlaues, ready to approche and ioyne, when the terrible trumpet ſhoulde ſounde the bloudy blaſt to victorie or death. Betweene both armies, ther was a great marreſſe then (but at this preſent, by reaſon of diches caſt, it is gro|wen to be firme ground) which y^e Earle of Rich|mond left on his right hand, for this intent, that it ſhould be on that ſide a defence for hys parte, and in ſo doing, he hadde the ſunne at his backe, and in the faces of his enimies. When Kyng Richard ſawe the Earles companie was paſſed the marreſſe, he commaunded with all haſt to ſet vppon them: then the trumpettes blewe, and the ſoldiers ſhowed, and the Kings archers coura|giouſly let flie their arrowes, the Earles bownẽ ſtoode not ſtill, but payed them home agayne. The terrible ſhot once paſſed, the armies ioyned, and came to handſtrokes, where neyther ſword EEBO page image 1421 nor bill was ſpared: at whiche encounter, the L. Stanley ioyned with the Earle. The Earle of Oxford in the meane ſeaſon, fearing leaſt whyle his company was fighting, they ſhould be com|paſſed and circumuented with the multitude of the enimies, gaue commaundemente in euerye ranke, that no man ſhould be ſo hardy, as g [...] a|bout tenne foote from the ſtandard, which com|maundemente once knowen, they knitte them|ſelues togither, and ceaſſed a little from figh|ting: the aduerſaries ſuddaynely abuſhed at the matter, and miſtruſting ſome fraude or deceyte, began alſo to pauſe, and lefte ſtriking, and not a|gainſt the willes of many, whiche had leuer haue had the King deſtroyed, than ſaued, and the [...]re they foughte very fayntly, or ſtoode ſtill. The Earle of Oxforde bringing all his band togy|ther on the one parte, ſet on his enimies freſhely againe: the aduerſaries perceyuing that, placed their men ſlender and thinne before, and thycke and broad behinde beginning againe hardely the battayle. While y^e two forwardes thus mortal|ly fought, eache intending to vanquiſh and co [...]| [...]ince the other, King Richard was admoniſhed by his explorators and eſpials, that the Earle of Richmond accompanyed with a ſmall mem|ber of men of armes, was not farre off, and as he approched and marched toward him, he per|fectly knewe his perſonage, by certayne demon|ſtrations and tokens, which hee had learned and knowen of other. And beeing inflamed with [...]re, and ve [...]d with [...] [...]ice he putte hys ſpurres to his Horſe, and too [...] and of the ſyde of the range of his battayle, leauing the au [...]|garde fighting, and like a hungrye Lion, ranne with ſpeare in reſt toward him. The Earle of Richmond perceyued well the King furiouſlye comming towarde him, and bycauſe the whole hope of his wealth and purpoſe was to be deter|mined by battayle, he gladly profered to encoũ|ter with him body to body, and man to man. K. Richard ſet on ſo ſharply at the firſte br [...]uie, that hee ouerthrowe the E [...]iles Standerd, and [...] Sir William Brandon this Standard bea [...] (which was father to Sir Charles Brandon by King Henry the eyghte, created Duke of Suf|folke) and [...]ched haue to hand with [...] Iohn Cheyui [...], a man of greate force and ſtrength [...], which would haue reſiſted him, and y^t ſaid Iohn was by him [...]lly [...]rth own, and to hee making open paſſage by di [...] of ſworde as hee went forward, the Erle of Richmond withſtood his violence, and kept him at the ſwords poynt, without aduantage, longer than his companiõs either thought or iudged which being almoſt [...] deſpaire of victory, were ſud [...]ly recomfor|ted by ſir Williã Stanley, whyche came to his ſuccou [...]s with three thouſand tall men, at which very inſtant, King Richards men wi [...] [...]en backe and [...]de, and he himſelfe manfully figh|ting in the middle of his [...]li [...]s, who [...]e and brog [...] to his [...] as he worthly had de [...]

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Compare 1587 edition: 1 In the meane ſeaſon, the Earle of Oxforde, with the ayde of the Lorde Stanley, [...]e [...] long fight, diſcomfited the forward at King Ri|chard, whereof a get a to [...]er were ſtayne in the chaſe and fight, by y^e greateſt number which compelled by feare of the King and not of theyr meete voluntarie motion came to the field, gaue neuer a ſtroke, & hauing no harme nor damage, ſa [...]ly departed, whiche [...] h [...]her in hope to ſee the king proſpect and pro [...] [...] that hee ſhoulde be ſhamefully con [...]u [...] and brought to [...]yne.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 In this battayle dyed [...] about the num|ber of a thouſande perſons: And of the nob [...] were, ſlayne Iohn Duke of Norfolke, whyche was [...]ed by diuers to refraine ſtou [...] y^e fiel [...] EEBO page image 1422 in ſo muche that the night before he ſhoulde ſette forwarde towarde the King, one wrote on hys gate.

Compare 1587 edition: 1

Iacke of Norffolke be not to bolde

For Dikon thy maſter is boughte and ſolde.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Yet al this notwithſtãding, he regarded more his othe, his honor and promiſe made to Kyng Richard, lyke a Gentleman & as a faithfull ſub|iect to his Prince, abſented not himſelfe from his maiſter, but as he faithfully liued vnder him, ſo he manfully dyed with him, to his greate fame and lande.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 There were ſlayne beſyde hym, Water Lord Ferrers of Chartley, Sir Richarde Rad|cliffe, and Roberte Brakenburie, Lieutenante of the Tower, and not many Gentlemen moe. Sir William Cateſbey, learned in the lawes of the Realme, and one of the chiefe counſaylers to the late King, with diuers other, were two days af|ter beheaded at Leyceſter. Amongſt them that ran away, were Sir Francis Vicount Louell, and Humfrey Stafford, and Thomas Stafford his brother, whiche tooke Sanctuary in Saincte Iohns at Glouceſter. Of captiues and priſoners there was a great number, for after the death of King Richard was knowen and publiſhed, eue|ry man in manner vna [...]ning himſelfe, and ca|ſting away his abilimentes of warre, meekely ſubmitted themſelues to the obeyſance and rule of the Earle of Richmond of the which, y^e more part had gladly ſo done in the beginning, if they mighte haue conueniently eſcaped from Kyng Richards eſpials, which hauing as cleeres eyes as Linx, and open eares as Mydas, [...]aunged and ſearched in euery quarter. Amongſt theſe was Henrye the fourth Earle of Northumberlande, which whether it was by the commaundemente of King Richarde, putting diffidence in him, or he did it for the loue and fauour that he bare vn|to the Earle, ſtoode ſtill with a great company, and intermitted not in the battaile, whyche was incontinently receiued into fauoure, and made of the counſayle. But Thomas Howard Earle of Sufrey which ſubmitted himſelfe there, was not taken to grace, bycauſe his father was chiefe counſayler, and hee greatly familiar with Kyng Richard, but committed to the Tower of Lon|don, where he long remayned in concluſion deliuered, and for his trueth and fidelitie after promoted to high honors, offices and dignities. On the Earle of Richmondes part, were ſlayne ſcarce one hundred perſons, amongſt whom the principal was Sir William Brãdon his ſtan|derd bearer.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 This battaile was foughte at Boſworth in Leyceſterſhire, the two and twentith daye of Auguſt, in the yeare of our redemption .1489. the whole conflicte endured litle aboue two houres.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Richard as the fame went, mighte haue eſcaped and gotten ſafegard by fleeing. For whẽ they which were next about his perſon ſaw and perceyued at the firſte ioyning of the battayle the ſouldiers fayntly and nothing [...] to ſet on their enimies, and not only that, but al|ſo that ſome withdrewe themſelues priuily one of the preaſe and departed, they began to [...]+pect fraude and to ſmell treaſon, and not only ex|horted, but determinately aduiſed him to [...] himſelfe by flight: and when the loſſe of the bat|taile was imminent and apparãt, they brought to him a ſwift and a light horſe, to conuey hym away.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 He whiche was not ignorant of the grudge and ill will that the commõ people bate toward him, caſting away all hope of fortunate ſucceſſe and happie chance to come, aunſwered (as men ſay) that on that day he would make an ende of all battailes, or elſe there finiſhe his life. Suche a great audacitie and ſuch a ſtout ſtomacke [...]g|ned in his body, for ſurely he knew that to be the day in the which it ſhould be decided and deter|mined whither he ſhould peaceably obteyne and enioy his kingdome during his life, or elſe vtter|ly forgoe and be depriued of the ſame, with whi|che to much hardineſſe, he being ouercome, haſti|ly cloſed his helmet, and entred fiercely into the hard battaile, to the intent to obteyne that daye a quiet raigne and regimente, or elſe to finiſhe there his vnquiet life, and vnfortunate [...]er|naunce. And ſo this miſe [...] at y^e ſame very [...]te, hadde like chaunce and fortune, as happeneth to ſuch which in place of right iuſtice and [...]ie, folowing their ſẽſual appetite, loue, & vſe to [...]m|brace miſchiefe, tyrannie, and vnthriftn [...]ſſe. Surely theſe be examples of more [...], tho [...] mãs tong can expreſſe, to feare an [...]ne ſuche euill perſons, as will not lyue one [...]ce [...] from doing and exerciſing [...] [...]ſ|chiefe for outragious liuing.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Earle had thus obteyned [...], and ſlayne his mortall enimie, he [...] downe and rendred to almightie God his harty [...]s, with depute and godly oriſons, be [...] hys [...] to ſende him grace to aduarice and de|fende the Catholike faith, and to mainteyne iu|ſtice and concord amongſt his ſubiects and peo|ple, by God now to his gouernaunce committed and aſſigned.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 Which prayer finished, hee replenished with incomperable gladnesse, ascended vppe to the toppe of a little Mountaine, where hee not onely praysed and lawded his valiane soldiers, but also gaue vnto them his harty thankes, with promise EEBO page image 1423 promise of condigne recompence for their fidelitie and valiante factes, willing and commannding all the hurt and wounded persons, to be cured, and the dead carcases to bee delivered to the sepulture. Then the people reioyced, and clapped theyr hands crying vp to heauen, King Henry King Henry.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When the Lord Stanley sawe the good will and gladnesse of the people, he toke the crown of King Richard whiche was founde amongst the spoyle in the field, and set it on the Earles head, as though he had ben elected king by the voice of the people, in auncient tymes past in dyuers realmes it hath bene accustomed: and this was the firste signe and token of his good lucke and felicitie.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 I must put you heere in remembrance, howe that king Richard putting some diffidence in the Lord Stanley, whiche had with him as an hostage the Lord Strange, his eldest sonne, which lorde Stanley (as ye haue heard before) ioyned not at the fyrst with his sonne in lawes armye, for feare that king Richard wold haue slayn the Lord Straunge his heyre. When king Richard was come to Bosworth, he sente a pursiuant to the lorde Stanley, commaundyng him to aduaunce forward with his companie, and to come to his presence, which thing if he refused to do, he sware by Christes passion, that he woulde stryke off his sonnes head before he dyned. The Lorde Stanley anſwered the purſuant that the king did ſo, he had more ſonnes lyue, and as to come to hym, he was not then ſo determined. When king Richarde hearde this an ſwete, he commaun|ded the lorde Straunge incontinent to be [...]|ded, which was at that very ſame ſeaſon, when both the armies had ſight eche of other. The coũ|ſaylors of king Richard poudering the time and cauſe, knowing alſo the Lorde Straunge to be innocẽt of his fathers offence, perſuading the K. that it was now tyme to fyght, and not [...] for execution, aduiſing him to kepe the lord Strange as a priſoner till the battayle were ended, & then at leyſure his pleaſure myght be accompliſhed. So (as God wold) king Richard brake his holy othe, and the Lorde was deliuered to the kepers of the kinges Tentes, to be kepte as a priſoner: which when the fielde was done, and theyr mai|ſter ſlaine, and proclamation made to knowe where the chyld was, they ſubmitted themſelues as priſoners to the Lorde Strange, and he gent|ly receiued them, and brought them to the newe proclaymed King, where of him and of his fa|ther, hee was receued with great ioy and glad|neſſe.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 After this whole campe remoued wyth bagge and baggage, and the same night in the Euening King Henry with great pompe came to the Towne of Lycester. Where as well for the refreshyng of hys people and souldiours, as for preparing all thyngs necessarie for his iourney towarde London, hee rested and reposed himself twoo dayes. In the meane season, the deade corps of king Rycharde was as shamefully caryed to the Towne of Leycester, as he gorgeously the day before wyth pompe & pryde departed out of the same Towne. For his body was naked and dyspoiled to the skin, and nothing left about him, not so much as a clowte to couer hys priuie members, and was trussed behinde a Pursyuant of armes called Blaunche Senglier, or White Bore, like a Hog or Calfe, the head and armes hanging on the one side of the horse, and the legs on the other side, and all besprinckled with mire & bloude was broughte to the gray Friers Churche within the Towne, & there lay like a miserable spectacle: but surely considering hys mischieuous actes and vngracious dooyngs, men may worthely wonder at suche a caytiue: and in the sayde Churche he was wyth no lesse funerall pompe and solemnitie enterred, than he woulde to be done at the buriyng of his innocent Nephewes, whom he caused cruelly to be murthered, & unnaturally to be quelled.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 When hys deathe was knowne, fewe lamented, and manye reioysed: the proude bragging white Bore (whiche was his badge) was violently rased and plucked downe from euery sight and place where it might be espied, so ill was his life, that men wished the memorie of hym to be buried wyth hys carren corpse. Hee reigned twoo yeares, twoo moneths, and one day.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 As he was ſmall [...] of ſtature, ſo was he of bodie greatly de [...]ed, the one ſhuld [...] higher than the other, his [...] ſmall, but his countenãnce was cruell, and ſuche, that at the firſte aſpect a ma [...] [...] iudge it to ſauour and ſmell of ma|lice, fraude and deceit: when he ſtode muſing, he woulde byte and chawe buſily his nether lippe, as who ſayde, that his fierce nature in his cruell bo|die, alwais chafed, ſtirred, and was euer vnquiet: beſyde that, the dagger whiche he ware, he wold when he ſtudyed, with his hande plucke vp and downe in the ſheath to the mids, neuer drawing it fully out: he was of a ready, pregnant & quicke witte, wyly to fayne, and apt to diſſemble: he had a proude mynde and an arrogant ſtomacke, the whiche accompanied him euen to his death, ra|ther chuſing to ſuffer the ſame by dint of ſword, than being forſaken and left helpleſſe of hys vn|faithfull companyons, to preſerue by cowardly flight, ſuche a frayle and vncertayn lyfe, whiche by malice, ſicknes, or condigne puniſhment was lyke ſhortly to come to confuſion.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 EEBO page image 1424Thus ended this Prince his mortall life, with infarny & diſhonor, whiche neuer preferred fame or honeſtie before ambition, tyrannie and miſ|chiefe. And if hee had continued ſtill Protector, and ſuffered his Nephewes to haue liued and raigned, no doubt but the Realm had proſpered, and he much prayſed and beloued, as he is nowe abhorred, and had in hatted but to God whyche knew his inwarde thoughtes at the houre of hys death, I remitte the puniſhment of his offences committed in his life.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 King Henry the ſeauenth cauſed a Tombe to bee made and ſet vp ouer the place where hee was buried in the Churche of the grey Frier [...] at Leyceſter, with a picture of alablaſter, repreſen|ting his perſon, doing that honor to his enemie, vpon a princely regard and pitifull zeale whyche King Richard (moued of an ypocriticall ſhewe of counterfaite pitie) did to King Henry y^e ſixte, whome he had firſt cruelly murthered, and after in the ſecond yeare of his vſurped raigne, cau|ſed his corpes to bee remoued from Chertſey vnto Windeſore, and there ſolemnely enter|red.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 2 3 And nowe to conclude wyth this c [...]ell Ty|rant king Richarde, wee maye conſider in what ſorte the ambitious deſire to rule and gouerne in the houſe of Yorke, was puniſhed by Goc [...]tu [...] prouidence: for although that the right myghte ſeeme to remayne in the perſon of Richard duke of Yorke, flayne at Wakefielde, yet may there bee a faulte worthyly reputed in hym ſo to ſeeke to preuent the tyme appoynted hym by autho|ritie of Parliamente to attayne to the Crowne, entayled to hym and hys iſſue, in whome alſo, and not onely in hymſelfe that offence (as may bee thoughte) was duely puniſhed: for although his eldeſt fonne Edwarde the fourthe, beeyng a Prince right prouidente and circumſpect for the suretie of hys owne estate and his children, in so muche, that not contented to cut off all his armed and apparant enimyes, he also of a iealous feare, made away his brother the Duke of Clarence, and so thoughte to make it all sure. But Gods vengeaunce myght not bee disappoynted, for as ye haue partely hearde, he didde but further therby the destruction of his issue in takyng awaye hym that onely myghte haue stayed the Turkishe crueltie of his brother of Gloucester, who enraged for desire of the kingdome, berefte his innocent nephues of their lyues and estates. And as it thus well appeared, that the house of Yorke shewed it selfe more bloudye in seeking to obteyne the kyngdom, than that of Lancaster in vsurping it: So it came to passe, that the Lords vengeaunce appeared more heauie towardes the same than towardes the other, not ceassyng to tyll the whole issue male of the sayd Richarde duke of Yorke was extinguished. For suche is Gods Iustice, to leaue no vnrepentant wickednes vnpunished, as especially in thys caytife Richarde the thirde, not deseruing so muche as the name of a man, muche lesse of a kyng, moste manifestly appeared.

Compare 1587 edition: 1 But nowe of learned menne that lyued, and wrote in the dayes of this vsurper and hys nephew king Edward the fyfth, these we fynde recorded by Iohn Bale: firste Iohn Penketh an Augustine Frier of Warington in Lancashire, a right suttle fellow in disputation, folowing the footesteppes of his Maister Iohn Duns, whom he chiefly studied. He wrote diuers treatises, and made that infamous sermon at Poules crosse, in fauour of the Duke of Gloucester then protector, to the disinheriting of Edward the fifth, his laufull king and gouernour: Iohn Kent or Cayley borne in South wales: George Riplay first a Chanon of Bridlington, and after a Carmelite Frier in Boston, a greate Mathematician, Rhetorician and Poet: Iohn Spyne a Carmelite Frier of Bristowe, that proceeded Doctour of diuinitie in Cambridge, and suche lyke.